
ifumjnmir/wo/i/sam, - 



W a &.L0^ K^O [P[E i^ f^ 



THE LIFE 



WILLIAM PENN; 



WITH SELECTIONS 



CORRESPONDENCE AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY 



SAMUEL Msf^JANNEY 



" The humble, meek, merciful, just, pious, and devout soula are everywhere of 
one religion, and when Death has taken oflf the mask, they will know one another, 
though the diverse liveries they wear here make them strangers." — Penn's Maximt. 



FOURTH EDITION, REVISED. 
WITH COMPLETE IMDEX. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

FRIENDS' BOOK ASSOCIATION, 

706 Arch Street. 

1876. 



ri5 2, 

.2. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by 

SAMUEL M. JANNEY, 

tn the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Eastern District 

of Yir 'inig. 



8TERE0TTPED BY U JOHNSON & CO. 
PHILA^.H J>HIA. 



Gift 

Mrs. Ada Spinks 
Aug. 16 1934 



TO 

PHINEAS JANNEY, 

OF ALEXANDRIA, VA. 

THE GUARDIAN OF MY YOUTH: 

AS A 

TRIBUTE OF GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION, 
IS INSCEIBED BY HIS NEPHEW, 

a M. JANNEY. 



PREFACE. 



On offering to the Public another biography of 
William Penn, a few words concerning its design, and 
the facilities enjoyed in its preparation, may not be 
inappropriate. 

Without intending to derogate from the labours of 
others, I may be permitted to say, that through the 
kindness of friends, I have obtained access to original 
materials, which have enabled me to furnish a more 
full and accurate account of the Founder of Penn- 
sylvania than has hitherto been given to the world. 
When this work was commenced, I was not apprized 
that an English author was engaged on the same 
subject, nor did his book appear in this country until 
T had accomplished my task, with the exception of a 
single chapter. 

After perusing W. Hep worth Dixon's " Historical 
Biography" of Penn, recently published, I have come 
to the conclusion that there is yet room for another 
life of the great Philanthropist. It will be perceived 
by the reader, that our plans are essentially different. 
He, with a great mass of materials before him, has 
inserted but four of Penn's letters. These, with short 
passages or single sentences from inedited letters, com- 
prise the whole that he gives us from a voluminous 
and interesting correspondence. 

In the memoirs of illustrious persons, and especially 



6 PREFACE. 



of those who, like Penn, were good writers, I prefer 
their own language to that of their biographers ; and 
have, therefore, introduced full copies, or copious ex- 
tracts, from about one hundred and forty of his letters, 
as well as nearly the whole of his autobiography, 
called " An Apology for Himself." 

In another respect our views are dissimilar. He 
brings prominently forward the political character of 
Penn ; representing him as the disciple of Algernon 
Sidney, kee]3ing in the back-ground his religious ser- 
vices, and not duly appreciating the merits of his 
co-labourers, the primitive Friends. In describing the 
Founder of Pennsylvania, I have endeavoured to give 
due weight to his enlightened policy as a legislator, 
but I trace that policy to his religious principles, and 
attribute far more influence to the ministry of George 
Fox than to the counsels of Algernon Sidney. When 
Penn himself speaks of Fox as " a strong-man, a new 
and heavenly-minded man, a divine and a naturalist, 
«ind all of God Almighty's making," can we hesitate 
to ascribe to that great teacher an important influence 
over the mind of his disciple ? 

So far as relates to Penn's connection with the 
affairs of Pennsylvania, this work will be found more 
comprehensive than any other history of his life. The 
'' Logan Correspondence," from which large selections 
are given, forms, of itself, a history of the colony from 
the date of Penn's last visit to the time of his death. 

To Charles B. Trego, Secretary of the American 
Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and to Doctor 
Isaac Parrish, Sidney Y. Smith, and Horatio Gates 
Jones, Jr., Members of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, I feel bound to offer my acknowledgments 
for their courtesy in giving me free access to the 
original MSS. deposited in the archives of those insti- 



PREFACE. 



tutions. To Alfred Cope of Philadelphia, I owe the 
privilege of examining his MSS. relating to Pennsyl- 
vania, copied from the State Paper Office, London. 

Nor can I forbear to express my obligations to my 
friends, George M. Justice of Philadelphia, and S. S. 
Randall of Albany. To the former, I am indebtea 
for his co-operation in my researches, and for the use 
of the " Penn Papers" in his possession ; to the latter, 
for the first suggestion of this work, and efficient aid 
in its revision. 

While engaged in the preparation of this volume, I 
have derived both instruction and enjoyment, from 
studying the character and writings of Penn ; and 
when, in its progress, I came to the period of his 
death, my mind was overspread with sadness, as 
though I had lost a personal friend : this feeling, 
however, was succeeded by the consoling reflection, 
that he still lives, having " passed from works to 
rewards," and that his memory will long survive in 
the hearts of mankind. 

S. M. JANNEY. 

Loudoun County, Va., llih month 22, 1851. 



PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. 



The first edition of this work having been quickly exhausted, 
and general approbation expressed with its execution ; I have 
revised it with care, and now offer a stereotyped edition, which 
I trust is somewhat improved, though no essential changes have 
been made. 

Some persons, whom I highly respect, feeling a deep interest 
in the character of Penn, have desired me to insert a few pas- 
sages from his doctrinal writings; but, being aware of the 
difficulty that attends a clear understanding of extracts when 
separated from their context, I have been under the necessity 
of declining most of these requests. 

One, however, will be found in Chapter III. page 54 ; and a 
paper called "Gospel Truths," which has been selected on ac- 
count of its brevity and comprehensiveness, has been inserted 
in the Appendix. But those who wish to understand the doc- 
trinal views of Penn should read his own instructive writings. 

I have endeavoured to present his character in that aspect 
which, to me, is most interesting — as a man of deep devotional 
feelings, singleness of purpose, and practical righteousness. 
These qualities I esteem as the better part of religion, and 
those who possess them, whatever may be their creeds, will 
receive from the great Head of the Church the joyful welcome, 
" Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared 
for you from the foundation of the world." 

S. M. Janney. 

Spbingdale, Loudoun Co., Ya. 
4.h m©. 1852. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES 

CONSULTED IN THE COMPOSITION OF THIS WORK. 



1. Penn's MSS. Letters in the archives of the American Philo- 

sophical Society at Philadelphia. 

2. Penn and Logan, MSS. Correspondence, in do. do. 

3. Original MSS. and Letters in the archives of the Historical 

Society of Pennsylvania. 

4. Penn papers in the hands of Geo. M. Justice, Philadelphia. 

5. Pemberton MSS., being letters of Penn to Harrison. 

6 MSS. copies in the hands of Alfred Cope, Philadelphia, from 
twenty documents relating to Pennsylvania, in the State Paper 
Office, London. 

7. Records of Certificates, &c., Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 

1684 to 1758. 

8. Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, in 8 half 

vols. 

9. Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. 

10. Works of William Penn, with his Life prefixed. 

11. Clarkson's Memoir of William Penn, with Forster's vindication 

prefixed. 

12. Life of William Penn, by Enoch Lewis, in Friends' Library. 

13. Life of William Penn, by George E. Ellis, in Sparks's American 

Biography. 

14. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 3 vols. 

15. Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania. 

16. Proud's History of Pennsylvania. 

17. Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. 

18. Ebeling's History of Pennsylvania. 

19. Smith's History of Pennsylvania in Hazard's Register. 

20. Hazard's Register. 

21. Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania. 

22. Watson's Annals of Philadelphia. 

9 



10 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 

23. Pennsylvania Historical Collections, by Sherman Day. 

24. Account of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey, by Gabriel 

Thomas, 1698. 

25. Thomas Story's Journal. 

26. John Richardson's Journal. 

27. Thomas Ellwood's Journal. 

28. George Fox's Journal. 

29. Pepys's Diary. 

80. Burnet's History of his Own Times. 

31. Historical Review, (Franklin.) 

32. Original Settlements on the Delaware, by B. Ferris. 

33. Life of Algernon Sidney. 

34. Friends' Book of Memorials. 

35. Sewell's History of Quakers. 

36. Gough's do. do. 

37. Smith's History of New Jersey. 

38. New Jersey Historical Collections. 

39. Bancroft's History of the United States. 

40. Life of William Kiffin, by Joseph Ivenney. 

41. "The Friend," Philadelphia, 24 vols. 

42. Friends' Weekly Intelligencer. 

43. Dixon's Life of Penn.* 

* Dixon's work was not published until this volume was nearly ready for 
the press. I have therefore introduced in the form of notes all that I deemed 
of importance to be extracted from it 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



His birth and parentage — Education — Expelled from Oxford for non- 
conformity — Sent to France — Returns and enters Lincoln's Inn — 
Goes to Ireland — Assists in quelling a mutiny — Prospect of a cap- 
taincy — Correspondence with his father — Hears Thomas Loe a second 
time — Convinced of Friends' principles — Imprisoned — Released and 
returns to England — His father's displeasure — His expulsion from 
home. (1644-07.) Page 21 

CHAPTER II. 

Penn's connection with the Society of Friends — Rise of the Society — 
Early life of George Fox — His ministry and sufferings — Summary of 
the principles of Friends. (1667.) Page 37 



CHAPTER III. 

Anecdote of his sword — Dress of Friends — He becomes a preacher and 
an author — His tract called " Truth Exalted" — Controversy with Vin- 
cent — Tract called "Sandy Foundation Shaken" — His imprisonment 
in the Tower — Writes "No Cross, no Crown" — Letter to Lord Arling- 
ton — Tract called "Innocency with her Open Face" — His liberation 
from the Tower — A fragment of his autobiography. (1 668-9. )....Pa^e 50 



CHAPTER IV. 

He visits Thomas Loe on his death-bed — Goes to Ireland on his father's 
business — A fragment of his autobiography — Conventicle Act — Suf- 
ferings of Friends — William Penn and William Mead taken at a 
meeting and committed to Newgate — Their trial at the Old Bailey. 
(1669-70.) Page 62 

CHAPTER V. 

Sickness of Admiral Penn — Release of William Penn from prison — 
Interview with his father — Dying expressions of the Admiral — Hia 
death and epitaph — William Penn's controversy with Ives — Letter 



12 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford — Publishes his "Caveat against 
Popery" — Is arrested at meeting — His examination before Sir J. 
Robinson — Imprisonment in Newgate — Description of that prison — 
His tract on "Liberty of Conscience." (1670-1.) Page 83 

CHAPTER VI. 

His marriage — Travels as a minister — Declaration of indulgence issued 
by Charles II. — Eflect of it on dissenters — Controversial tracts — 
Penn's Christian Quaker — Public discussion with Thomas Hicks and 
others — Letter from William Penn to George Fox — Letter of Dr. 
Henry Moore — Controversy with John Perrot — Letter to Friends in 
Maryland. (1672-3.) Page 96 

CHAPTER VII. 

Declaration of Indulgence revoked — Persecution renewed — William 
Penn's Letter to Justices of Middlesex — Extract from his autobiogra- 
phy — His "Treatise on Oaths" — On "England's present Interest" — 
" The Cry of the Oppressed" — Dispute and correspondence with 
Baxter. (1673-5.) Page 107 

CHAPTER VIII. 

William Penn arbitrates between Byllinge and Fenwick — His letter to 
Fenwick — Becomes a trustee for Byllinge in the sale and settlement 
of West New Jersey — Civil and religious liberty established there — 
Land purchased of the Indians — Efforts to prevent the sale of rum 
to the Indians — Speech of an Indian king — Progress of the colony. 
(1675-7.) Page 117 

CHAPTER IX. 

Journey to Holland and' Germany — Visits Rotterdam, Haerlem, Am- 
sterdam — Letter to King of Poland — Visits Princess Elizabeth of the 
Rhine, Crisheim, Frankfort, Duysburgh — Attempts to visit the Count- 
ess of Flachensteyn and Burch — Rudely treated by the Graef — Re- 
turns to Amsterdam — Visits the Somerdykes — Goes to Embden, Her- 
werden, Wesel, Amsterdam, Rotterdam — Passage to England — Letter 
from the Princess Elizabeth. (1677.) Pog^ 125 

CHAPTER X. 

Persecution of Dissenters — William Penn petitions Parliament — His 
speeches before a Committee of the House of Commons — the Popish 
plot — Consternation of the people — Penn's Epistle to Friends — His 
address to Protestants. (1678-9.) Page 13T 



TABLE OF COiN TENTS. 18 



CHAPTER XI. 

William Penn becomes interested in political affairs — Contests between 
Whigs and Tories — He sides with the Whigs — His tract on the elec- 
tion of Parliament — Accompanies Algernon Sidney to the hustings — 
Letters to Sidney — Dissolution of Parliament and new election — 
"One Project for the Good of England" — Motives which influenced 
Penn — His independence and patriotism. (1G79-80.) Page 150 



CHAPTER XII. 

William Penn applies to Charles II. for lands in America — Obtains a 
grant of Pennsylvania — Letter to R. Turner — Terms of the Royal 
Charter — Letter to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania — Sends out Mark- 
ham as deputy — Arrival of INIarkham — Boundaries — Penn issues de- 
scription of the colony and proposals for settlement — Letter to R. 
Turner and others. (1680-1.) Page 163 



CHAPTER XIII. 

William Penn's position and views — Conditions of settlement in his pro- 
vince — Letter to J. Harrison — To R. Turner — From J. Claypole — 
William Penn refuses to sell monopoly of Indian trade — Three com- 
missioners sent to Pennsylvania — Their instructions — Arrival of two 
ships with colonists — William Penn's religious labours — Tract called 
"Examination of Liberty Spiritual" — Letter to Friends of Bristol — 
To R. Vickers— Death of his mother. (1081-2.) Page 173 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Penn's frame of government — Compared with that of Locke — Preface 
to his constitution — Code of laws — Free Society of Traders — Slaves 
for a term of years — Letters to Emperor of Canada and to the Indians 
— Deeds from Duke of York — Letter of William Penn to his wife and 
children — Embarks for America — Letter to S. Crisp. (1682.). ..Payc 184 



CHAPTER XV. 

His arrival at New Castle — Reception and speech — Landing at Chester — 
Goes to Philadelphia — Reception — Changes the names of the streets- 
Lots on the Delaware— Boundaries of the city — Journey to Nev 

York— "Great Treaty" with the Indians. (1082.) Page 204 

B 



14 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Assembly meets at Chester — Constitution and laws passed — William 
Penn goes to Maryland to meet Lord Baltimore — V^isits Friends' 
meetings — Letter to a friend — Letter to one who had censured him — 
Letter to Lord Culpepper — Letter to Lord Hyde — Assembly meets in 
Philadelphia — New charter — William Penn meets Lord Baltimore at 
New Castle — Treaty with Indians for land — Indian walk — Trial for 
coining false money — Trial for witchcraft — Letter to CoL Henry 
Sidney. (1682-3.) Page 220 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Early history of Pennsylvania — Rapid improvement — Character of the 
colonists — Their labours in building and planting — William Penn's 
interest in their progress — Meetings of Friends — Anecdotes of the 
early settlers — Richard Townsend's testimony — William Penn's jour- 
ney to the interior of Pennsylvania — His account of the country and 
the Indians, in a letter to the Free Society of Traders. (1683.)...Pa^e 233 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Lord Baltimore's demand — His aggressive measure — History of the 
controversy with him — Early settlements on the Delaware by the 
Dutch and Swedes — William Penn's letter to Duke of York — Nego- 
tiation with New Jersey — William Penn's letter to Friends in Penn- 
sylvania — Sufferings of Friends in England — Reasons for William 
Penn's return there — Commissions the Provincial Council to act in 
his stead — Commissions judges — Population of Pennsylvania and In- 
dian tribes — Letter from S. Crisp — Letter of William Penn to inha- 
bitants of Pennsylvania — His arrival in England — Letter to J. Harri- 
son — Fragment of his autobiography, (1684.) Page^ 249 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Death of Charles 11. — Letter of William Penn concerning it — Acces- 
sion of James 11. — He openly professes the Roman Catholic Religion 
— Influence of the priests and imprudence of the king — His regard 
for William Penn — The king professes tolerant principles, and pro- 
mises to protect the Church of England — Friends' petition for relief — 
1400 of their members in prison — William Penn uses his influence 
for liberty of conscience — Takes lodgings at Kensington — Letter to 
J. Hjirrison — Monmouth's insurrection quelled — Cruelties of Jef- 
freys- -Executions — Letter of William Penn to J. H. — Protestants 
persecuted in France — William Penn's position and services at court 
— Intercedes for J. Locke — Unpopularity of the king — William Penn 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 15 



shares the odium — Tract called " Fiction Found Out" — Correspond- 
ence with Tillotson — The Boundary qiiestion — Order in Council 
relating to it — AflFairs in Pennsylvania — William Penn's Letters. 
(1G85.) rage 2G3 



CHAPTER XX. 

Tract called ** Persuasive to Moderation" — King pardons all imprisoned 
for religion — Thirteen hundred Friends released — The informers dis- 
couraged — Letters to Harrison — William Penn Travels to Holland 
and Germany — Mission to Prince of Orange — Burnet — Scotch Re- 
fugees — William Penn's aid to them — He appoints five commissioners 
to govern in Pennsylvania — His instructions to them — Gordon's stric- 
tures on these instructions, answered — Doctor Franklin's Historical 
Review — Quitrents considered — William Penn's letter to his commis- 
sioners of government. (1686-7.) Page 279 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Declaration of Indulgence and removal of tests — An unpopular mea- 
sure — William Penn opposed to its being based on the dispensing power 
of the king — Course of the Dissenters — Address of Friends, and Wil- 
liam Penn's speech to the king — His tract called "Good Advice to 
the Church of England" — His letters to J. Harrison — His desire to 
return to Pennsylvania — His religious labours in England — King's 
progress — William Penn's intercourse with the king — Interesting me- 
moirs of C. Lawton, concerning William Penn. (1687.) Page 294 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Vindication of William Penn from the charges of T. B. Macaulay. 
(1687-8.) Page 308 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

William Penn visits Whitehall with G. Latey — Clergy required to read 
the Declaration of Indulgence — Bishops sent to the Tower — Their 
trial and acquittal — William Penn opposed to their commitment, but 
shares the odium of it — Elegant letter of W. Popple, and William 
Penn's answer — Landing of the Prince of Orange — Well received b-^ 
the nation — Irresolution of the king — He is forsaken by his own 
children — Withdraws to France — William and Mary proclaimed — 
Effect of the revolution on William Penn. (1688.) Page 335 



16 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Progress of the colony — Letter of William Penn about the caves of 
Philadelphia — An Indian alarm — C. Pusey and others visit the old 
chief — T. Lloyd wishes to retire from office- -Letter of William Penn 
to him — Appointment of Gov. Blackwell — William Penn examined 
before the king and council — Required to give bail — Letter to Friends 
in Pennsylvania — Letter to Lord Shrewsbury — William Penn is cleared 
— Act of toleration — William Penn determines to return to Pennsyl- 
vania — Gov. Blackwell resigns — T. Lloyd again in office — William 
Penn's letters to council — Directs a public school to be instituted in 
Philadelphia. (1688-9.) Fage 349 



CHAPTER XXV. 

William Penn arrested — His manly and candid defence — Required to 
give bail — Is cleared, and makes preparations to go to Pennsylva- 
nia — Proclamation for his arrest— He is imprisoned — Death of George 
Fox — William Penn accused by Fuller — Another order for his arrest 
— He goes into retirement — Writes an epistle general to Friends — 
Letter to Lord Romney— Letter to T. Lloyd. (1690-1.) Page 359 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Dissensions between the province and territories — Members of coun- 
cil from the latter withdraw — William Penn reluctantly consents 
to their separation — Markham made governor of the territories — 
Letter of William Penn — Religious controversy with George Keith — 
His separation and disownment — He is prosecuted and fined — Goes to 
England and becomes an Episcopal minister — Letter of William Penn 
to R. Turner, about Keith's views — William Penn's government super- 
seded by the appointment of Fletcher — His troubles increased by his 
wife's illness — Letters of William Penn to Friends and to Lord Ro- 
chester. (1692-3.) Page 371 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

'Just measures" relating to Friends' discipline and women's meet- 
ings — " Key" concerning Friends' doctrines — " Essay towards the 
present and future peace of Europe" — "Fruits of Solitude" — The 
preface to it — William Penn cleared by King William — Letter on the 
occasion to T. Lloyd and others — Death of his wife — Her character — 

■ His memorial concerning her — Letter to R. Turner. (1692-3. ).../'a^e 382 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 17 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Col. Fletcher's administration — Requisition for men and money — The 
Assembly assert their privileges, but grant a money bill — The go- 
vernment restored to William Penn — He appoints W. Markham his 
deputy — Death of Thomas Lloyd — His character and services — Mark- 
ham's administration — The Assembly's povpers enlarged — Letter to 
Secretary Blathwayte — To Friends in Pennsylvania — Peace and pros- 
perity of the colony — William Penn writes " Rise and Progress of the 
People called Quakers" — Address to House of Commons — Travels in 
the ministry — Present at a public discussion — Marries his second 
•wife — Death of his oldest son — His memorial. (1693-G.) Page. 390 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

•'Primitive Christianity Revived" — "More Work for George Keith" — 
Interview with Peter, Czar of Muscovy — Letter to the Czar — Lasting 
impression produced on the Czar — "A Caution concerning the Bill 
against Blasphemy" — Letter to his agents in Pennsylvania — Reli- 
gious visit to Ireland — Half-year meeting at Dublin — Great crowds 
attend to hear Penn — Controversy with Plympton — " Gospel Truths" 
— William Penn's horse seized under an Act against Papists — His 
clemency towards the offenders — T. Story's account of William Penn's 
eminent services in the ministry — Interview with a bishop — William 
Penn's return home — Writes "A Defence of Gospel Truths" — T. 
Story embarks for America — His parting interview with William 
Penn — William Penn prepares for a voyage to America — Letter of 
Advice to his children — Farewell sermon — Letters to Friends in Eng- 
land— He embarks. (1696-9.) Page 405 

CHAPTER XXX. 

William Penn lands at Chester — Sad accident to a young man — Wil- 
liam Penn's charity — He lands at Philadelphia — Yellow fever in that 
city — Letter of J. Logan to William Penn, Jr. — Notice of J. Logan — 
Col. Quarry and David Lloyd — Residence in Philadelphia — His em- 
ployments — Meeting of assembly — Speech to the council — A new 
charter desired — Laws proposed concerning marriages of negroes, 
and selling rum to Indians — Col. Quarry's charges against D. Lloyd 
— D. Lloyd excluded from council — His enmity to William Penn — Old 
charter given up — Speech on the occasion. (1699-1700.) Page 417 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Pennsbury Manor and Mansion — Furniture — William Penn's mode of 

travelling — Horses, carriages, barge — Anecdote of Rebecca Wood — 

Fairs and Indian canticoes — Letter of J. Norris — Anecdote of H. 

Penn — Letters of William Penn and his wife— Note of D. Logans 

B* 2 



18 TABLE OF CONTEJS^TS. 



Letters of J. Logan — T. Story — William Penn visits a Yearly Meeting 
in Md. — Visits Indians at Conestoga — Rural occupations — Slaves 
formerly owned by him — Extracts from his letters — Rise of the Tes- 
timony of Friends against slavery — William Penn's elForts to improve 
their condition — Minute of Philadelphia monthly meeting — William 
Penn liberates his slaves. (1700-1.) Page 427 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Assembly meets at New Castle — Speech of William Penn — Dissensions 
between province and territories — Grant of £2000 by assembly — 
Laws passed — Riot in East Jersey, and letter of Penn — Treaties with 
Indians — Depredations of pirates — Precautions of the government — 
Assembly meets at Philadelphia — Requisitions of the king for money 
to build a fort — Perplexity of the assembly — They decline to comply 
— Design of British government to annex the proprietary govern- 
ments to the crown — Penn determines to return to England — His 
reluctance to go — Letter to J. Logan — Meeting of the Indians at 
Pennsbury — Assembly meets — Governor's speech — Assembly's an- 
swer — Indians eome to take leave of Penn — His speech to them — 
New constitution — Last meeting of Penn in Philadelphia — City 
charter granted — Appoints A. Hamilton deputy-governor — Petition 
of J. Norris and D. Lloyd — Penn's reply — Letter of instructions to 
James Logan. (1700-L) Page 439 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Logan correspond enoe — Penn's arrival in England — His solicitude 
alx)«t his son William — Death of the king — Accession of Queen Anne 
— Address of Friends — Letters to Logan — Pecuniary difficulties — Col. 
Quarry in England — Church party in Pennsylvania — Their disafFec- 
tion to the proprietary — Gov. Hamilton's attempt to raise a militia — 
Letters of Penn. (1701-2.) Page 454 

CHAPTER XXXIY. 

tenn takes lodgings at Kensington — Writes " More Fruits of Solitude" 
— Letter to Logan — George Fox's lot — Servants from R. Janney — 
Governor Hamilton's administration — His death — Kindness of Penn 
to his family — Colonel Quarry's machinations — Difficulty about oaths 
— Lord Cornbury and the church party — Letters of Logan and 
Penn. (1702-3.) Page 462 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

William Penn, Jr., arrives in Pennsylvania — Visited by the Indians — 
Penn's letter to Logan — Col. Quarry — Oaths and affirmations — Lo 
gan's letter to Penn — S. Bonas imprisoned — Governor Evans's mea- 
sures — ^William Pean^ Jr.*s, affray with the watch — Renounces Qua- 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. ]9 



kerism — Returns to England — Evans disputes with assembly — D. 
Lloyd's artifices — Pretended remonstrance of assembly — Letters of 
Penn and Logan. (1703-4.) Page 4''C 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

W. Aubi'ey, son-in-law of William Penn — William Penn, Jr. ofi'ers for 
Parliament — Letters of William Penn to J. Logan — To Friends in 
England — To R. Mompesson — Letter of Logan concerning charter 
of government — Note of D. Logan — William Penn's answer to D. 
Lloyd's allegations about charter, &c. — Meeting of assembly — Go- 
vernor Evans's speech — Assembly's answer — They claim the quit- 
rents for support of government — Governor Evans complains of W. 
Biles — Assembly dismissed — Poverty of the colony at this time — 
Losses by privateers — AVilliam Penn to J. Logan about the "Wool 
Act" in England — Logan to Penn — Improving prospects of the colony 
— William Penn to J. L. about surrender — Boundary line and cost of 
colony — J. L. to W. P. — Harmony in the government — W. P. to J. L. 
about selling the government — Answer of J. L. (1705-6.) Page 489 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Misconduct of Gov. Evans — False alarm caused by him — Letter to Lo- 
gan — Governor Evans loses public confidence — Conduct of Friends 
during the false alarm — The governor calls the assembly — Proposes 
military defences — Their answer — The governor levies a «%x called 
•'Powder ]\Ioney" — Richard Hill and others pass his ft t at New 
Castle — The governor foiled in his exactions — Reaction in the public 
mind — D. Lloyd again speaker of the assembly — Altercation between 
the assembly and governor about judiciary bill — Assembly impeach 
Logan — Characters of Logan and Lloyd — Charges against Logan, 
and his answer — Assembly's remonstrance to William Penn, about 
Evans and Logan — William Penn censures Evans — Determines to 
remove him — Letter to Logan, announcing the appointment of an- 
other deputy-governor. (1700-7.) Page 502 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

Penn's pecuniary embarrassments — Treachery of his steward — The 
Fords claim Pennsylvania — Letters of Penn and Logan about Ford's 
accounts — Suit in Chancery — Penn's friends ofPer a composition of 
the claim — Difficulty interposed by D. Lloyd's accusation — I. Norris's 
certificate about the spurious remonstrance of 1704 — Letter of Penn 
— Letter of I. Norris about Penn's arrest and imprisonment for 
debt — Ford's claim settled — Penn released from the Fleet prison. 
(1706-8.) Page 513 



20 TABLE OF CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

Letter of William Penn recommending Governor Gookin — Rumour 
about a silver-mine — Address of asseuibly to Governor Gookin — 
His answer — Logan censured by assembly— r-He demands a trial, 
which they evade — Requisition of the queen for men and money — 
Assembly's answer — Another remonstrance against Logan — He pre- 
fers charges against D. Lloyd — The assembly pass an order to im- 
prison Logan — The governor protects him — He embarks for England 
— Logan's acquittal in England — An entirely new assembly elected 
— Harmony restored — J. Norris's letters — William Penn's expostula- 
tory letter to people of Pennsylvania — The assembly grant £2000 
for the queen's use — Act to prevent the importation of negroes — An- 
nulled by the crown. (1709-12.) Page 524 



CHAPTER XL. 

Penn travels as a minister — His health declines — Composes a preface 
to J. Bank's journal — Contracts for the sale of his government — 
His letter to the council — Letter to Logan — Severe illness — Last let- 
ter to Logan — Second attack of his disease — Letters from Hannah 
Penn — William Penn's intellect impaired by disease — His health gra- 
dually declines — Hannah Penn's management of colonial affairs — 
Her correspondence with- Logan — Death of William Penn — Address 
and present of the Indians t» Hannah Penn — William Penn's will — 
Death of William Penn, Jr., of Hannah Penn, of James Logan. 
(1709-18.) Page 535 



CHAPTER XLI. 

The holy experiment — Its objects and results — State of society in 
Pennsylvania during the life of the founder Page 550 



CHAPTER XLII. 
Personal appearance and character Page 564 

APPENDIX. 

List of Parssengers who embarked on board the ship "Welcome," in 
the year 1G82 Page 573 

Gospel Truths Page 575 



LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER I. 

His birth and parentage — Education — Expelled from Oxford for non- 
conformity — Sent to France — Returns and enters Lincoln's Inn — Goes 
to Ireland — Assists in quelling a mutiny — Prospect of a captaincy — 
Correspondence with his father — Hears Thomas Loe a second time — ■ 
Convinced of Friends' principles — Imprisoned — Released and returns 
to England — His father's displeasure — His expulsion from home. 

1644-67. 

It is the purpose of this work to narrate the life and deli- 
neate the character of William Penn ; a man alike distinguished 
for his moral qualities and mental endowments ; his sufferings 
and his success ; his labours as an author, a gospel minister, 
and a Christian legislator ; who, having wisely improved the 
talents intrusted to him, has left his impress upon the world, 
and bequeathed to posterity an example that will not soon be 
forgotten. 

His father is known in history as Yice-Admiral Sir William 
Penn, a distinguished commander in the British Navy during 
the wars of the Commonwealth and in the reign of Charles II., 
who conferred on him the honour of knighthood, as a reward 
for his services,* 

Sir William Penn married early in life Margaret, the daugli 
ter of John Jasper, of Rotterdam, by whom he left two sons — 

* Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penu. ii. 233. 

21 



22 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



che younger of whom survived him only three years — and one 
daughter.* 

William, the elder son, who is the subject of this work, was 
born in the parish called St. Catherine's, near the Tower of 
London, on the 14th day of October, (then the 8th month,) 
A. D. 1644.t 

Admiral Penn being possessed of an ample estate, and de- 
sirous that his son William should become distinguished in the 
world, determined to give him a liberal education. At an 
early age he was sent to a free grammar-school at Chigwell, in 
Essex, which was near Wanstead, one of the country-seats of 
his father. Here he gave evidence of promising talents, and 
received some of those serious impressions by means of which 
his youth was preserved in purity, and pious desires were 
awakened in his mind. It was here, while in his eleventh year, 
that he experienced the enlightening influence of divine grace ; 
and the good seed being sown in the soil of a sincere and 
willing heart, was not lost, but in after years produced a rich 
harvest of spiritual enjoyment and usefulness. It is related by 
one of his biographers,! that being alone in his chamber, " he 
was suddenly surprised with an inward comfort, and, as he 
thought, an external glory in the room, which gave rise to reli- 
gious emotions, during which he had the strongest convictions 
of the being of a God, and that the soul of man was capable 
of enjoying communion with him." He believed also '' that the 
seal of Divinity had been put upon him at this moment, or that 
he had been awakened or called to a holy life." When we 
consider how great is the influence exerted by powerful emo- 
tions, and how much our impressions, even of external objects, 
are modified by the state of the mind, it is not surprising that 
a youth of his age, while under strong religious convictions, 

* Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. 

f Penn's Life, prefixed to his Select Works. In Penn's time the rear be- 
gan with the 25^A of March, which, among the Friends, was then called the 
first month, April the second month, and so on. October, as its name im- 
plies, was then the 8th month. In this work the old style is retained. 

X Clarkson's Life of Penn. 



EDUCATION — HEARS THOMAS LOE. 23 



should suppose he beheld an external glory shining around 
him; for the ligltt that shone in his own spiritual nature was 
"above the brightness of the sun." 

In the year 1656, Admiral Penn removed with his family to 
Ireland, where he possessed valuable estates ;* and "VYilliam, 
being then about twelve years of age, diligently pursued his 
studies at home, under the direction of a private tutor. At the 
a^e of fifteen he went to Oxford, and was entered as a student 
at Christ Church College. Here he advanced rapidly in learn- 
ing, and cultivated the acquaintance of those students who 
were most distinguished for talents and virtue, while at intervals 
he engaged in manly sports and athletic exercises, in which he 
took great delight. f Among his comrades at this time was 
John Locke, afterward distinguished for his Essay on the 
Human Understanding. 

While Penn was at Oxford, the Duke of Gloucester, brother 
of Charles II., died of the small-pox. He was much beloved 
by the king, and was a favourite with the nation on account 
of his amiable character. 

Many poetic effusions were written by the students in com- 
memoration of this mournful event, and among the rest, Wil- 
liam Penn produced an elegy written in Latin verse, which 
affords evidence of his genius and acquirements. J 

About this time, he attended a meeting of the religious 
Society of Friends, who were then, in derision, called Quakers. 
Thomas Loe, who had formerly belonged to the University of 
Oxford, preached on this occasion, and his discourse made a 
deep impression on the mind of Penn, who began to perceive 
that the simplicity and purity of the Christian religion were 
lost sight of by most of its professors, while their attention was 
occupied by a round of lifeless ceremonies. His early religious 
impressions were revived, and earnest desires were experienced 
for a "closer walk with God." 

While in this frame of mind, he found that some of his 
fellow-students were, like himself, dissatisfied with the esta 

* Memorials of Sir Wiliiam Penn. f Clarkson's Life of Penn. X Ibitl. 



24 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



blished form of worship. They concluded to withdraw from 
it, and they held among themselves meetings for Divine wor- 
ship, in which they were engaged in preaching and prayer. 
This conduct gave offence to the heads of the college, who 
fined them for non-conformity; but Penn and his associates, 
l,elieving themselves bound by a sense of duty to continue 
their meetings and to absent themselves from the established 
church, were finally expelled from the college.* 

After his return home, his exemplary conduct and serious 
deportment evinced the change that had been wrought in his 
feelings. He withdrew from the society of the gay and frivo- 
lous, and sought the company of the pious and sedate. 

His father saw with grief this change in his manners, and 
began to fear that all the prospects of worldly honour he had 
cherished for him would be blasted. Being himself a man of 
the world, he could not enter into the feelings of his son, nor 
appreciate that noble devotion of soul which enabled him to 
contemn the perishing things of time, and to fix his affections 
upon those heavenly treasures — those pure principles of right- 
eousness — which are the gift of God and will endure for ever. 
Having tried persuasion and threats without turning him from 
his purpose, the Admiral at length resorted to blows ; and these 
being alike ineffectual, he gave way to a transport of rage, and 
drove him from his house. f 

In this trying situation William evinced that patience and 
fortitude which distinguished him through life. His father soon 
began to relent ; for although hasty in his temper, he was natu- 
rally a man of kind feelings, and his wife, who was an excel- 
lent woman, interceded for her son, and obtained his forgiveness 
and recall. 

His father now adopted another expedient to dissipate this 

* See Gough's History of Quakers, ii. 213. The account given by Clark- 
son, that William Penn and Robert Spencer " tore the surplices over the 
heads" of the students, must be founded in mistake ; for it appears from a 
letter of Penn, written in 1683 to Spencer, then Earl of Sunderland, that 
they first became acquainted in France, about 1663. 

+ Gough ii. 214. Select Works of Penn ; Proud's History of Pennsylvania. 



HE IS SENT TO FRANCE. 25 



Berious turn of mind -svlilch he so much deprecated. He sent 
him to France in company with some persons of rank, Avho 
■were about to make the tour of Europe. He resided first in 
Paris, and then went to Saumur, where he remained some 
months in the years 1662-63, in order to enjoy the conversa- 
tion and instruction of the learned Moses Amyrault, who was 
a Protestant minister of the Calvinistic persuasion, professor 
of divinity in Saumur, and at this time in the highest estimation 
of any divine in France.* While residing here he read the 
works of the early Christian Avriters, paid some attention to 
other theological studies, and applied himself to the acquisition 
of the French language, in which he became a proficient. On 
leaving Saumur, he directed his course toward Italy; but on 
reaching Turin he received a letter from his father recalling 
him home, in order to take charge of his affairs during the 
Admiral's absence at sea. 

William Penn, while in France, from whence he returned 
in the year 1664, is said to have acquired that polish of man- 
ners for which the French have long been distinguished. He 
is described by Pepys as "a most modish person, grown quite 
a fine gentleman;" and it may reasonably be inferred that he 
had also worn ofi", by association with the gay world, a portion 
of that serious demeanour which had so much displeased his 
father, for we find that he was received with great satisfaction. 
An incident occurred during his residence at Paris, which gives 
an interesting view of his character at this period. 

He was waylaid in the street, at night, by a person armed 
with a sword, who attacked him for an alleged affront. Penn, 
who was armed, as was then the custom, defended himself 
with skill, and disarmed his antagonist; but when he had him 
completely at his mercy, he showed his magnanimity by allow- 
ing him to depart without injury. In one of his works, written 
after he became a Friend,! he alludes to this incident to show 
"what envy, quarrels, and mischief have happened among private 
persons upon their conceit that they have not been respected 



* Clarkson. f No Cross qo Crown. 

r 



26 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



according to their degree of quality among men, with hat, knee, 
or title. Suppose he had killed me, (for he made several passes 
at me,) or that I, in mj defence, had killed him, I ask any man 
of understanding or conscience, if the whole round of cere- 
mony were worth the life of a man, considering the dignity of 
his nature and the importance of his life with respect to God 
his Creator, himself, and the benefit of civil society?" 

Soon after his return from France, he became, at his father's 
suggestion, a student at Lincoln's Inn, in order to acquire a 
knowledge of the laws of England. 

In the spring of 1665, the British fleet put to sea under the 
command of the Duke of York, assisted by the nautical skill 
of Sir William Penn, who occupied the next post under him. 
The younger Penn, then about twenty-one years of age, accom- 
panied his father for a few days, and was sent to the king with 
despatches, as appears by the following letters: 

"From Harwich, 23d April, 1665. 
* Honoured Father : — 

" We could not arrive here sooner than this day, about twelve of the 
clock, by reason of the continued cross winds, and, as I thought, foul 
weather. I pray God, after all the foul weather and dangers you are 
exposed to, and shall be, that you come home as secure. And I bless 
God, my heart does not in any way fail, but firmly believe that if God 
has called you out to battle, he will cover your head in that smoky day. 
And, as I never knew what a father was till I had wisdom enough to 
prize him, so I can safely say, that now, of all times, your concerns are 
most dear to me. It's hard, mean time, to lose both a father and a 
friend, &c. 

u ^y p „ 

"Navy Office, 6th May, 1665. 

" At my arrival at Harwich, (which was about one of the clock on the 
Sabbath day, and where I stayed till three,) I took post for London, and 
was at London the next morning by almost daylight. I hasted to White- 
hall, wher^, not finding the king up, I presented myself to my Lord of 
Arlington and Colonel Ashburnham. 

*' At his majesty's knocking, he was informed there was an express 
from the Duke ; at which, earnestly skipping out of his bed, he came only 
in his gown and slippers; who, when he saw me, said, * Oh ! is't you ? 
how is Sir William?' 



RELIGIOUS EXERCISE. 27 



'* lie asked how you did at three several times. He was glad to hear 
/our message about Ka. [?] After interrogating me above half an hour, 
he bid me go about your business and mine too. As to the Duchess, lie 
was pleased to ask several questions, and so dismissed me. 

"I delivered all the letters given me. My mother was to see my Lady 
Lawson, and she was here. 

"I pray God be with you, and be your armour in the day of contro- 
versy ! May that power be your salvation, for his name's sake. And so 
will he wish and pray, that is with all true veneration, honoured father, 
"Your obedient son and servant, 

"WILLIAM PENN."* 

After this short trial of naval life, he returned again to his 
legal studies, until the ravages of the plague in London induced 
him to quit the city, and probably revived the religious im- 
pressions of his early years. 

His mind now underwent a great conflict of religious exercise. 
The seeds of piety sown in his heart during youth, although 
at times repressed by the influence of the gay world around 
him, continued to gro"*r in secret, being nourished by the dews . 
of heaven, — the holy influences of Divine grace, — by which 
he was drawn into silent meditation, and inward prayer. His 
natural disposition being lively and social, his accomplishments 
such as to render his society attractive, and his father's influ- 
ence being exerted to the utmost to lead him in the path of 
worldly glory, where all his prospects were bright and dazzling ; 
we may readily conceive he was exposed to temptations unusu- 
ally great, and that the ordeal through which he was passing, 
must have been severe in the extreme. Early in the spring of 
1666, his father, perceiving that he was growing more serious 
in his deportment, concluded to send him to Ireland, where the 
Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, presided over a court 
of great gayety and splendour. 

Being furnished with a letter from the Admiral to Sir Geo. 
Lane, the Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant, he was received 
with the utmost kindness at the vice-regal court, where the 
Duke of Ormond's regard for his father procured him many 

* Mem. Sir William Tenn. ii. 318. 



28 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



distinguished acquaintances, to whom he highly recommended 
himself bj his own personal qualities.* 

During his residence there a mutiny took place among the 
soldiers in the garrison of Carrickfergus, and being a young 
man of high spirit, and acquainted with the use of arms, he 
joined the forces under the Lord of Arran, (second son of the 
Duke of Ormond,) and evinced so much energy and valour in 
quelling the mutiny, that the Duke wished to make him cap- 
tain of the foot-company attached to his father's government 
of the fort of Kinsale. 

His cousin, Captain (afterward Sir) Richard Booth, who 
commanded the frigate Dartmouth on the Irish coast, thus 
wrote to Sir William Penn, under date the 19th of July, 1666 : 

"Right Honourable: — 

" Since my last from Holyhead I have been to Carrickfergus, where 
the soldiers mutinied, and was there commanded by his grace to remain 
till the castle was reduced, which was done by the Lord of Arran, and 
four companies of the R regiment; an account whereof I presume your 
honour has long since had from my cousin William, who was pleased to 
accompany his lordship in that action, to his no small reputation." 

The following letter from William to his father, wi'itten the 
same month, gives some further particulars of this transaction, 
and shows his willingness to accept the military distinction that 
the Duke wished to confer upon him: 

"Honourable Sir: — 

"When I was at Carrickfergus with my Lord Arran, Sir George Lane, 
in my Lord Dunagle's house, called me aside and told me the character 
my Lord Arran had pleased to give his father, obliged him to write you 
a letter on my behalf, which was to surrender your government and fort. 
My Lord Lieutenant himself, before a very great company, was pleased 
to call me to him, and asked whether you had not done it, and why? I 
answered thut you had once intended it, and that his lordship had pro- 
mised to favour his request. To assure you of my lord's design, I saw the 
letter under his own hand, but am to seek whether Sir George Lane sent 
\i T no, which I am to ask of yourself; my Lord Lieutenant telling me 

* Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 572, 



PROPOSED FOR A CAPTAINCY. 29 



sometimes he wondered you never answered his letter. I excused it by 
the remoteness of your present residence from London. If there be any 
under-dealing, 'tis the secretary's fault, not my lord's. 

" However, sir, I humbly conceive it may be necessary you take notice 
of my lord's kindness in a letter by the very first, since he has asked 
whether you had writ me any thing in reference to it. 

"I beseech your answer to this, as also, if you please, an acknowledg- 
ment to my Lord Lieutenant and Lord Arran's great and daily kindness, 
I wish, sir, you may have respite from your troubles, and some refresh- 
ments from your continual toils, (we supposing the fleet to be near out.) 
I am, sir, your most obedient son, W. PENN. 

"Dublin, 4th July, 1666." 



THE DUKE OF ORMOND TO SIR WILLIAM PENN. 

" Sir: — Remembering that formerly you made a motion for the giving 
up your company of foot here to your son, and observing his forwardness 
on the occasion of his repressing the late mutiny among the soldiers in 
this garrison, I have thought fit to let you know that I am willing to 
place the command of that company in him, and desire you to send a 
resignation to that purpose, and so I remain your afiectionate servant, 

"ORMOND. 

*♦ Carrickfergus, 29th May, 1666." 



THE ADMIRAL S ANSWER TO HIS SON. 

"July 17th, 1666. 

Son William:— 

"I have received two or three letters from you since I wrote any to 
"^ n. Besides my former advice I can say nothing but advise to sobriety 
u- 1 all those things that will speak you a Christian and a gentleman, 
which prudence may make to have the best consistency. As to the 
tender made by his grace the Lord Lieutenant concerning the fort at 
Kinsale, I wish your youthful desires mayn't outrun your discretion. 
His grace may, for a time, dispense with my absence — yours he will not, 
for so he told me. God bless, direct, and protect you.* 

" Your very afi'ectionate father, W. PENN." 

From this correspondence it is evident that William had 
suffered the gay circle by which he was surrounded, so far to 
obliterate his former serious impressions, that he began to fix 

* Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. 
C* 



♦0 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



his affections upon worldly glorj, and was even desirous of 
obtaining the distinction of a military post, with the flattering 
title of Captain Penn. But happily for himself and for the 
world, the Admiral's pertinacious adherence to the captaincy 
frustrated the ambitious aspirations of his son, who was des- 
tined, by Divine Providence, to a far nobler post, and a wider 
field of service. 

About this time was painted the only portrait of William 
Penn ever taken from life. A copy of this portrait was pre- 
sented by Granville Penn, of Stoke Pogis, to the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania, and from it was taken the engraving 
which accompanies this work. It will be observed that he is 
dressed in the military costume usually appropriated to the high- 
born cavalier, which was well adapted to express the rank he 
held in society, as well as the hopes he then cherished of martial 
distinction. The features are rather full and beautifully moulded, 
the countenance combines energy and sweetness happily blend 
ed, and we read in that calm and earnest expression the index 
of a mind formed for high designs and noble achievements. 

Sir William Penn, being occupied with his naval command, 
intrusted to his son the management of his estates in Ireland, 
which lay in the county of Cork. This business he conducted 
with such ability as to give entire satisfaction, and the Admi- 
ral hoped that his son, being now far removed from his English 
acquaintances, and fully occupied with business, would soon 
forget the serious impressions which stood so much in the way 
of his worldly advancement. 

But here Divine Providence again interposed to call him to 
that sphere of life in which he was destined to accomplish so 
great a work. 

Being at Cork on business, he heard that Thomas Loe, the 
instrument of his religious impressions at Oxford, was to attend 
a meeting of the Friends in that city. His affection for this 
eminent minister would not allow him to leave the city without 
seeing him ; he therefore attended the meeting. 

After an interval of silence, Thomas Loe arose and com- 
menced his discourse with these words, "There is a faith 



EARLY RELIGIOUS IMPRESSIONS. 



which overcomes the world, and there is a faith which is 
overcome by the world." On this theme he enlarged in so 
remarkable and impressive a manner, that every word went 
home to the feelings of AVilliam, whose inward conflicts were, 
doubtless, depicted by the speaker, and attributed to their true 
cause, the opposition of his natural inclinations and desires to 
the secret touches of Divine grace and love, by which he had 
been called to renounce the glory of the world, and to devote 
himself to a higher and holier life. 

The result was, that his feelings were deeply moved, his 
convictions of religious duty were revived, and he became a 
constant attendant at the meetings of Friends. 

Many years afterward, when relating an interview he had 
with some pious persons, he alluded t@ his religious exercises 
in early life, saying,* "I let them know how and when the 
Lord first appeared unto me, which was about the twelfth year 
of my age, anno 1656 ; and how, at times, betwixt that and 
the fifteenth, the Lord visited me, and the divine impressions 
he gave me of himself ; of my persecution at Oxford, and how 
the Lord sustained me in the midst of that hellish darkness and 
debauchery ; of my being banished the college ; the bitter usage 
I underwent when I retm^ned to my father, whipping, beating, 
and turning out of doors in 1662. Of the Lord's dealings with 
me in France, and in the time of the great plague in London ; 
in fine, the deep sense he gave me of the vanity of this world, 
of the irreligiousness of the religious of it ; then, of my mournful 
and bitter cries to him that he would show me his own way of 
life and salvation, and my resolution to follow him, whatever 
reproaches or sufierings should attend me, and that with great 
reverence and brokenness of spirit. How, after all this, the 
glory of the world overtook me, and I was even ready to give 
up myself unto it, seeing as yet no such thing as the primitive 
spirit and church on the earth ; and being ready to faint con- 
cerning my hope of the restitution of all things.*' " It was at 
this time that the Lord visited me with a certain sound and 

* See his Journey into Holland and Germany. 



32 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



testimony of his Eternal Word, through one of those the worhi 
calls Quakers, namely, Thomas Loe. I related to them the 
bitter mockings and scornings that fell upon me, the displea- ure 
of my parents, the invectiveness and cruelty of the priests, the 
strangeness of all my companions; what a sign and wonder 
they made of me, but, above all, that great cross of resisting 
and watching against mine own inward vain affections and 
thoughts." 

William Penn, being now drawn into close fellowship with 
the Friends, was soon made to experience some of the perse- 
cutions then so liberally inflicted upon that unoffending people. 

Being at a meeting in Cork in the autumn of 1667, he was, 
with others, apprehended and carried before the Mayor, who, 
observing his dress to be different from that of the Friends, 
offered to set him at liberty, on his giving bond for his good 
behaviour ; which refusing, he was, with eighteen others, com- 
mitted to prison.* While in prison he wrote the following 
letter : — 

" To THE Earl of Orrery, Lord President of Munster. 

*' The occasion may seem as strange as my cause is just, but your lord- 
ship will no less express your charity in the one than your justice in the 
other. 

" Religion, which is at once my crime and mine innocence, makes me 
a prisoner to a mayor's malice, but mine own free-man ; for being in 
the assembly of the people called Quakers, there came several constables, 
backed with soldiers, rudely and arbitrarily requiring every man's ap- 
pearance before the mayor, and amongst others violently haled me with 
them: upon my coming before him, he charged me for being present at 
a tumultuous and riotous assembly; and unless I would give bond for 
my good behaviour, who challenge the world to accuse me justly with the 
contrary, he would commit me. I asked for his authority; for I humbly 
conceive, without an act of Parliament, or an act of State, it might be 
justly termed too much officiousness : his answer was, ' a procLamation 
in the year 1660, and new instructions to revive that dead and antiquated 
■jrder.' I leave your lordship to judge if that proclamation relates to 
fhis concernment, that only was designed to suppress * Fifth-monarchy' 
killing spirits, and since the King's Lord Lieutenant and yourself being 

* Penn's Life, prefixed to his Select Works. 



APPEAL TO THE EARL OF ORREPtY. 38 



fully persuaded the intention of those called Quakers by their meetings, 
was really the service of God, have therefore manifested a repeal by a 
long continuance of freedom, I hope your lordship will not now begin an 
unusual severity, by indulging so much malice in one, whose actions 
savour ill with his nearest neighbours, but that there may be a speedy 
releasement to all for attending their honest callings; with the enjoy- 
ment of their families, and not to be longer separated from both. 

"And though to dissent from a national system imposed by authority 
renders men heretics ; yet I dare believe your lordship is better read in 
reason and theology, than to subscribe a maxin? so vulgar and untrue; 
for imagining most visible constitutions of religious government suited 
to the nature and genius of a civil empire, it cannot be esteemed heresy, 
but to scare a multitude from such inquiries as may create divisions, 
fatal to a civil policy, and therefore, at worst, deserves only the name of 
Disturbers. 

"But I presume, my Lord, the acquaintance you have had with other 
countries must needs have furnished you with this infallible observation: 
that diversities of faith and worship contribute not to the disturbance of 
any place, where moral uniformity is barely requisite to preserve the 
peace. It is not long since you were a good solicitor for the liberty I 
now crave, and concluded no way so effectual to improve or advantage 
this country, as to dispense with freedom in things relating to conscience; 
and I suppose were it riotous or tumultuary, as by some vainly imagined, 
your lordship's inclination, as well as duty, would entertain a very re- 
mote opinion. My humble supplication, therefore, to you is, that so 
malicious and injurious a practice to innocent Englishmen may not 
receive any countenance or encouragement from your lordship, for as it 
is contrary to the practice elsewhere, and a bad argument to invite 
English hither, so, with submission, will it not resemble that clemency 
and English spirit that hath hitherto made you honourable. 

" If in this case I may have used too great liberty, it is my subject, 
nor shall I doubt your pardon, since, by your authority, I expect a 
favour, which never will be used unworthy an honest man, and 

"Your Lordship's faithful, &c., 

"W. P." 

In this letter may be seen the germ of a noble principle, 
more fully developed in his subsequent works; it was his first 
essay in behalf of universal toleration, — the beginning of that 
long series of efforts, which, after more than twenty years of 
arduous conflict, were crowned with success. 

His request, so far as related to himself, was granted by the 



34 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



Earl, who gave an order for his immediate release.* This 
imprisonment, so far from cooling his zeal, only tended to 
bring him into closer union with the Friends, whose principles 
became more and more dear to him, so that he became willing 
to bear the reproach and contumely which in that age were 
everywhere cast upon them, as upon the primitive Christians, 
by a misjudging world. 

The report that he had become a "Quaker" was soon con- 
veyed to his father, * who was induced to recall him, an order 
which he promptly obeyed by returning home. 

At first the Admiral perceived nothing peculiar in his dress 
or manners, but his seriousness and religious deportment con- 
tinuing to increase, and especially the usual ceremony of taking 
off the hat being omitted, his father became uneasy and re- 
quired an explanation. The scene which ensued was deeply 
painful to both parties, for the son avowed his religious princi- 
ples, and respectfully declined to renounce them, as he con- 
ceived that his duty to God was paramount to all other obliga- 
tions ; but he evinced his desire of manifesting his obedience to 
his father, and his affection for him, in every thing that did not 
conflict with his convictions of religious duty. The Admiral, 
on the other hand, having set his heart on advancing his son to 
a high station of wealth and honour, could not endure to see 
him forego the dazzling prize that appeared to be within his 
reach ; and to unite himself to the despised Quakers seemed to 
be nothing less than an act of madness. He made use of every 
argument, he even condescended to entreat and implore ; but 
all to no purpose ; his son stood firm to his principles. Finding 
he could not prevail, the Admiral desired that William would 
at least conform so far to his wishes as to take off his hat in the 
presence of the King, the Duke of York, and himself. William 
asked time to consider of this request, and his father, supposing 
he wished to consult some of the Friends upon it, was highly 
flispleased; but William, having assured him that he would 

* Life of Pcnn, prefixed to his works 



UNCOVERING OF THE HEAD. 35 



consult none of them, retired to his chamber and sought for 
Divine aid in fiisting and prayer.* 

It may be thought by some that this compliance required but 
a small concession, and ought to have been made by a dutiful 
son in deference to the judgment of a parent. 

But it must be borne in mind that William was now more 
than twenty-three years of age, and that he had, after mature 
deliberation, adopted the views of the Friends, among whom 
nothing which had the least relation to religious duty was 
deemed trivial or unimportant. They considered the uncover- 
ing of the head an act of reverence or of worship, that was due 
to none but Deity. In their public ministry, and in vocal 
prayer, they uncovered their heads, agreeably to the apostolic 
injunction, but they could not pay the same mark of homage 
to a mortal like themselves. 

Although this refusal, especially in courts of justice, sub- 
jected them to great abuse, and even to fine and imprisonment, 
they persevered in adhering to their convictions of duty until 
their constancy gained them an exemption from the general 
usage, and perhaps has been one means of diminishing a prac- 
tice which was then considered indispensable. In addition to 
their objections to this custom, as an act of homage improper 
to be ofiered to a human being, they believed that it was very 
generally adopted without sincerity. 

Like the expression, "Your humble servant," which gene- 
rally accompanied the hat honoui', — it was, in fashionable life, 
ofiered to all equals or superiors, when, in most cases, there 
was no corresponding feeling of reverence or humility enter- 
tained by those who made the profession. The primitive 
Friends felt it their duty to bear an uncompromising testimony 
against this custom, as well as all others which had been 
adopted for the purpose of flattering human pride. When 
AVilliam had retired from his father's presence to reflect upon 
the subject of his request, his mind became deeply impressed 
with the danger of compromising his principles, even in the 

* Life of Penn, prefixed to his Select Works, and Gough's History of Q. 



LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



smallest particular, for innovation, once begun, induces weak- 
ness, and there is no place where we can so safely take our 
stand as on the high ground of religious principle. 

He felt that this ground was impregnable, and that the man 
who adheres firmly to the line of duty, although he may suffer 
persecution, will always possess a heartfelt assurance of Divine 
approbation that will sustain him in every trial. 

In their next interview, therefore, he apprized his father 
firmly, but with expressions of duty and affection, that he could 
not comply with his request. 

The Admiral could restrain his anger no longer ; he had ex- 
hausted every expedient ; his hopes for his son were all frus- 
trated, and he again indignantly expelled him from his house.* 

Having been educated in affluence, and accustomed to the 
luxuries of life, his situation must have been painful and em- 
barrassing. Destitute of pecuniary resources, and without a 
trade or profession to obtain a livelihood, he was for a time 
dependent upon the hospitality of his friends, until his mother, 
true to the promptings of maternal love, found means secretly 
to send him relief. 

Here let us pause and contemplate the change which, in the 
brief space of a few months, had come over this young and 
devoted servant of the cross. While at the vice-regal court of 
the Duke of Ormond, he had been a conspicuous and favoured 
guest ; strikingly handsome in his person, polished, and even 
courtly in his manners, distinguished for the sprightliness of his 
wit and the depth of his erudition ; but more than all, admired 
for the prowess he displayed in his first and only martial en- 
gagement ; he seemed on the high road to worldly honour, and 
no post beneath the crown was too high to be the object of his 
hopes. 

But now he turns his back upon the world, associates himself 
with a despised and persecuted sect, becomes the subject of 
sarcastic remark among his former companions ; and even his 
father spurns him from his presence. In this extremity one 

* Goiio-li's Ilist. ii. 217. 



RESTORED TO II IS FATIIEll's HOUSE. 37 



lieart still remains faithful to him. She wlio had cherished 
him in the weakness of his infancy, now clings to him in the 
season of his adversity; thus manifesting the constancy and 
disinterestedness of a mother's love, the strongest, if not the 
brightest, link in the chain of human aifections. 

At length his father, softened, perhaps, by the entreaties of 
his wife, so far relented as to allow him to obtain subsistence 
at home, though he gave him no open countenance. It is sup- 
posed that the Admiral, notwithstanding his displeasure, ex- 
erted his influence for the release of his son, whenever he was 
imprisoned on account of his religious profession ; for though 
a man of high temper, and accustomed to the exercise of stern 
discipline, he possessed kind feelings and strong attachments. 
It was the greatest among all the crosses and trials that Wil- 
liam was called upon to bear at this period of his life, that he 
was cut off from kindly intercourse with a parent whom he 
tenderly loved ; but he firmly adhered to the course he had 
chosen, counting nothing too dear to be sacrificed for the love 
of the gospel, and knowing that "he that putteth his hand to 
the plough and looketh back, is not worthy of the kingdom 
of heaven." 



CHAPTER 11. 

Ponn's connection with the Society of Friends — Rise of the Society — 
Early life of George Fox — Ilis ministry and sufferings — Summary of 
the principles of Friends. 

1G67. 

Among all the changes incident to man in this stage of ex- 
istence, none are so important as those which influence his 
religious character. He may accjuire wealth, or he may lose 
it; he may attain to the highest earthly honours, or be subjected 



38 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



to the deepest humiliation, yet none of these things necessarily 
affect his permanent happiness. 

It is far otherwise with the growth of his religious principles : 
if these are suffered to languish and decay, no outward circum- 
stances can make him happy, or enable him to fulfil the great 
end of his being : but if, on the contrary, these are nourished 
by obedience to the teachings of divine grace, the animal na- 
ture is brought into subjection to the spiritual; there is a 
continual development of his moral powers and benevolent 
affections ; and his happiness, being no longer dependent on 
time and sense, is fixed upon a basis that must endure for ever. 

William Penn had been for some years subjected to trials, 
whichj under the blessing of divine goodness, were made in- 
strumental to his religious progress. Having renounced the 
amusements of fashionable life and the honours of the world, 
he became a constant attendant on the meetings of Friends. 

As his connection with this society, and the prominent part 
he took as a religious writer and minister of the gospel, had a 
most important influence on his character and conduct through 
life, it ^ems proper to refer briefly to the rise and progress, up 
to this period, of the people with whom he was thus associated. 

It was during that troubled period in English history when 
Charles the First was contending with his Parliament, and the 
whole nation was agitated and convulsed by the force of new 
ideas of civil and religious liberty, that George Fox, a young 
man of blameless life, and of obscure but upright and pious 
parentage, felt himself impelled by the strongest convictions of 
duty to withdraw, for a time, from the companionship of men, in 
order to seek for light and strength in religious contemplation. 

He had been placed with a shoemaker, but his master was 
also engaged in the keeping of sheep, and George, during part 
of his minority, was employed as a shepherd, a business pecu- 
liarly suited to his quiet and contemplative spirit, as well as a 
"fit emblem of his future service in the church of Christ."* 
In his nineteenth year, being on business at a fair, he was 

* Fox's Journal, and William Penn's Rise and Progress of Quakers. 



EXPERIENCE OF GEORGE FOX. 89 



induced by two jorofessors of religion to join them in drinking 
some beer ; but when they had drunk a glass apiece, the con- 
versation of his companions becoming distasteful to hin^, as 
being in his view inconsistent with their religious profession, 
he paid his reckoning and left them. 

This incident was the means of awakening more fully his 
religious consciousness. He saw that the professors of reli- 
gion were too generally resting in a lifeless form of outward 
observances. He could not sleep for the distress that preyed 
upon his mind; but through the night "he walked up and 
down," and "sometimes prayed and cried to the Lord." It 
was then that a language was impressed upon his mind as 
from on high: "Thou seest how young people go together into 
vanity, and old people into the earth ; thou must forsake 
all, young and old, keep out of all, and be as a stranger 
unto all." 

This was in the year 1643. The same year in which Hamp- 
den died on the field of battle, fighting for civil liberty, was 
George Fox, the champion of religious liberty, called into a 
warfare whose weapons are not carnal, and whose victories are 
not stained with blood. The adversaries he was called to en- 
counter were those which are common to human nature ; for 
although he had led a life of remarkable purity, he found 
within himself a conflict between the powers of light and of 
darkness, he was assailed by strong temptations, and the ene- 
mies of his soul rose like a flood to overwhelm him. It was 
then "he saw how Christ was tempted," and was led to believe 
that, through the power of Christ revealed in his soul, he also 
should be enabled to overcome. 

During some years he continued in this state of deep proba- 
tion, being at times almost reduced to despair, but at intervals 
relieved and comforted by gleams of heavenly joy that made 
all his troubles seem as nothing for Christ's sake. 

In his deep distress, he sought for instruction from the teachers 
and professors of religion, but the priests could not speak to his 
condition. Those who were accounted the most ex]oerienced 
in divine things could aftbrd him eo relief, and he was led to 



40 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



the only physician who can heal our spiritual maladies, " Christ 
Jesus, the true shepherd and bishop of souls." 

As he w^as going into Coventry in the year 1646, he was led 
to reflect upon the proposition that " all Christians are believers, 
both Protestants and Papists." It was made clear to his under- 
standing " that if all Avere believers, then would all be born of 
God, and passed from death to life, and that none were true 
believers but such ; and though others said they were believers, 
yet they were not." 

At another time, as he was walking in the fields, it was 
''opened to him," that "being bred at Oxford or Cambridge 
was not enough to qualify men to be ministers of Christ;" and 
he wondered at it, for such was then the common belief. 

Thus his mind was gradually opened by the influence of 
divine grace to understand the Scriptures of truth, and the 
mysteries of the heavenly kingdom, which are "hidden from 
the wise and prudent, and revealed unto babes." 

He had been educated in the established church, but after 
these convictions he began to regard the priests less favourably 
and to look more toward the dissenters. Among these he 
found some Avhose minds had been brought under the influence 
of religious truth ; but as he had forsaken the priests, so he 
found he must also leave the dissenting preachers, for none of 
them could afford relief to his soul, which was hungering for 
spiritual food. It was then a voice was addressed to his mental 
ear, saying, " There is one, even Christ Jesus, that can speak to 
thy condition." His heart leaped for joy, his desires increased 
for communion with God, his spiritual perceptions became more 
clear, and he found that ".the path of the just is as the shining 
light, that shineth more and more unto the perfect day." 

Thus he grew in the knowledge of divine things, " without the 
help of any man, book, or writing." For although he diligently 
read the sacred Scriptures, and had read them from his youth, yet 
ne understood them not, save as "he who hath the key did open." 

At this time there was in England a class of Christian pro- 
fessors, who, having become dissatisfied with the established 
clmrch, and with the various sects of dissenters, had withdrawn 



NOTICES OF GEORGE FOX. 41 



themselves from all others and lived in retirement. Sometimes 
thcj met for mutual edification, or sat together in silence; 
hence they were called Seekers. 

Am.ong these persons, George Fox met with some whose 
spirits were kindred with his own, for they relied much upon 
tlie inward operation of the Holy Spirit; and when he declared 
lu them the result of his own experience, that '^ Jesus Christ 
teaches his people himself," by the immediate revelation of his 
grace in the soul, they were ready to receive his testimony. 

This divine power, by which salvation is wrought in man, he 
usually designated by the expressive scriptural terms, " the true 
light that lighteth every man that cometh into the world. (John 
i. 9.) lie sometimes referred to the same holy power as the 
blood of Christ, which is the saints' drink, (John vi. bb,) for, 
according to the Scriptures, the blood is the life, (Gen. ix. 4,) 
and the life is the light of men." (John i. 4.) 

In the year 1G48, he attended a great meeting of professors, 
among whom was Captain Amor Stoddard. They were dis- 
coursing of the blood of Christ, Avhen George Fox felt con- 
strained to cry out, " Do ye not see the blood of Christ? see it 
in your hearts, to sprinkle your hearts and consciences from 
dead works to serve the living God." This startled the pro- 
fessors who would have the blood only without them, and not 
in them; but Captain Stoddard said, "Let the youth speak; 
hear the youth speak," when he saw they were disposed to 
bear him down with many words.* 

At this time it was common in England for large numbers 
of different persuasions to meet together for the purpose of 
discussinfj; relio;ious doctrines, for reliszion was then the en- 
grossing topic of the day, in which all classes took part. Such 
a meeting being held at Leicester, wherein Presbyterians, Inde- 
pendents, Baptists, and Episcopalians were concerned, George 
Fox attended and listened to their discussions. 

At length a woman asked a question from the first epistle of 
Peter, " What that birth was, viz. a being born again of incor- 



■* George Fox's Jouinal, i. p. 18. 
D* 



42 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



ruptible seed, by the word of God, that liveth and abideth for 
ever?" 

The priest said to her, " I permit not a Avoman to speak in 
the church," though he had before given liberty to any to speak. 
This brought George Fox to his feet, who stepped up and asked 
the priest, "Dost thou call this place a church? or dost thou 
call this mixed multitude a church V But instead of answering 
him, the priest asked what a church was ? to which George 
replied, " The church is the pillar and ground of truth, made 
up of living stones, living members, a spiritual household, of 
which Christ is the head ; but he is not the head of a mixed mul- 
titude, or of an old house made up of lime, stones, and wood." 
This set them all on fire ; the priest came down from his pulpit, 
the others out of their pews, and the discussion was broken up. 

At this time George Fox went from place to place, visiting 
fairs, markets, and other places of public resort, as well as the 
meetings of religious professors, and many were convinced by 
his ministry, which was so diiferent from the doctrines held 
forth by others, that multitudes flocked to hear him. 

He was still, at times, assailed by strong temptations. One 
morning as he sat by the fire a suggestion of atheism arose in 
his mind, accompanied by an impression that "all things come 
by nature," "the elements and the stars came over him," the 
heavens were clouded, and darkness shrouded his mind. As 
he sat still, waiting for light, a living hope arose within him, 
and a true voice said, " There is a living God, who made all 
things." Immediately the cloud was dispelled, the temptation 
vanished away, and his heart was filled with joy and praise. 
Soon after this, he met with some persons who, having yielded 
to a similar temptation, denied the existence of a Deity, and he 
was enabled, from his own experience, to speak to their condi- 
tion and convince them there is a living God. Several con- 
gregations of Friends being now gathered through his ministry, 
they were accustomed to meet together for divine worship, 
waiting upon God in silence, to watch and pray for the influ- 
ence of his Spirit, or to minister to each other, as divine grace 
might be afforded. 



NOTICES OF GEORGE FOX. 43 



As George Fox attended to the impressions of duty, his 
prospects of religious service were enlarged, and he saw that 
God had called him to a great work among men, to lead many 
"from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto 
God." Having in himself experienced the saving power of 
divine truth, he rejoiced that the Lord had called him forth to 
preach the same glad tidings to others, directing them to that 
inward principle of light and life, by obedience to which man 
is restored to the image of God in which he was created. This 
divine power, in his judgment, saves not only from the punish- 
ment due to sin, but from the dominion of evil in the heart, so 
that a state o^ perfection or freedom from sin might be known 
on this side the grave. But of all the professors of religion he 
conversed with, none would admit that man can be restored, in 
this life, to the state of purity in which Adam was before the 
fall, much less could they bear to be told that a measure of the 
same power and spirit that guided the prophets and apostles, 
may now be experienced by the faithful, though it is certain 
that none can truly understand their writings without the in- 
fluence of the same Spirit by which they were dictated.* 

Although this doctrine met with much opposition from the 
professors of religion, there was, in the plain and unflattering 
address of George Fox a cause of ofi'ence that rendered him 
still more obnoxious to opprobrium and abuse. When sent 
forth on his mission of love to preach the gospel in its ancient 
simplicity, he felt himself restrained from giving to his fellow- 
men the usual tokens of reverence, which, having originated 
in human vanity and pride, were, in his view, calculated to 
nourish the same pernicious passions. 

He could not "put off the hat" to any man, how exalted 
soever his station or rank ; he durst not use vain compliments 
or titles, and in speaking to a single person he was required to 
adhere to the ancient scriptural language thee and tliou. These 
deviations from popular manners, although small matters in the 
eye of human reason, were, by the persecution they occasioned, 

* George Fox's Journal, i. p. 27. 



44 LIFE OF WILLIAM TENN. 



shown to be important to the progress of truth, for the love of 
worldly honour had taken deep hold of the public mind, not 
excepting the ministers and professors of religion, who "re- 
ceived honour one of another, and sought not the honour that 
Cometh from God only." 

In proportion as the meetings of Friends increased, the oppo- 
sition to them and their doctrines became more violent, and it 
was not long before the secular arm was resorted to by the 
priests and their followers, for their suppression. On one occa- 
sion George Fox, feeling himself bound to visit the parish house 
of worship in Nottingham, heard the minister take for his text 
these words of the Apostle, 2 Pet. i. 19: "We have also a 
more sure word of prophecy, whereunto ye do well that ye take 
heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place, until the day 
dawn and the day-star arise in. your hearts." This text the 
preacher attempted to expound by saying, that the Scriptures 
were the "more sure word of prophecy, by which all doctrines, 
religions, and opinions were to be tried." George Fox felt 
constrained to declare to the congregation, that the Apostle did 
not here allude to the Scriptures, but to the Holy Spirit, which 
Christ has said shall lead his disciples into all truth, whereas 
the Jews who had the Scriptures, did not understand them, 
because they resisted the Holy Spirit. For speaking thus, he 
was cast into a loathsome prison; but the word spoken had 
taken effect in the hearts of the people, and among those con- 
vinced were the head-sheriff and his family, who sent for him 
to visit them, and when he arrived, they met him with the 
salutation, "Salvation is come to our house." 

Being now lodged at the sheriff's house, he had great meet- 
ings there, and many were convinced of the doctrines he taught ; 
but the mayor and magistrates, being incensed against him, 
took him from thence and sent him back to the common prison, 
where he remained a considerable time. 

When released from prison, he continued to travel, preach- 
ing the gospel wherever he came, and multitudes flocked to 
hear him ; but often he was assailed and beaten by rude people, 
and sometimes denied food and lodging at inns and private 



fox's successful efforts. 45 



houses, altlioiigli he offered to pay for them, so that he was 
forced to spend the night m the fields, making his bed on the 
heath, or taking shelter under the stacks of hay. 

But none of these things daunted him : his frequent impri- 
sonments, — his arduous labours, — the denunciations of the 
priests, — and the abuse of the populace, were all encountered 
with cheerful resignation, for the love of God that overflowed 
his soul was more than a recompense for all. 

He saw that there was a great work to be done ; the " fields 
were white already to harvest," and the desire of his heart was 
fulfilled in many other labourers being called to assist in 
"gathering fruit unto life eternal." 

Among those who were convinced of the doctrines he taught, 
many became powerful ministers of the gospel, and were made 
willing to suffer reproach, imprisonment, and death, for the 
word of the Lord and the testimony of Jesus. Nor was the 
ministry confined to men, for, as in the primitive church, so 
now in the revival of the gospel spirit, women were called and 
qualified to declare to others what " their eyes had seen and 
their hands had handled of the word of life." 

Thus was planted, through suffering and reproach, a religious 
society whose doctrines struck at the root of despotism, both 
in church and state. 

Luther did much when he appealed to the Scriptures to in- 
validate the traditions and expose the abuses of the Papal 
power ; but George Fox did more when he appealed to the 
voice of God in the soul, which alone can open the Scriptures, 
and, even without their aid, can rend the vail woven by tradi- 
tion, deliver from the bondage of corruption, and introduce its 
followers into the glorious liberty of the sons of God. 

"The rise of the people called Quakers," says an eloquent 
historian,* " is one of the memorable events in the history of 
man. It marks the moment when intellectual freedom was 
claimed unconditionally by the people as an inalienable birth- 
right. To the masses in that age, all reflection on politics and 

* Bancroft. 



46 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



morals presented itself under a theological form. The Quaker 
doctrine is philosophy summoned from the cloister, the college, 
and the saloon, and planted among the most despised of the 
people. The mind of George Fox had the highest systematic 
sagacity, and his doctrine, developed and rendered illustrious 
by Barclay and Penn, was distinguished by its simplicity and 
unity. The Quaker has but one word, the inner lights the 
voice of God in the soul. That light is a reality, and therefore 
in its freedom, the highest revelation of truth, it is kindred 
with the Spirit of God, and therefore merits dominion as the 
guide to virtue ; it shines in every man's breast, and there- 
fore joins the whole human race in the unity of equal rights. 
Intellectual freedom, the supremacy of mind, universal en- 
franchisement, — these three points include the whole of Qua- 
kerism, as far as it belongs to civil history."* 

From the first rise of the society to the year 1668, when 
William Penn appeared as a minister among them, was about 
twenty years. During this period their religious principles be- 
came developed, and this sketch of their rise and progress may 
be closed by a brief summary of their prominent doctrines and 
testimonies. 

It has already been shown, in relating the experience of 
George Fox, that the great fundamental principle of Friends 
is the immediate teaching of the Holy Spirit, — "the law of the 
Spirit of Life in Christ Jesus, which makes free from the law 
of sin and death." This divine principle is universally given 
to the human race, — " it lights every man that comes into the 
world," but many "love darkness rather than light, because 
their deeds are evil," "and they will not come to the light, 
lest their deeds should be reproved." 

This light is not the natural conscience, nor the natural 
reason of man, but it is the Divine power that quickens the 
;;onscience and gives spiritual perception. The mental faculty 
by which we perceive the light of Divine Truth is improved 
by exercise and impaired by abuse ; but the light itself does not 

^ Bancroft's United States, ii. p. 337. 



SUMMARY OF FRIENDS' PRINCIPLES. 47 



change, for God is one and the same, yesterday, to-day, and 

for ever. 

From the application of this fundamental doctrine, sprang 
their peculiar mode of worshipping God m silence. If "we 
are not sufficient of ourselves to think any thing, (that is good,) 
but our sufficiency is of God," it follows, that all true worship 
must floAV from the influence of his Spirit,— no sacrifice is ac- 
ceptable but that which he commands,— no prayer availing but 
that which he inspires,— for "we know not what we should 
pray for as we ought, but the Spirit itself maketh intercession 

for us." 

As we have not this Divine gift at our command, we must 
wait for it in silence; "and as every one is thus gathered, and 
so met together inwardly in their spirits, as well as outwardly 
in their persons, there the secret power and virtue of life is 
known to refresh the soul, and the pure motions and breathings 
of God's Spirit are felt to arise, from which, as words of decla- 
ration, prayers, or praises flow, the acceptable worship is known 
which edifies the church, and is well pleasing to God."* 

There are diversities of gifts in the church, but all from the 
same Spirit; some are called to the ministry of the gospel, some 
to the administration of discipline,— others to visiting the sick, 
comforting the afflicted, or instructing the youth. To every 
one some talent is committed, and the usefulness and happiness 
of each individual depend upon his filling the measure of his 
duty. 

No outward instruction or human learning can qualify for 
the gospel ministry,— none are fitted for this office unless called 
of God and qualified by his grace, and they who are thus called 
and qualified should administer freely what they have freely 
received, without fee or reward from man. 

No rites or ceremonies are enjoined in the church of Christ; 
the Baptism which saves is "not the putting away of the filth 
of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience toward God," 
the bread and wine of the kingdom are that spiritual food which 
comes down from God and gives life to the soul. 
* Barclay's Apol., 3-32. 



48 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



The Bible is the best of books, for all scripture "given by 
inspiration of God, is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for 
correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of 
God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works." 
But although the primitive Friends made use of the Bible to 
confirm their doctrines, they did not place it above the Spirit 
from whom it proceeded, nor did they give it the title of the 
word of Cfod; for this term is applied by the sacred writers to 
the manifestation of God in man; ''the word that was in the 
beginning with God, and was God:" ''the word of God that 
liveth and abideth for ever." 

Salvation is wrought in man by the power or Spirit of Christ, 
and it consists in being delivered from the guilt and dominion 
of sin. 

Sanctification is the work of God in man, and none are justi- 
fied any further than they are sanctified.* 

They who are sanctified by obedience to Divine grace are 
subjects of the kingdom of heaven, whatever may be their reli- 
gious opinions. 

The universal church of Christ consists of all the faithful ser- 
vants of God, of every age and country, who have been "born 
again of incorruptible seed;" and Jesus Christ, — "the first-born 
among many brethren," — is the head of this body, of which all 
are members who are united to him by the invisible and eter- 
nal bond of the Spirit. f 

In every congregation, they who have experienced the new 
birth form part of the visible church of Christ, whatever may 
be their creeds, or the ceremonies they perform or omit. 

There is no distinction of clergy or laity in the church; 
they are all brethren and sisters, having no master but Christ ; 
they are a "royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people," 
to offer up spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God by Jesu?? 
Christ. 

The testimonies of Friends, as well as their doctrines, distin- 
guished them from all other professors of religion. 

* George Fox's Works, iii. 450, Am. eel. 1831. 
f Barclay's Apol., Prop. x. g II. 



SUMM/RY OF TRTENDS' PRINCIPLE^!. 40 



They declined to jiay tithes^ but patiently suffered the dis- 
training of their goods, whereby the amount taken from them 
for priests' wages was greatly enhanced, and sometimes proved 
ruinous to their estates. 

The establishment or endowment of a church by temporal 
authority, they considered not only a usurpation, but a direct 
violation of the order which had been established by the Divine 
Master, who, being the true "shepherd and bishop of souls," 
"putteth forth his own sheep and goeth before them." 

The Friends took no oaths, from a persuasion that Christ 
had forbidden them in his sermon on the mount. They main- 
tained that the Divine Power under which they were gathered, 
required and enabled them to speak the truth on all occasions, 
so as to render oaths unnecessary. 

War, and oppression of every kind, they considered contrary 
to the gospel of Christ, which speaks " peace on earth, good- 
will to men," and gains all its victories by meekness and 
love. 

They avoided all sports and pastimes that were calculated 
to nourish vain thoughts or inordinate desires, or to draw the 
mind away from religious contemplation. 

They felt it a duty to observe temperance and moderation 
in all things : they drank no healths, they abstained from 
luxury in the furniture of their houses, and in their dress and 
equipage ; they declined the use of all compliments and flatter- 
ing titles, and adhered to the singular pronoun in addressing 
a single person. 

They were industrious and prudent in business, and made it 
an invariable rule to ask no more for their wares than they 
intended to take. 

They believed that the assumption by the English clergy of 
an exclusive right to solemnize marriage was unauthorized, 
either by the Mosaic law, or the early practice of the Christian 
church ; and hence their marriages were solemnized in their 
own religious meetings, by the parties acknowledging the 
engagement, and signing a certificate in the presence of th»; 
congregation. 



OO LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



Their burials were performed without pomp or ceremony, 
and no habits of mourning were worn. 

Thej took care of their own poor, so that none of them be- 
came chargeable to the parish, and they assisted liberally in 
works of general charity. 

Although tolerant to all persuasions, and benevolent to all 
men, they were, by their peculiar habits, manners, and opi- 
nions, much restricted in their intercourse with the world: 
hence they associated chiefly with each other, and it became a 
common remark, " See how these Quakers love one another." 



CHAPTER III. 

Anecdote of his sword — Dress of Friends — He becomes a preach( ,nd 
an author — His tract called "Truth Exalted " — Controversy wito Vin- 
cent — Tract called " Sandy Foundation Shaken '' — His imprisonment 
in the Tower — Writes " No Cross no Crown " — Letter to Lord Arling- 
ton — Tract called "Innocency with her Open Face" — His liberation 
from the Tower — A fragment of his autobiography. 

1668-9. 

When William Penn was convinced of the principles of 
Friends, and became a frequent attendant at their meetings, he 
did not immediately relinquish his gay apparel ; it is even said 
that he wore a sword, as was then customary among men of 
rank and fashion. Being one day in company with George 
Fox, he asked his advice concerning it, saying that he might, 
perhaps, appear singular among Friends, but his sword had 
once been the means of saving his life without injuring his 
antagonist, and moreover, that Christ has said, " He that hath 
no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." George Fox 
answered, ''I advise thee to wear it as long as thou canst." 
Not long after this they met again, when William had no sword, 
and George said to him, "William, where is thy sword?" 



DRESS OF Fr.IEXDS. 51 



" Oh I" said he, '^ I have taken thj advice ; I wore it as long 
as I could." This anecdote, derived from reliable tradition,* 
seems to be characteristic of the men and the times. It shows 
that the primitive Friends preferred that their proselytes should 
DC led by the principle of divine truth in their own minds, 
rather than follow the opinions of others without sufficient 
evidence. 

It must have been manifest to George Fox that his young 
friend, while expressing his uneasiness about the sword, was 
under the influence of religious impressions that would, if 
attended to, lead him, not only into purity of life, but likewise 
into that simplicity of apparel which becomes the self-denying 
disciples of Christ. 

It is worthy of remark, that no peculiar form of dress has 
ever been prescribed by the discipline of Friends. The first 
members of the Society wore the dress then common among 
serious and religious people in England ; it was much more 
simple than that worn in fashionable society ; and when, in the 
reign of Charles II., the nation became infected with that pas- 
sion for gaudy and extravagant apparel which distinguished 
his court, the Friends still adhered to their plain and simple 
costume, and thus became peculiar by refusing to follow the 
changeable fashions of the world. They maintained that the 
only proper objects of dress are decency and comfort, and that 
useless ornaments and gaudy apparel are inconsistent with the 
Christian profession. 

We are not informed of the precise date at which Penn be- 
came a member of the Society of Friends, but it was probably 
in the year 1667 ; and in the following year, being the 24th 
of his age, he felt himself called to the gospel ministry. 

One of his early biographersf speaks of his qualifications for 
this service as being of a high order, and we may conclude 

* Related to me by I. P. of Montgomery County, Pa., who had it from 
James Simpson. 

T. Elhvood yrore a sword when he first began to attend Friends' mectiDg 
See his Life. 

f Life of Penn, prefixed to his Works. 



52 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



from those of his discourses which were taken down by a steno- 
grapher and are still extant, that his matter was rich in in- 
struction, and his diction pure* and forcible, without any attempt 
at ornament or display. 

He soon became eminent as a minister and a writer of reli- 
gious works. Many of his publications were of a controversial 
nature, a species of writing which, though needful at times for 
the correction of errors and the advancement of truth, is seldom 
interesting or edifying to succeeding generations, especially 
when tinctured with party zeal, or imbued with the prejudices 
of the age. He was, perhaps, as clear of these faults as any 
writer of his day ; and if the impartial reader of his works 
shall find, in his controversial writings, some expressions more 
harsh than should be expected from his enlarged views and 
liberal feelings, it must be remembered that all men are liable 
to be influenced by the spirit of the age in which they live. 

Having, in the preceding chapter, given a summary of the 
principles of Friends, it is not necessary to enter minutely into 
an examination of these voluminous writings ; those, however, 
most remarkable for their merit, or for the influence they had 
on the events of his life, may, not inappropriately, be noticed. 

His first publication, issued in 1668, bears the title of " Truth 
Exalted;" being a call to the professors of religion of every 
name to cease from a dependence upon outward observances 
or confessions of faith, and to seek for salvation where alone it 
may be known, by obedience to the law of God written in the 
heart. 

The same year a circumstance occurred which led to a con- 
troversy attended with important consequences. 

Two persons belonging to the congregation of Thomas Vin- 
cent, at Spitalfields, visited a Friends' meeting, where they 
were convinced of the doctrines they heard, which induced 
them to withdraw from the meetings of their former pastor. 
This produced in the mind of the latter a violent animosity to 
Friends, of whom he spoke in the harshest terms, saying they 
held most erroneous and damnable doctrines, and William Penn 
he publicly stigmatized as a Jesuit. 



Vincent's unfairness. 53 



This coming to the cars of Penn, he and George Whitehead, 
an eminent minister among the Friends, demanded an oppor- 
tunity to clear themselves and the society before the same con- 
gregation where the slanders had been uttered. After some 
demur, Vincent appointed a day and hour for them to meet, 
but he called his own congregation together an hour earlier, 
so as to pre-occupy the house. When Penn and Whitehead 
arrived and heard Vincent proclaiming that the Quakers held 
damnable doctrines, one of them demanded that they should 
be hoard in their own defence; but Vincent proposed that Ae 
should question them, which was agreed to by the congregation 
who were mostly his followers. 

He then queried whether Friends "owned one aodhead suh- 
sistinrj in three distinct and separate persons,'' and objection 
being made to this doctrine, he attempted to prove it by the 
following syllogism, which may serve as a specimen of the mode 
of argument employed in that age of religious controversy. 

"There are three that bear record in heaven: the Father, 
the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one. ^ 

''These are either three manifestations, three operations, 
three substances, or three something else besides subsistences. 

"But they are not three manifestations, three operations, 
three substances, nor three any thing else besides subsistences. 
"Ergo, three subsistences." 

George Whitehead utterly rejected the terms, as not found in 
Scripture, nor deducible from the place he instanced; where- 
fore he desired an explanation of the terms, "inasmuch as God 
does not choose to wrap up his truths in heathenish meta- 
physics, but in plain language."* On the weakness of their 
syllogism being exposed, and the expression ''three distinct 
and separate persons' being objected to as not found m the 
Scriptures, the audience attempted to put down the Friends, 
and prevent their defence by hisses, opprobrious epithets, and 
other rude behaviour. Vincent, aifecting to be shocked witJi 
the doctrines of the Friends, fell suddenly to prayer, m which 

^ See TV-n\- 3ele':t V.'orks. Sandy Foundation S1k»1<cu. 



54 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, 



he accused them of blasphemy; and that he might prevent 
them from defending themselves, he desired the people, when 
he had done, to retire, setting the example himself bj with- 
drawing from the house. The Friends being about to proceed 
with their defence, the others attempted to pull them down and 
extinguished the candles; but they still continued to speak in 
the dark, and many remained to hear them, until Vincent came 
back with a candle and dismissed the audience, after promising 
the Friends another hearing. 

This promise not being fulfilled. Whitehead and Penn went to 
his meeting-house on a lecture day, waited till he had done, and 
then requested an opportunity to clear their society of his false 
accusations; but he left the house, and none who were there 
would attend to their request.* Being thus frustrated in their 
efforts to obtain a hearing, Penn resorted to the press for a vin- 
dication, and published a tract with the following title : " The 
Sandy Foundation Shaken, or those so generally believed and 
applauded doctrines, of one God subsisting in three distinct and 
separate persons; the impossibility of God's pardoning sinners 
without a plenary satisfaction; the justification of impure per- 
sons by an imputative righteousness, refuted, from the au- 
thority of Scripture testimonies and right reason." 

From the "Conclusion" of this work the following passage 
is quoted: — 

"Mistake me not, we never have disowned a Father, Word, 
and Spirit, which are ONE, but men's inventions: For, 1. 
Their Trinity has not so much as a foundation in the Scrip- 
tures. 2. Its original was three hundred years after Chris- 
tianity was in the world. 3. It having cost much blood; in 
the council of Sirmium, Anno 355, it was decreed, that thence- 
forth the controversy should not he re?nembered, because the 
/Scriptures of Grod made no mention thereof Why then should 
it be mentioned now with a Maraiiatha on all that will not 
bow to this abstruse opinion? 4. And it doubtless hath oc- 
casioned idolatry: witness the popish images of Father, Son, 

* Penn's Select AVorks, p. 12. 



IMPRISONED IN THE TOWER. 65 



and Holy Ghost. 5. It scandalizeth Turks, Jews, and Infidels, 
and palpably obstructs their reception of the Christian doctrine. 
Nor is there more to be said on the behalf of the other two : 
for I can boldly challenge any person to give me one Scripture 
phrase which does approach the doctrine of satisfaction^ (much 
less the name) considering to what degree it's stretched; not 
that we do deny, but really confess that Jesus Christ, in life, 
doctrine and death, fulfilled his Father's will, and ofi'ered up a 
most satisfactory sacrifice, but not to pay God, or help him, 
(as otherwise being unable) to save men ; and for a justification 
by an imputative righteousness^ whilst not real, it's merely an 
imagination, not a reality, and therefore rejected; otherwise 
eonfest and known to be justifying before God, because there is 
no abiding in Christ's love without keeping his commandments." 

This work gave great off"ence to the clergy, and especially to 
the Bishop of London, insomuch that an order was procured 
from the government for Penn's imprisonment in the Tower, 
where he was confined with great rigour, and his friends denied 
access to him. 

After having been some time in prison, he was informed by 
his servant, that "the bishop was resolved he should either pub- 
licly recant, or die a prisoner." He answered, "All is well: I 
wish they had told me so before, since the expecting of a release 
put a stop to some business ; thou mayst tell my father, who I 
know will ask thee, these words : that my prison shall be my 
grave, before I will budge a jot; for I owe my conscience to no 
mortal man ; I have no need to fear, God will make amends for 
all ; they are mistaken in me ; I value not their threats and 
resolutions, for they shall know I can weary out their malice 
and peevishness, and in me shall they all behold a resolution 
above fear ; conscience above cruelty, and a baflle put to all 
their designs by the spirit of patience, the companion of all the 
tribulated flock of the blessed Jesus, who is the author and 
finisher of the faith that overcomes the world, yea, death and 
hell too. Neither great nor good things are ever attained 
without loss and hardships. He that would reap and not 
labour, must faint with the wind and perish in disappointments; 



66 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



but an hair of my head shall not fall without the Providence 
of mj Father that is over all."* 

Being thus prevented from going abroad in the performance 
of his religious duties, he could not remain unemployed, but, 
like many others of his brethren, occupied the time of his im- 
prisonment by writing on religious subjects. 

The principal work produced at this time is called ^'No 
Cross no Crown," a book that has been frequently republished, 
extensively read, and universally approved. It is not contro- 
versial, but practical, being intended to show the nature of true 
religion in its effects upon the life and conversation of men, by 
withdrawing them from the pomp and vanity of the world, and 
leading them to seek for peace and happiness in communion 
with God, and in deeds of charity and love. These views are 
illustrated by numerous quotations from the sayings and writ- 
ings of the wise and good of former ages, who have left their 
testimony to the value of an approving conscience, and a heart 
at peace with God. 

This work shows great erudition and research. From 'the 
excellent examples of wise and good men of ancient and modern 
times cited in its pages, two, communicated to Penn himself, 
seem appropriate to this work. The first relates to " Count 
Oxenstiern, Chancellor of Sweden, and one of the most emi- 
nent men of the age." After his retirement from ofiice, being 
visited in his retreat by Commissioner Whitlock, ambassador 
to Queen Christina, in the conclusion of their discourse, he said 
to the ambassador, " I have seen much, and enjoyed much of 
this world, but I never knew how to live till now. I thank my 
good God, that he has given me time to know him and to know 
myself. All the comfort I have, and all the comfort I take, and 
which is more than the whole world can give, is feeling the good 
Spirit of God in my heart, and reading in this good book (hold- 
ing up the Bible) that came from it." And further addressing 
himself to the ambassador, " You are now in the prime of your 
age and vigour, and in great favour and business ; but this will 

" Penii'.s Life prefixed to his Select Works. 



EXPEllIEXCES OF EMINENT MEN. 57 



all leave you, and you will one day better understand and 
relibli what I say to you, and then you will find there is more 
wisdom, truth, comfort, and pleasure in retiring and turning 
your heart from the world to the good Spirit of God, and in 
readinfr the Bible, than in all the courts and favoui's of 
princes." 

"This I had," says William Penn, "from the ambassador's 
own mouth more than once. A very edifying history, when we 
consider from whom it came ; one of the greatest and wisest 
men of his age, while his understanding was as sound and vigor- 
ous as his experience and knowledge were great. Bulstrode 
Whitlock has left his own character in his 'Memorials of Eng- 
lish Affairs,' a book that shoAvs both his employments and 
great abilities. He was Commissioner of the Great Seal, Am- 
bassador to the crown of Sweden, and sometimes President of 
the Council ; a scholar, a lawyer, a statesman ; in short, one 
of the most accomplished men of the age. Being with him 
sometimes at his own house in Berkshire, where he gave me 
that account I have related of Chancellor Oxenstiern, among 
many serious things he spoke, this was very observable : 

" ' I ever have thought,' said he, ' there has been one true 
religion in the world, and that is the work of the Spirit of God 
in the hearts and souls of men. There have been, indeed, 
various forms and shapes of things, through the many dispen- 
sations of God to man, answerable to his wise ends, in refer- 
ence to the low and uncertain state of man in the world ; but 
the old world had the Spirit of God, for it strove with them, and 
the new world has had the Spirit of God, both Jew and Gen- 
tile, and it strives with all, and they that have been led by it 
have been the good people in every dispensation of God to the 
world. And I myself must say I have felt it from a child, to 
convince me of my evil and vanity, and it has often given me 
a true measure of this poor world, and some taste of divine 
tilings, and it is my grief I did not more early apply my soul 
to it ; for I can say since my retirement from the greatness 
and hurries of the world, I have felt something of the work 
and comfort of it, and that it is both rcn'ly and able to instruct 



GS LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



and lead and preserve those that will humbly and sincerely 
hearken to it. So that my religion is the good Spirit of God 
in my heart ; I mean, what that has wrought in and for me. 
And after a meeting at his house, to which he gave an entire 
liberty for all that pleased to come, he was so deeply affected 
with the testimony of the Light, Spirit, and grace of Christ in 
man, as the gospel dispensation, that after the meeting closed 
in prayer, he rose up and pulled off his hat and said, * This is 
the everlasting gospel I have heard this day, in which the an- 
cient gospel is preached to them that dwell upon the earth.' " 

In the conclusion of this excellent work, Penn shows that they 
who will not take up the cross of self-denial, cannot expect to 
enjoy the crown of eternal glory ; he refers to the holy lives of 
the primitive Christians, their self-sacrificing zeal for the cause 
of truth ; and he calls upon all, but more especially upon those 
whose hearts have been awakened to the convictions of duty, 
to come away from the vanities of a perishing world. 

While imprisoned in the Tower, he wrote a letter to Lord 
Arlington, Secretary of State, showing the illegality of his im- 
prisonment, without trial and conviction, and the impolicy of 
persecuting people on account of their opinions. Li this letter 
he says, " What if I differ from some religious apprehensions ? 
Am I therefore incompatible with human societies ? Shall it 
not be remembered with what success kingdoms and common- 
wealths have lived under the balance of divers parties?" *'I 
know not any unfit for political society, but those who maintain 
principles subversive of industry, fidelity, justice, and obedi- 
ence ;" '' but to conceit that men must form their faith of things 
proper to another world, according to the prescriptions of other 
mortal men of this, is both ridiculous and dangerous." 

" The understanding can never be convinced by other argu- 
ments than what are adequate to its own nature. Force may 
make hypocrites, but it can make no converts." "If I am at 
any time convinced, I will pay the homage of it to truth, and 
not to base hypocrisy." 

In conclusion, he requests that Lord Arlington will represent 
liis case to the King, and obtain his release, or at least the pri- 



THE DIVINITY OF CHRIST 59 



vilege of being heard in his own defence ; but he adds, ^' I make 
no apology for my letter, as a trouble, — the usual style of sup- 
pliants ; because I think the honour that will accrue to thee by 
being just, and releasing the oppressed, exceeds the advantage 
that can succeed to me." This letter appears to have been with- 
out effect, and he soon after published a small tract, entitled, 
*'Innocency with her Open Face," presented by way of apo- 
logy for the " Sandy Foundation Shaken." 

In this tract he neither recants nor renounces any of the doc- 
trines advanced in the former work, but believing his views had 
been misunderstood, he explains them, on some points, more 
fully. He remarks, that he has imderstood the principal cause 
of his imprisonment was a malicious charge spread among the 
people, that he had denied the Divinity of Christ; and he pro- 
ceeds to disprove this charge, by showing, from Scripture, that 
as '' Christ is the true Light," and Saviour of men ; and as " God 
is Light," and has proclaimed himself the only Saviour ^ there- 
fore he asserts the unity of God and Christy because, though 
nominally distinguished, they are essentially the same. As for 
the doctrine of satisfaction, he shows that his arguments were 
principally levelled at the prevailing notion of the impossibility 
of God's forgiving sin upon repentance, without Christ's paying 
his justice, by suffering infinite vengeance and eternal wrath, for 
sins past, present, and to come ; and he quotes from Bishop 
Stillingfleet to show that this eminent prelate has granted both 
the possibility of God's pardoning sins as debts without such a 
rigid satisfaction, and the impossibility of Christ's so suffering for 
the world, reflecting closely upon those persons as " giving so 
just an occasion to the church's adversaries to think they triumph 
over her faith, whilst it is only over their mistakes who argue 
with more zeal than judgment." " One of the main ends," says 
Penn, "that first induced me to that discourse, I find delivered 
by him, (Stillingfleet,) namely, if they did believe Christ came 
into the world to reform it, ' that the wrath of God is now re- 
vealed from heaven against all unrighteousness ; that his love 
which is shown to the world is to deliver them from the hand 
of their enemies, that they might serve him in righteousness and 



60 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



true holiness all the days of their lives ; they never could imagine 
that salvation is entailed by the gospel upon a mighty confidence 
or vehement persuasion of what Christ hath done and suffered 
for them.' 

" Thus doth he confess upon my hypothesis or proposition, 
what I mainly contend for : and however positively I may reject 
or deny my adversaries' unscriptural and imaginary satisfaction, 
let all know this, that I pretend to know no other name by 
which remission, atonement, and salvation can be obtained, but 
Jesus Christ the Saviour, who is the power and Avisdom of God. 
As for justification by an imputed righteousness, I still say, 
that whosoever believes in Christ shall have remission and 
justification, but then it must be such a faith as can no more 
live without works than a body without a spirit ; wherefore I 
conclude that true faith comprehends evangelical obedience, 
and here the same Doctor Stillingfleet comes in to my relief 
by a plain assertion of the necessity of obedience, viz. ' Such 
who make no other condition of the gospel, but believing, 
ought to have a great care to keep their hearts sounder than 
their heads.' "* 

This tract appears to have given satisfaction, and soon after 
its appearance he was released from the Tower, after having 
been a prisoner there nearly nine months. 

In a fragment of Penn's autobiography, preserved in his own 
handwriting in the archives of the American Philosophical 
Society at Philadelphia, and published in the memoirs of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, (Vol. III., Part II.,) we find 
the following memoranda relating to this portion of his life: 

" The first time I went to court after I had embraced the communion 
I am of, was in '68. The business that engaged me was the suffering 
condition of my Friends in several parts of this kingdom, the cause of it 
tenderness of conscience, no evil fact. Those in company with me were 
(soorge Whitehead, Josiah Coale, and Thomas Loe. The person went to 
was the Duke of Buckingham ; but an application at that time did not 
answer our expectatiou, tho' in his ovrn inclination ho favoured liberty 
uf conscience. 

* Stillingfieet's Contra Crcllius, quoted by Penn, folio woik, p. 26. 



I 



FRAGMENT OF HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY. Gl 



" The second time I went to court, avus the same summer, and upon 
the same errand, in company of G. Whitehead and Josiah Coale. We 
addressed ourselves to Sir Henry Berwick, then Secretary of State, with 
whom our business had no better success than before. I was much 
toucht with the sense of our Friends' many and great hardships, and the 
more for that they were inflicted in a Protestant country, and came from 
Protestant hands, and could not but think the severities they lay under, 
for mere conscience to God, must necessarily bring the very Protestant 
religion under scandal abroad. Being Protestants in all those points 
wherein the very church of England might claim that title, and whose 
main point was a strict and holy life, this made it seem reasonable 
and requisite to me to make their sufferings and them better known to 
those in authority; charitably hoping that if they would give themselves 
the leisure to be truly informed of both, they would afford them better 
quarter in their own country, than Stocks, Whips, Gaols, Dungeons, 
Prsemunires, Fines, Sequestrations, and Banishment, for their peaceable 
dissent in matters relative to faith and worship ; and accordingly I had 
framed a scheme to myself for that purpose. But it so fell out, that 
towards the close of that year I was made incapable of prosecuting the 
resolution I had taken, and the plan I had laid of this affair, by a close 
and long imprisonment in the Tower of London, for a book I writ called 
the ' Sandy Foundation Shaken,' occasioned by some reflections upon us 
and our principles by one Tho. Vincent, a dissenting minister, because 
some of his congregation inclined to be of our persuasion. 

"[That which engaged the Bishop of London to be warm in my perse- 
cution, was the credit some Presbyterian ministers had with him, and 
the mistake they improved against me, of my denying the Divinity of 
Christ and the doctrine of the Trinity.]* 

"I was committed the beginning of December, and was not discharged 
till the fall of the leaf following ; wanting about fourteen days of nine 
months. 

" As I saw very few, so I saw them but seldom, except my own father 
and Dr. Stillingfleet, the present Bishop of Worcester. The one came as 
my relation, the other at the King's command, to endeavour my change of 
judgment. But as I told him, and he told the King, that the Tower was. 
the worst argument in the world to convince me; for whoever was in the 
wrong, those who used force for religion never could be in the rights 
so neither the Doctor's arguments, nor his moving and interesting mo- 
tives of the King's favour and preferment, at all prevailed; and I am glad 
I have the opportunity to own so publicly the great pains he took, and 
humanity he showed, and that to his moderation, learning, and kindness, 
I will ever hold myself obliged." 



* These brackets are in the original MS. 
F 



62 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



It is said that Penn's discharge from the Tower came from 
the King, through the intercession of his hrother, the Duke of 
York, who afterward took the title of James II. 

This kindness on the part of the Duke, and his continued 
favour after he became King, produced in the mind of Penn a 
sentiment of gratitude, and a strong personal attachment, which 
continued through life, and subjected him to groundless sus- 
picion and persecution, after the fall of his rojal patron. 



CHAPTER IV. 



He visits Thomas Loe on his death-bed — Goes to Ireland on his father's 
business — A fragment of his autobiography — Conventicle Act — Sufferings 
of Friends — William Penn and William Mead taken at a meeting and 
committed to Newgate — Their trial at the Old Bailey. 

1668-70. 

In the summer of the year 1668, William Penn visited 
his friend Thomas Loe, under whose ministry he had first been 
convinced of the principles of Friends, and who was now on his 
death-bed. When we consider the circumstances under which 
these two remarkable men had met, first at Oxford, and after- 
ward in Ireland, the change that had taken place in the man- 
ners and character of Penn, his conspicuous standing in the 
ranks of a persecuted sect, his undaunted courage in advocating 
his principles, and his meekness in suffering for them ; we can 
readily conceive that this last meeting between the dying 
minister and his disciple must have been peculiarly solemn 
and impressive. 

Thomas Loe had been extensively and successfully engaged 
in the ministry of the gospel, and now that the close of life drew 
nigh, he looked forward to the prospect of death with cheering 
hope and confidence that it would be to him the entrance into 



RESTORED TO IIIS FATHER S FAVOUR. 



endless joy. To a Friend he said, "I am near leaving you, T 
think, but am as well in my spirit as I can desire: I bless the 
Lord I never saw more of the glory of God than I have done 
this day." And to William Penn, he addressed the following 
exhortation; "Bear the cross, and stand faithful to God; then 
he will give thee an everlasting crown of glory, that shall not 
be taken from thee. There is no other way that shall prosper 
than that which the holy men of old have walked in. God 
hath brought immortality to light, and life immortal is felt. 
Glory, glory to him, for he is worthy of it. His love over- 
comes my heart, nay, my cup runs over ; glory be to his name 
for ever." Thus rejoicing in the Divine presence, he died the 
death of the righteous, whose end is peace. 

About this time, the asperity that Admiral Penn had mani- 
fested toward his son began to abate, owing probably to his sym- 
pathy for him during his imprisonment in the Tower, and the 
admiration that his courage and fidelity could not fail to inspire. 

Although he would not yet condescend to an open reconcilia- 
tion with his son, he informed him, through his mother, that he 
might return to Ireland and execute a commission for him. 

William proceeded with alacrity to fulfil his father's wishes, 
cheered and encouraged with the prospect of again being re- 
stored to his favour without having relinquished his principles. 

In the fragment of autobiography before alluded to, he says, 
" Within six weeks after my enlargement, (from the Tower,) I was 
sent by my father to settle his estate in Ireland, when I found 
those of that kingdom under too general persecution, and those 
of the city of Cork almost all in prison, and the jail by that 
means became a meeting-house and a work-house, for they would 
not be idle anywhere. I was sorry to see so much sharpness 
from English to English, as well as Protestants to Protestants, 
when their interests were civilly and nationally the same, 
and their profession of religion fundamentally so too. Having 
informed myself of their case, and the grounds of this severity, 
as near as they could inform me, (which without doubt was at 
least as much from envy about trade as zeal for religion,) ] 
adjourned all private affairs to my return from Dublin, whither 



64 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



m a few days 1 went post, and after conferring with my friends 
at that city, and digesting the whole into a general state of our 

case, I went with two or three of them to the castle and " 

Here there is an hiatus in his narrative, but it appears from 
Gough's History of the Friends, that in the autumn of the year 
1669, during this visit of Penn to Ireland, the half-year's meet- 
ing of Friends was held in his lodgings, where an account of 
the sufferings of the members of the society was drawn up in 
an address to the lord-lieutenant and presented to him. After 
repeated applications, an order of council was obtained for 
the release of those who were imprisoned.* 

While in Ireland he wrote a letter to the "young con- 
vinced," that is, to those who had lately joined the society of 
Friends, or been convinced of its princij^les. 

The following passages will serve to illustrate its character 
and spirit. He says, 'ilEn the tender love of Jesus Christ I 
earnestly salute you : let us no more look back upon our ancient 
pastimes and delights, but with holy resolution press on, press 
on ; for they will steal away our precious souls, beget new 
desires, raise the old life, and finally ensnare and pollute our 
minds again ; and what will be the end of such rebellion, but 
woes and tribulations from the hand of a just God, world with- 
out end? Neither let us enter into many reasonings with op- 
posers, for that is the life which God's power is revealed to 
slay. It is the still, the quiet, and the righteous life, which 
must be exalted over all. And this I say in a sound under- 
standing through the mercies of the Lord, that deadness, dark- 
ness, and anguish of spirit will be the end of such disputing, 
pragmatical Christians, whose religion consists more in words 
than works ; confessing than forsaking ; and in their own will, 
performances, and external observations, than in the reforma- 
tion and conversion of their souls to God. And we who have 
known something more of the Lord may also reduce our good 
conditions to an utter loss, by seeking to comprehend dubious 
matters in cur understandings, and disputing about them with 

* Gough, ii 479, and Life of Penn prefixed to his works 



THE COXVENTICLE ACT. 65 



every opposer, whom the devil, in a way of temptation, shall 
present to us, which does no way advance our growth and 
increase in the noble principles of truth."* 

Having completed his business in Ireland, he returned to 
England in the year 1670, when a reconciliation with his 
father took place, which, as well to his mother as himself, was 
a source of heartfelt satisfaction. In this year was renewed 
the noted "Conventicle Act," which was professedly against 
"seditious conventicles," but really intended to suppress all 
religious meetings conducted " in any other manner than 
according to the liturgy and practice of the church of Eng- 
land." It had been first suggested by some of the bishops. 
The chaplain of the Archbishop of Canterbury had previously 
printed a discourse against toleration, in which he asserted, 
as a main principle, that, "it would be less injurious to the 
government to dispense wdth profane and loose persons than 
to allow toleration to religious dissenters. "f 

" This act," says Thomas Ellwood, "broke down and overran 
the bounds and banks anciently set for the security of English- 
men's lives, liberties, and properties, namely, trials by jury ; 
instead thereof, authorizing justices of the peace (and that too, 
privately, out of sessions) to convict, fine, and by their warrants 
distrain upon ofi'enders against it, directly contrary to the Great 
Charter. "J There is a remarkable clause in this act, which shows 
the bitter spirit of persecution then existing in the House of 
Commons. It provides, " that in case of any doubt arising about 
the interpretation of it, the act shall be construed most largely 
and beneficially for the suppression of conventicles," thus vio- 
lating one of the plainest maxims of civil policy, which requires 
that, in criminal prosecutions, the prisoner should always have 
the advantage of such doubts. 

The chief burden of this persecuting statute fell upon Friends, 
for it was their practice to keep up their meetings for divine 
worship at stated times and places, as though no such law 

* Select Works, folio, p. loG. 

f Clarkson's Life of Penn, chap, vi., and Perm's Preface to liis Trial. 

t EUwood's Life. 



Q6 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



existed; for they held that no human authority could exempt 
them from openly avowing their allegiance to God by that mode 
of worship to which they believed that he had called them: 
whereas, many others among the dissenters stooped for the 
storm to pass over them, by changing the places of their meet- 
ings, and holding them at unusual times.* 

It was not long before Penn was made to feel the force of 
this arbitrary law, for on going to the meeting at Grace-church 
street, he found the house guarded by a band of soldiers. He 
and other Friends, not being permitted to enter, gathered about 
the doors, where, after standing some time in silence, he felt it 
his duty to preach ; but had not proceeded far, when he and 
another of the society, William Mead, were arrested by the 
constables, w^ho produced warrants from Sir Samuel Starling, 
the Mayor of London, dated August the 14th, 1670. 

They were conducted by the officers to a place of confine- 
ment in Newgate market, as related in the folloAving letter: — 

WILLIAM PENN TO IIIS FATHER. 

"Second day morning, 15th of Gth mo. (August,) 1670. 
** My Dear Father : 

" This comes by the hand of one who can best allay the trouble it 
brings. As true as ever Paul said, that such as live godly in Christ 
Jesus shall suffer persecution, so for no other reason am I at present a 
sufferer. Yesterday I was taken by a band of soldiers, with one Capt. 
Mead, a linen draper, and in the evening carried before the Mayor ; he 
proceeded against me according to the ancient law ; he told me I should 
have my hat pulled off, for all I was Admiral Penn's son. I told him 
that I desired to be in common with others, and sought no refuge from 
the common usage. He answered, it had been no matter if thou hadst 
been a commander twenty years ago. I discoursed with him about the 
hat ; he avoided it, and because I did not readily answer him my name, 
William, when he asked me in order to a mittimus, he bid his clerk write 
one for Bridewell, and there would he see me whipped himself, for all 
] was Penn's son, that starved the seamen. Indeed these words grieved 
me, as well as that it manifested his great weakness and malice to the 
wh'A^ company, that were about one hundred people. I told him 1 

* Ellwood and GuU2:h. 



IITS TllIAL. 67 



could very well bear his severe expressions to me concerning myself, but 
was sorry to hear him speak those abuses of my father, that was not 
present, at which the assembly seemed to murmur. In short, he com- 
mitted that person with me as rioters ; and at present we are at the sign 
of the Black Dog, in Newgate market. 

" And now, dear father, be not displeased nor grieved. What if this 
be designed of the Lord for an exercise of our patience ? I am sure it 
hath wonderfully laid bare the nakedness of the Mayor. Several Inde- 
pendents were taken from Sir J. Dethick's, and Baptists elsewhere. It is 
tlie effect of a present commotion in the spirits of some, which the Lord 
God will rebuke ; and I doubt not but I may be at liberty in a day or 
two, to see thee. I am very well, and have no trouble upon my spirits, 
besides my absence from thee, especially at this juncture, but otherwise 
I can say, I was never better; and what they have to charge me with is 
harmless. Well, eternity, which is at the door, (for he that shall come 
will come, and will not tarry,) that shall make amends for all. The 
Lord God everlasting consolate and support thee by his holy power, and 
preserve to his eternal rest and glory. Amen. 

" Thy faithful and obedient son, 

" W^ILLIAM PENN.^'* 

"My duty to my mother. 
"For my dear father. Sir AVilliam Penn." 

The trial, as related in the published works of Penn, is deeply- 
interesting, and resulting, as it did, in the greater security and 
more firm establishment of civil liberty in England, is deemed 
worthy of insertion here. 

There being present on the Bench as Justices : 
Saml. Starling, Mayor, John Robinson, Alderman, 

John Howell, Recorder, Joseph Shelden, " 

Thos. Bludworth, Alderman, Richard Brown, -\ 

Wm. Peak, " John Smith, I Sheriffs. 

Richd. Ford, '* James Edwards, J 

The citizens of London that were summoned for Jurors, appearing, 
were empanelled, viz: 

Clerk. — Call over the jury. 

Crier. — yes, Thomas Veer, Ed. Bushcll, John Hammond, Charless 
Wilsun, Gregory Walklet, John Brightman, Wm. Piumstoad, Henry 
Henley, James Damask, Henry Michel, Wm. Lever, John Baily. 

* Friend, vi. 170. 



68 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



THE FORM OF THE OATH. 

You shall well and truly try, and true deliverance make betwixt our 
Sovereign Lord the King, and the prisoners at the bar, according to your 
evidence ; so help you God. 

THE INDICTMENT. 

That "William Penn, gent., and William Mead, late of London, linen- 
draper, with divers other persons, to the jurors unknown, to the number 
of three hundred, the 15th day of August, in the 22d year of the King, 
about eleven of the clock in the forenoon, the same day with force and 
arms, &c., in the Parish of St. Bennet, Grace-Church, in Bridge-Ward, 
London, in the street called Grace-Church Street, unlawfully and tumult- 
uously did assemble and congregate themselves together, to the disturb- 
ance of the peace of the said Lord the King ; and the aforesaid William 
Penn and William Mead, together with other persons, to the jurors afore- 
said unknown, then and there so assemble and congregate together ; the 
aforesaid William Penn, by agreement between him and William Mead, 
before made, and by abetment of the aforesaid Wm. Mead, then and 
there, in the open street, did take upon himself to preach and speak, and 
then and there did preach and speak, unto the aforesaid Wm. Mead, 
and other persons there, in the street aforesaid, being assembled and con- 
gregated together, by reason whereof a great concourse and tumult of 
people in the street aforesaid then and there a long time did remain and 
continue, in contempt of the said Lord the King, and of his law ; to the 
great disturbance of his peace, to the great terror and disturbance of 
many of his liege people and subjects, to the ill example of all others in 
the like case offenders, and against the peace of the said Lord the King, 
his crown and dignity. 

What say you, Wm. Penn and Wm. Mead, are you guilty, as you stand 
indicted, in the manner and form as aforesaid, or not guilty ? 

Penn. — It is impossible that we should be able to remember the indict- 
ment verbatim, and therefore we desire a copy of it, as is customary on 
the like occasions. 

Recorder. — You must first plead to the indictment, before you have a 
copy of it. 

Penn. — I am unacquainted with the formality of the law, and, there- 
fore, before I shall answer directly, I request two things of the court : 
First, that no advantage may be taken against me, nor I deprived any 
benefit which I might otherwise have received. Secondly, That you will 
promise me a fair hearing and liberty of making my defence. 

Court. — No advantage shall be taken against you, you shall have 
liberty, you shall be heard. 



HIS TRIAL 



69 



Penn.— Then I plead not gnWty in manner and form. 
Olerk.— What sayst thou, Wm. Mead : art thou guilty in manner and 
form, as thou stand'st indicted, or not guilty ? 

Mead.— I shall desire the same liberty as granted to Penn. 
Court. — You shall have it. 

Mead.— Then I plead not guilty in manner and form. 
The Court adjourned until afternoon. 

Crier. — yes, &c. 

Clerk.— Bring Wm. Penn and Wm. Mead to the bar. 

Observer.- The said prisoners vrere brought, but were set aside, and 
other business prosecuted ; where we cannot choose but observe, that it 
was the constant and unkind practice of the court to the prisoners, to 
make them wait upon the trials of felons and murderers, thereby design- 
ing, in all probability, both to affront and tire them. 

After five hours' attendance the court broke up, and adjourned to the 
third instant. 

The third of September, 1670, the court sat. 

Crier. — yes, &c. 

Mayor.— Sirrah, who bid you put off their hats? Put on their hats 

again. 

Obser.— Whereupon one of the officers, putting the prisoners' hats 
upon their heads, (pursuant to the order of the Court,) brought them to 
the bar. 

I^ecord. — Do you know where you are ? 

Penn. — Yes. 

Reed.— Do you know it is the King's court? 

Penn.— I know it to be a court, and I suppose it to be the King's court. 

Reed.— Do you know there is respect due to the court ? 

Penn. — Yes. 

Reed.— AVhy do you not pay it then ? 

Penn. — I do so. 

Reed.— AVhy do you not put off your hat then ? 

Penn.— Because I do not believe that to be respect. 

Reed.— Well, the court sets forty marks apiece upon your heads, as a 
fine, for your contempt of the court. 

Penn.— I desire it may be observed, that we came into the court with 
our hats off, (that is, taken off,) and if they have been put on since, it 
was by order from the bench ; and therefore, not we, but the bench should 

be fined. 

Mead.— I have a question to ask the Recorder ; am I fined also? 

Reed.— Yes. ^ , . • • 

Mead.— I desire the jury and all the people to take notice of this injus- 



70 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



tice of the Recorder, who spake not to me to pull off my hat, and yet hath 
he put a fine upon my head. 0, fear the Lord and dread his power, and 
yield to the guidance of this Holy Spirit ; for He is not far from every 
one of you. 

The Jury sworn again, 

Obser. — J. Kobinson, Lieutenant of the Tower, disingenuously objected 
against Edward Bushell, as if he had not kissed the book, and therefore 
would have him sworn again ; though indeed it was on purpose to have 
made use of his tenderness of conscience, in avoiding reiterated oaths, to 
have put him by, his being a juryman, apprehending him to be a person 
not fit to answer their arbitrary ends. 

The clerk read the indictment as aforesaid. 

Clerk. — Crier, call James Cook into the court, give him his oath. 

Clerk. — James Cook, lay your hand upon the book : " The evidence 
you shall give the court betwixt our Sovereign the King and the prisoners 
at the bar, shall be the truth, and the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth ; so help you God." 

Cook. — I was sent for from the exchange, to go and disperse a meeting 
in Gracious Street, where I saw Mr. Penn speaking to the people, but I 
could not hear what he said, because of the noise; I endeavoured to make 
way to take him, but I could not get to him for the crowd of people: upon 
which Captain Mead came to me, about the kennel of the street, and de- 
sired me to let him go on ; for when he had done, he would bring Mr. 
Penn to me. 

Court.— What number do you think might be there? 

Cook. — About three or four hundred people. > 

Court. — Call Richard Read, give him his oath. 

Read, being sworn, was asked. What do you know concerning the pri- 
soners at the bar ? 

Read. — My Lord, I went to Gracious Street, where I found a great 
crowd of people, and I heard Mr. Penn preach to them, and I saw Capt. 
Mead speaking to Lieutenant Cook, but what he said I could not tell. 

Mead.— What did Wm. Penn say ? 

Read. — There was such a great noise, that I could not tell what he 
said. 

Mead. — Jury, observe this evidence : he saith he heard him preach, 
and yet saith he doth not know what he said. 

Jury, take notice, he swears now a clean contrary thing to what he 
swore before the Mayor, when we were committed: for now he swears 
that he saAv me in Gracious Street, and yet he swore before the Mayor, 
when I was committed, that he did not see me there. I appeal to the 
Mayor himself, if this be not true. But no answer was given. 

Court. — What number do you think might be there? 

Read. — About four or five hundred. 



HIS TRIAL. 71 



Ponn. — I desire to know of him what day it was? 

Read. — The 14th day of August, 

Penn. — Did he speak to me, or let me know he was theie; for I am 
very sure I never saw him. 

Clerk. — Crier, call into the court. 

Court. — Give him his oath. 

. — My Lord, I saw a great number of people, and Mr. Penn, 

I suppose, was speaking ; I saw him make a motion with his hands, and 
heard some noise, but could not understand what he said ; but for Capt. 
Mead, I did not see him there. 

Reed. — "What say you, Mr. Mead ? Were you there ? 

Mead. — It is a maxim in your own law, nemo teneturaccusareseipsum, 
which, if it be not true Latin, I am sure that it is true English, that no 
man is bound to accuse himself. And why dost thou offer to ensnare me 
with such a question ? Doth not this show thy malice ? Is this like unto 
a judge, that ought to be counsel for the prisoner at the bar? 

Reed. — Sir, hold your tongue, I did not go about to ensnare you. 

Penn. — I desire we may come more close to the point, and that silence 
be commanded in the court. 

Crier. — yes, all manner of persons keep silence, upon pain of impri- 
sonment, — silence in the court. 

Penn. — We confess ourselves to be so far from recanting, or declining 
to vindicate tlie assemblage of ourselves to preach, pray, or worship the 
Eternal, Holy, Just God, that we declare to all the world, that we do be- 
lieve it to be our indispensable duty to meet incessantly upon so good 
an account ; nor shall all the powers upon earth be able to divert us from 
reverencing and adoring our God, who made us. 

Brown. — You are not here for worshipping God, but for breaking the 
law; you do yourselves a great deal of wrong in going on in that dis- 
course. 

Penn. — I affirm I have broken no law, nor am I guilty of the indict- 
ment that is laid to my charge: and to the end the bench, the jury, and 
myself, with those that hear us, may have a more direct understanding 
of this procedure, I desire you would let me know by what law it is you 
prosecute me, and upon what law yx3u ground my indictment. 

Reed. — Upon the common law. 

Penn. — What is that common law ? 

Reed. — You must not think that I am able to run up so many years, 
and over so many adjudged cases, which we call common law, to answer 
your curiosity. 

Penn.— This answer, I am sure, is very short of my question; for if it 
be common, it should not be so hard to produce. 

Reed. — Sir, will you plead to your indictment ? 

Penn. — Shall I plead to an indictment that hath no foundation in law? 



72 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



If it contain that law you say I have broken, why should you decline to 
produce that law, since it will be impossible for the jury to determine or 
agree to bring in their verdict, who hath not the law produced, by which 
they should measure the truth of this indictment, and the guilt or con- 
trary of my fact. 

Reed. — You are a saucy fellow ; speak to the indictment. 
Penn. — I say it is my place to speak to matter of law. I am arraigned 
a prisoner; my liberty, which is next to life itself, is now concerned; you 
are many mouths and ears against me, and if I must not be allowed to 
make the best of my case, it is hard: I say again, unless jou show me 
and the people the law you ground your indictment upon, I shall take 
it for granted your proceedings are merely arbitrary. 

Obser. — (At this time several upon the bench urged hard upon the 
prisoner, to bear him down.) 

Reed. — The question is, whether you are guilty of this indictment? 
Penn. — The question is not whether I am guilty of this indictment, 
but whether this indictment be legal. It is too general and imperfect an 
answer, to say it is the common law, unless we knew both where and 
what it is ; for where there is no law, there is no transgression, and that law 
which is not in being, is so far from being common, that it is no law at all. 
Reed. — You are an impertinent fellow ; will you teach the Court what 
law is ? It's lex non scripta, that which many have studied thirty or 
forty years to know, and would you have me tell you in a moment ? 

Penn. — Certainly, if the common law be so hard to be understood, it's 
far from being very common ; but if the Lord Cook in his Institutes be of 
any consideration, he tells us that common law is common right ; and 
that common right is the great charter privileges, confirmed 9 Hen. III. 
29 ; 25 Edw. I. 1 ; 2 Edw. III. 8 ; Cook's Insts. 2, p. 56. 

Reed. — Sir, you are a troublesome fellow, and it is not for the honour 
of the court to suffer you to go on. 

Penn. — I have asked but one question, and you have not answered me; 
though the rights and privileges of every Englishman be concerned in it. 
Reed. — If I should suffer you to ask questions till to-morrow morning, 
you would be never the wiser. 

Penn. — That's according as the answers are. 
Reed. — Sir, we must not stand to hear you talk all night. 
Penn. — I design no affront to the court, but to be heard in my just 
plea ; and I may plainly tell you, that if you will deny me the oyer uf 
that law which you suggest I have broken, you do at once deny me an 
acknowledged right, and evidence to the world your resolution to sacrifice 
the privileges of Englishmen to your sinister and arbitrary designs. 

Reed. — Take him away ; my Lord, if you take not some course with 
this nestilent fellow, to stop his mouth, we shall not be able to do an;^ 
thing to-night. 



niS TRIAL. 78 



Mayor. — Take him away, take him away! turn him into the Bale-dock. 
Penn. — These are but so many vain exclamations; is this justice or 
true judg;ment? Must I, therefore, be taken away because I plead for 
the fundamental laws of England? However, this I leave upon your 
consciences, who are of the jury, (and my sole judges,) that if these an- 
cient fundamental laws, which relate to liberty and property, (and are 
nf)t limited to particular persuasions in matters of religion,) must not be 
indispensably maintained and observed, -who can say he hath a right to 
the coat npcm his back? Certainly, our liberties are openly to be in- 
vaded; our wives to be ravished ; our children slaved; our families ruined; 
and our estates led away in triumph by every sturdy beggar and mali- 
cious informer, but our (pretended) forfeits for conscience' sake; the Lord 
of heaven and earth will be judge between us in this matter. 
Reed. — Be silent there. 

Penn. — I am not to be silent in a case wherein I am so much concerned ; 
and not only myself, but many ten thousand families besides. 

Obser. — They having rudely haled him in the Bale-dock, Wra. Mead 
they left in the court, who spake as foUoweth : 

Mead. — You men of the jury, here I do now stand to answer to an in- 
dictment against me, which is a bundle of stuff full of lies and falsehoods ; 
for therein I am accused, that I met, vi et armis, illicite and tumultuouse. 
Time was when I had freedom to use a carnal weapon, and then I thought 
I feared no man ; but now I fear the living God, and dare not make use 
thereof, nor hurt any man ; nor do I know I demeaned myself as a tumul- 
tuous person. I say I am a peaceable man, therefore it is a very proper 
question what Wm. Penn demanded in this case, an oyer of the law on 
which our indictment is grounded. 

Reed. — I have made answer to that already. 

Mead, turning his face to the jury, said. You men of the jury, who are 
my judges, if the Recorder will not tell you what makes a riot, a rout, 
or an unlawful assembly. Cook (he that once they called the Lord Cook) 
tells us what makes a riot, a rout, and an unlawful assembly, — a riot is, 
when three or more are met together to beat a man, or to enter forcibly 
into another man's land, to cut down his grass, his wood, or break down 
his pales. 

Obser. — Here the Recorder interrupted him, and said, I thank you, sir, 
that you will tell me what the law is? — scornfully pulling off his hat. 
Mead. — Thou mayst put on thy hat, I have never a fee for thee now. 
Brown. — He talks at random, one while an Independent, another while 
some other religion, and now a Quaker, and next a Papist. 
Mead. — Turpe est doctori cum culpa redarguit ipsum. 
Mayor. — You deserve to have your tongue cut out. 
. Reed. — If you discourse on this manner, I shall take occasion against 
you. Q 



74 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Mead. — Thou didst promise me I should have fair liberty to be heard. 
Why may I not have the privileges of an Englishman ? I am an English- 
man, and you might be ashamed of this dealing. 

Kecd. — I look upon you to be an enemy to the laws of England, which 
ought to be observed and kept, nor are you worthy of such privileges as 
others have. 

Mead. — The Lord is judge between me and thee in this matter. 

Obser. — Upon which they took him away into the Bale-dock, and the 
Recorder proceeded to give the jury their charge, as folio weth : 

Reed. — You have heard what the indictment is ; it is for preaching to 
the people, and drawing a tumultuous company after them ; and Mr. Penn 
was speaking. If they should not be disturbed, you see they will go on ; 
there are three or four witnesses that have proved this, that he did preach 
there, that Mr. Mead did allow of it ; after this you have heard, by sub- 
stantial witnesses, what is said against them. Now we are upon the 
matter of fact, which you are to keep to and observe as what hath been 
fully sworn, at your peril. 

Obser. — The prisoners were put out of the court into the Bale-dock, and 
the charge given to the jury in their absence, at which Wm. Penn, with 
a very raised voice, it being a considerable distance from the bench, spake, 

Penn. — I appeal to the jury, who are my judges, and this great assem- 
bly, whether the proceedings of the court are not most arbitrary, and 
void of all law, in ojffering to give the jury their charge in the absence of 
the prisoners ; I say it is directly opposite to, and destructive of the un- 
doubted right of every English prisoner, as Cook in the 2 Inst. 29, on the 
chapter of Magna Charta, speaks. 

Obser. — The Recorder, being thus unexpectedly lashed for his extra- 
judicial procedure, said, with an enraged smile, 

Reed. — Why ye are present, you do hear : do you not ? 

Penn. — No thanks to the court, that commanded me into the Bale-dock ; 
and you of the jury take notice, that I have not been heard, neither can you 
legally depart the court, before I have been fully heard, having at least ten 
or twelve material points to offer, in order to invalidate their indictment. 

Reed. — Pull that fellow down ; pull him down. 

Mead. — Are these according to the rights and privileges of English- 
men, that we should not be heard, but turned into the Bale-dock for 
making our defence, and the jury to have their charge given them in our 
absence? I say these are barbarous and unjust proceedings. 

Reed. — Take them away into the hole ; to hear them talk all night, as 
they would, I think doth not become the honour of the court ; and I think 
you, (i. e. the jury,) yourselves, would be tired out, and not have patience 
to hear them. 

Obser. — The jury were commanded up to agree upon their verdict, the 
prisoners remaining in the stinking hole ; after an hour and half's time, 



HIS TRIAL. 75 



eight c;ime down agreed, but four remained above ; the court sent an 
officer for them, and they accordingly came down. The bench used 
many unworthy threats to the four that dissented; And the Recorder, 
addressing himself to Bushell, said, Sir, you are the cause of this dis- 
turbance, and manifestly show yourself an al^ettor of faction. I shall 
set a mark upon you, sir. 

J. Robinson. — Mr. Bushell, I have known you near this fourteen years: 
you have thrust yourself upon this jury, because you think there is some 
service for you ; I tell you, you deserve to be indicted more than any 
man that hath been brought to the bar this day. 

Bushell. — No, Sir John, there were threescore before me, and I would 
willingly have got off, but could not. 

Bludw. — I said, when I saw Mr. Bushell, what I see is come to pass ; 
for I knew he would never yield. Mr. Bushell, we know what you are. 

Mayor. — Sirrah, you are an impudent fellow, I will put a mark upon you. 

Obser. — They used much menacing language, and behaved themselves 
very imperiously to the jury, as persons not more void of justice than 
sober education. After this barbarous usage, they sent them to consider 
of bringing in their verdict, and after some considerable time, they re- 
turned to the court. Silence was called for, and the jury called by their 
names. 

Clerk. — Are you agreed upon your verdict? 

Jury. — Yes. 

Who shall speak for you ? 

Jury. — Our foreman. 

Clerk. — Look upon the prisoners at the bar. How say you ? Is Wm. 
Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and 
form, or not guilty ? 

Foreman. — Guilty of speaking in Gracious Street. 

Court.— Is that all? 

Foreman. — That is all I have in commission. 

Reed. — You had as good say nothing. 

Mayor. — Was it not an unlawful assembly ? You mean, he was speak- 
ing to a tumult of people there ? 

Foreman. — My Lord, this was all I had in commission. 

Obser. — Here some of the jury seemed to buckle to the question of the 
court, upon which Bushell, Hammond, and some others, opposed them- 
selves, and said, they allowed of no such word as an unlawful assembly 
in their verdict; at which the Recorder, Mayor, Robinson, and Bludworth 
took great occasion to vilify them, with most opprobrious language ; and 
this verdict not serving their turns, the Recorder expressed himself thus: 

Reed. — The law of England will not allow you to depart, till you have 
given in your verdict. 

Jury. — We have given in our verdict, and we can give in no o^Jier. 



76 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Reed. — Gentlemen, you have not given your verdict, and you had as 
good say nothing ; therefore go and consider it once more, that we may 
make an end of this troublesome business. 

Jury. — We desire we may have pen, ink, and paper. 

Obser. — The court adjourns for half an hour ; which, being expired, tho 
court returns, and the jury not long after. The prisoners were brought 
to the bar, and the jurors' names called over. 

Clerk. — Are you agreed of your verdict ? 

Jury. — Yes. 

Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? 

Jury. — Our foreman. 

Clerk. — What say you ? Look upon the prisoners. Is Wm. Penn 
guilty in manner and form, as he stands indicted, or not guilty? 

Foreman. — Here is our verdict ; holding forth a piece of paper to the 
clerk of the peace, which follows : 

We, the jurors, hereafter named, do find Wm. Penn to be guilty of 
speaking or preaching to an assembly, met together in Gracious Street, 
the 14th of August last, 1670, and that Mr. Mead is not guilty of the 
said indictment. 

Foreman, Thomas Yeer, Henry Michel, John Baily, 
Edw. Bushell, John Brightman, Wm. Lever, 
John Hammond, Chas. Milson, Jas. Damask, 

Henry Henly, Gregory Walklet, Wm. Plumstead. 

Obser. — This both Mayor and Recorder resented at so high a rate, that 
they exceeded the bounds of all reason and civility. 

Mayor. — What, will you be led by such a silly fellow as Bushell, an 
impudent, canting fellow? I warrant you, you shall come no more upon 
juries in haste. You are a foreman indeed, (addressing himself to the 
foreman,) I thought you had understood your place better. 

Reed. — Gentlemen, you shall not be dismist till we have a verdict the 
court will accept ; and you shall be locked up without meat, drink, fire, 
and tobacco. You shall not think thus to abuse the court; we will have 
a verdict, by the help of God, or you shall starve for it. 

Penn. — My jury, who are my judges, ought not to be' thus menaced; 
their verdict should be free, and not compelled ; the bench ought to wait 
upon them, but not forestall them ; I do desire that justice may be done 
me, and that the arbitrary resolves of the bench may not be made the 
measure of my jury's verdict. 

Reed. — Stop that prating fellow's mouth, or put him out of the court. 

Mayor. — You have heard that he preached ; that he gathered a com- 
pany of tumultuous people ; and that they do not only disobey the mar- 
tial power, but the civil also. 

Penn. — It is a great mistake, we did not make the tumult, but they 
that interrupted us. The jury cannot be so ignorant as to think that we 



ins TRIAL. 77 



met there with a design to disturb the civil peace, since (Ist) we were 
by force of arms kept out of our lawful house, and met as near it in the 
street as the soldiers would give us leave; and (2d) because it was no 
new thing, (nor with the circumstances exprest in the indictment, but 
what was usual and customary with us,) 'tis very well known that we are 
a peaceable people, and cannot offer violence to any man. 

Obser. — The court being ready to break up, and willing to huddle the 
prisoners to their jail, and the jury to their chamber, Penn spake as 
follows : 

Penn. — The agreement of twelve men is a verdict in law, and such a 
one being given by the jury, I require the clerk of the peace to record it, 
as he will answer at his peril. And if the jury bring in another verdict 
contrary to this, I affirm they are perjured men in law ; (and looking 
upon the jury, said:) You are Englishmen, mind your privilege; give 
not away your right. 

Bushell, &c. — Nor will we ever do it. 

Obser. — One of the jurymen pleaded indisposition of body, and there- 
fore desired to be dismissed. 

Mayor. — You are as strong as any of them ; starve, then, and hold 
your principles. 

Eecd. — Gentlemen, you must be content with your hard fate ; let your 
patience overcome it ; for the court is resolved to have a verdict, and that 
before you can be dismist. 

Jury. — We are agreed, we are agreed, we are agreed. 

Obser. — The court swore several persons to keep the jury all night, 
without meat, drink, fire, or any other accommodation. 

Crier. — yes, &c. 

Obser. — The court adjourned till seven of the clock next morning, 
(being the 4th inst., vulgarly called Sunday,) at which time the prisoners 
were brought to the bar, the court sat, and the jury called in to bring in 
their verdict. 

Crier. — yes, &c. Silence in the court, upon pain of imprisonment. 

The jury's names called over. 

Clerk. — Are you agreed upon your verdict? 

Jury. — Yes. 

Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? 

Jury. — Our foreman. 

Clerk. — What say you? look upon the prisoners at the bar. Is William 
Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and 
form as aforesaid, or not guilty ? 

Foreman. — William Penn is guilty of speaking in Gracious Street. 

Mayor. — To an unlawful assembly ? 

Bushell. — No, my lord, we give no other verdict than what we ga-^-e 
last night ; we have no other verdict to give. 
G* 



7.^ LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



1 



Mayor. — You are a factious fellow : I'll take a course with you. 

Bludw. — I kuew Mr. Bushell would not yield. 

Bushell. — Sir Thomas, I have done according to my conscience. 

Mayor. — That conscience of yours would cut my throat. 

Bushell. — No, my lord, it never shall. 

Mayor. — But I will cut yours as soon as I can. 

Reed. — He has inspired the jury ; he has the spirit of divination ; me- 
thinks I feel him ; I will have a positive verdict, or you shall starve for it. 

Penn. — I desire to ask the Recorder one question : Do you allow of the 
verdict given of William Mead ? 

Reed. — It cannot be a verdict, because you are indicted for a conspiracy ; 
and one being found not guilty, and not the other, it could not be a verdict. 

Penn. — If not guilty be not a verdict, then you make of the jury and 
Magna Charta but a mere nose of wax. 

Mead. — How ? Is not guilty no verdict ? 

Reed. — No, 'tis no verdict. 

Penn. — I affirm that the consent of a jury is a verdict in law ; and if 
William Mead be not guilty, it consequently follows that I am clear, since 
you have indicted us of a conspiracy, and I could not possibly conspire alone. 

Obser. — There were many passages which could not be taken which 
passed between the jury and the court. The jury went up again, having 
received a fresh charge from the bench, if possible to extort an unjust 
verdict. 

Crier. — yes, &c. Silence in the court. 

Court. — Call over the jury: which was done. 

Clerk. — What say you ? Is William Penn guilty of the matter whereof 
he stands indicted, in manner and form aforesaid, or not guilty ? 

Foreman. — Guilty of speaking in Gracious Street. 

Reed. — What is this to the purpose ? I say I will have a verdict. And 
speaking to E. Bushell, said, You are a factious fellow ; I will set a mark 
upon you ; and whilst I have any thing to do in the city, I will have an 
eye upon you. 

Mayor. — Have you no more wit than to be led by such a pitiful fellow? 
I will cut his nose. 

Penn. — It is intolerable that my jury should be thus menaced; is this 
according to the fundamental law? Are not they my proper judges by 
the Great Charter of England ? What hope is there of ever having jus- 
tice done when juries are threatened and their verdict rejected? I am 
concerned to speak, and grieved to see such arbitrary proceedings. Did 
not the Lieutenant of the Tower render one of them worse than a felon? 
And do you not plainly seem to condemn such for factious fellows who 
answer not your ends ? Unhappy are those juries, who are threatened to 
be fined, and starved, and ruined, if they give not in their verdict con- 
trary to their consciences. 



UIS TRIAL. 79 



Reed. — My Lord, you must take a course with that same fellow. 

Mayor. — Stop his mouth ; jailer, bring fetters, and stake him to the 
ground. 

Penn. — Do your pleasure : I matter not your fetters. 

Reed. — Till now I never understood the reason of the policy and pru- 
dence of the Spaniards, in suffering the Inquisition among them ; and 
certainly it will never be well with us till something like the Spanish 
Inquisition be in England. 

Obser. — The jury being required to go together to find another verdict, 
and steadf^istly refusing it, (saying they could give no other verdict than 
what was already given,) the Recorder, in great passion, was running off 
the bench, with these words in his mouth : I protest I will sit here no 
longer to hear these things. At which the Mayor calling. Stay, stay, he 
returned, and directed himself unto the jury, and spake as foUoweth : 

Reed. — Gentlemen, we shall not be at this pass always with you. You 
will find the next session of Parliament there will be a law made that 
those that will not conform shall not have the protection of the law. 
Mr. Lee, draw up another verdict that they may bring it in special. 

Lee. — I cannot tell how to do it. 

Jury. — We ought not to be returned, having all agreed, and set our 
hands to the verdict. 

Reed. — Your verdict is nothing ; you play upon the court ; I say you 
shall go together and bring in another verdict, or you shall starve; and I 
will have you carted about the city, as in Edward the Third's time 

Foreman. — We have given in our verdict and all agree to it, and if we 
give in another, it will be a force upon us to save our lives. 

Mayor. — Take them up. 

OflScer. — My Lord, they will not go up. 

Obser. — The Mayor spoke to the Sheriff, and he came off his seat, and 
said : 

Sher. — Come, gentlemen, you must go up ; you see I am commanded 
to make you go. 

Obser. — Upon whichthe jury went up, and several were sworn to keep 
them without any accommodation, as aforesaid, till they brought in their 
verdict. 

Crier. — yes, &c. The court adjourns till to-morrow morning at seven 
of the clock. 

Obser. — The prisoners were remanded to Newgate, where they remained 
till next morning, and then were brought into court, which being sat, 
they proceeded as followeth : 

Crier. — yes, &c. Silence in court upon pain of imprisonment. 

Clerk. — Set William Penn and William Mead to the bar. Gentlemen 
of the jury, answer to your names: Thomas Veer, Edw. Bushell, J^hn 
Hammond, Henry Ilenly, Henry Michel, John Brightman, Chas. Wilson, 



80 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Gregory Walklet, John Bailj, Wm. Lever, James Damask, Wm. Plum 
stead, are you all agreed of your verdict ? 

Jury. — Yes. 

Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? 

Jury. — Our foreman. 

Clerk. — Look upon the prisoners : What say you, is William Penn 
guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form, 
&o., or not guilty? 

Foreman. — You have there read in writing already our verdict, and our 
hands subscribed. 

Obser. — The Clerk had the paper, but was stopped by the Recorder 
from reading it ; and he commanded to ask for a positive verdict. 

Foreman. — If you will not accept of it, I desire to have it back again. 

Court. — That paper was no verdict, and there shall be no advantage 
taken against you by it. 

Clerk. — How say you ? Is William Penn guilty, &c., or not guilty ? 

Foreman. — Not guilty. 

Clerk. — How say you ? Is William Mead guilty, &c., or not guilty ? 

Foreman. — Not guilty. 

Clerk. — Then harken to your verdict : you say that William Penn is 
not guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted; you say that Wil- 
liam Mead is not guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted, and 
80 you say all. 

Jury. — Yes, we do so. 

Obser. — The bench being unsatisfied with the verdict, commanded that 
every person should distinctly answer to their names, and give in their 
verdict, which they unanimously did, in saying. Not guilty, to the great 
satisfaction of the assembly. 

Reed. — I am sorry, gentlemen, you have followed your own judgments 
and opinions rather than the good and wholesome advice which was given 
you. God keep my life out of your hands ; but for this the court fines 
Tou forty marks a man, and imprisonment till paid ; at which Penn stept 
forward towards the bench, and said : 

Penn, — I demand my liberty, being freed by the jury. 

Mayor. — No, you are in for your fines. 

Penn. — Fines for what? 

Mayor. — For contempt of the court. 

Penn. — I ask if it be according to the fundamental laws of England, 
that any Englishman should be fined or amerced but by the judgment of 
his peers or jury ? since it expressly contradicts the fourteenth and twenty- 
ninth chapter of the Great Charter of England, which says, No freeman 
ought to be amerced, but by the oath of good and lawful men of the 
vicinage 

Reed. — Take him away, take him away, take him out of the court. 



HIS TRIAL. 81 



Penn. — I can never urge the fundamental laws of England but you 
cry, Take him away, take him away ; but 'tis no wonder since the 
Spanish Inquisition hath so great a place in the Recorder's heart. (Jud 
Almighty, who is just, will judge you for all these things. 

Obser. — They haled the prisoners to the Bale-dock, and from thence 
sent them to Newgate for the non-payment of their fines : and so were 
their jury. 

While in Newgate prison William wrote the following affec- 
tionate letters to his father, who was then in a declining state 
of health. 



WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 

5th, 7th, (Sept.) 1670. 
•* Dear Father, 

" Because I cannot come, I write. These are to let thee know that 
this morning about seven we were remanded to the sessions. The jury, 
after two nights and two days being locked up, came down and offered 
their former verdict, but that being refused as not so positive, they ex- 
plained themselves in answering, not guilty, upon which the bench were 
amazed, and the whole court so satisfied, that they made a kind of hymn, 
but that the Mayor, Recorder Robinson, &c., might add to their malice, 
they fined us to the number of about twelve of us, for not pulling off our 
hats, and kept us prisoners for the money. An injurious trifle which 
will blow over, or we shall bring it to the common pleas, because it was 
against law, and not by a jury sessed. 

" How great a dissatisfaction three of their actions have begot, may 
very reasonably be conjectured from the bare mention of them. 1st 
That the jury was about six times rejected in their verdict; and besides, 
vain, fruitless, illegal menaces, were kept two days and two nights with- 
out bed, tobacco, provisions, &c. 2d. That a session should be held on 
first-day, (the design we know.) 3d. That the jury, the only judges by 
law, should be fined 40 marks each, and to be prisoners till they have 
paid it, and that without any jury to pass upon them. However, their 
verdict is accepted for us, because they did not dare deny it. 

"This is the substance. The circumstances I shall personally relate, 
if the Lord will. I am more concerned at thy distemper, and the pains 
that attend it, than at my own mere imprisonment, which Avorks fcr thn 
|)est I am, dear father, thy obedient son, 

" WM. PENN."* 

* Friend, vii. p. 59. 



82 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



1 



WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 

"Newgate, 6, 7th, 1670. 

" D^AK Father : — I desire thee not to be troubled at my present con- 
finement,. I could scarce suffer on a better account, nor by a worse hand, 
and the will of God be done. It is more grievous and uneasy to me that 
thou shouldst be so heavily exercised, God Almighty knows, than any 
living worldly concernment. I am clear by the jury, and they in my 
place— they aa*e resolved to lay until they get out by law ; and they, every 
six hours, demand their freedom by advice of counsel. 

• They have so overshot themselves,* that the generality of people 
much detest them. I intreat thee not to purchase my liberty. They 
will repent them of their proceedings. I am now a prisoner notoriously 
against law. I desire the Lord God, in fervent prayer, to strengthen and 
Bupport thee, and anchor thy mind in the thoughts of the immutable 
blessed state^ which is over all perishing concerns. 

'^'^I am,, dear father, thy obedient son, 

'' WILLIAM PENN.'^t 

WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 

"Newgate, 7th Sept., 1670, 

*' Dear Father : — To say I am truly grieved to hear of thy present 
illness, are words that might be spared, because I am confident they are 
better believed. 

"If God in his holy will did see it meet that I should be freed, I could 
heartily embrace it ; yet considering I cannot be free, but upon such 
terms as strengthening their ai-bitrary and base proceedings, I shall 
rather choose to suffer any hardship. 

" I am persuaded some clearer way will suddenly be found out to ob- 
tain my liberty, which is no way so desirable to me, as on the account of 
being with thee. I am not without hopes that the Lord will sanctify the 
endeavours of thy physician unto a cure,^ and then much of my worldly 
solicitude will be at an end. My present restraint is so far from being 
humor, that I would rather perish than release myself by so indirect a 
course as to satiate their revengeful, avaricious appetites. The advantage 
of such a freedom would fall very short of the trouble of accepting it. 

" Solace thy mind in the thoughts of better things, dear father. Let 
not this wicked world disturb thy mind, and whatever shall come to pass, 
1 hope in all conditions to approve myself thy obedient son, 

" WILLIAM PENN."t 

* The Cour* f Friend, vol. vii., p. 59. J Friend, vi. 179. 



AOATX RKT.EASKl) FllOM PRISON. 33 



CHAPTER Y. 

Sickness of Admiral Penn— Eelease of William Penn from prison— In- 
., terview with his father— Dying expressions of the Admiral— Ilis death 
and epitaph— William Penn's controversy with Ives— Letter to the 
Yioe-Chancellor of Oxford— Publishes his " Caveat against Popery"— 
Is arrested at meeting— His examination before Sir J. Robinson— Im- 
prisonment in Newgate— Description of that prison— His tract on 
" Liberty of Conscience." 

1670-1. 

The life of Admiral Penn w^as now drawing to its close. 
His constitution had been impaired by hard service, changes 
of climate, and anxiety ; and for some months he had been 
confined to his bed by sickness. As the mists of time began 
to roll away, and the light of eternity to dawn upon his mind, 
he found, that in his eager pursuit of worldly glory, he had 
only been pursuing shadows, while the substantial enjoyments 
that flow from a soul united to God had long been hidden 
from him. His heart now yearned toward his son, who was 
still in prison for his faithful adherence to religious duty. In 
order to obtain his release, he sent the money privately to pay 
his fine and that of his companion in bonds. 

The meeting between the father and son must have been 
deeply mo\ang to both ; and their sentiments, which were once 
so wide asunder, had been brought into near agreement by the 
change that had taken place in the father's mind. 

The more he saw of his son, the more he esteemed him for his 
sincerity, his uniform kindness, and his entire devotion to his 
sense of duty. He could not but acknowledge, that in renounc- 
ing the honours of the world and assuming the cross, William 
had chosen that better part which could not be taken from him. 
He was sensible that, while the persecuting laws remained in 
force, his son would be exposed to many suiferings : and he sent 



84 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



one of his friends to the Duke of York with his dying request, 
that he would endeavour to protect him, and use his influence 
with the King on his behalf. The answer was encourag- 
ing ; both the King and the Duke promising to comply with his 
request. 

Sensible of his approaching end, he addressed his son in these 
words : " Son William, I am weary of the world ! I would not 
live over my days again if I could command them with a wish ; 
for the snares of life are greater than the fears of death. This 
troubles me, that I have offended a gracious God. 

" The thought of that has followed me to this day. Oh ! 
have a care of sin ! It is that which is the sting both of life 
and death. Three things I commend to you : 

" First. Let nothing in this world tempt you to wrong your 
conscience ; so you will keep peace at home, which will be a 
feast to you in the day of trouble. 

" Secondly. Whatever you design to do, lay it justly and 
time it seasonably, for that gives security and despatch. 

" Lastly. Be not troubled at disappointments, for if they may 
be recovered, do it ; if they cannot, trouble is vain. If you 
could not have helped it, be content ; there is often peace and 
profit in submitting to Providence : for afflictions make wise. 
If you could have helped it, let not your trouble exceed in- 
struction for another time. 

" These rules will carry you with firmness and comfort 
through this inconstant world." 

At another time he inveighed against the profaneness and 
impiety of the age, and expressed his apprehensions that divine 
judgments would fall upon England on account of the wicked- 
ness of her nobility and gentry. Just before he died, looking 
with composure at his son, he said : " Son William, if you and 
your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and to your 
plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the 
end of the world. Bury me by my mother. Live in love. Shun 
all manner of evil, and I pray God to bless you all, and he will 
bless you."* 

* No Cross no Crown, ch. xxi., 2(1 ed. 1681. 



DECEASE OF ADMIRAL PEXX. 85 



Thus died Admiral Penn, a man Avho had been satiated with 
worldly honours, whose greatest disappointment in the meridian 
of his career was the religious disposition of his son, and whose 
highest consolation in the evening of his day was to behold that 
same son walking in the path of self-denial, and dedicating his 
heart to the service of God. 

The following inscription on the monument erected to his 
memory, in the city of Bristol, gives a succinct account of his 
rapid promotions and brilliant career : 

" To the just memory of Sir AYilliam Penn, Knight and 
sometimes General, born at Bristol, Anno 1621, son of Cap- 
tain Giles Penn, several years consul for the English in the 
Mediterranean, of the Penns of Penslodge, in the County of 
Wilts, and those x'enns of Penn in the County of Bucks, and 
by his mother from the Gilberts in the County of Somerset, 
originally from Yorkshire ; addicted from his youth to mari- 
time affjiirs. He ^vas made Captain at the years of 21, Rear- 
Admiral of Ireland at 23, Vice-Admiral of Ireland at 25, 
Admiral to the Straights at 29, Vice-Admiral of England at 
31, and General in the first Dutch war at 32. Whence re- 
turning Anno 1655, he was Parliamentman for the town of 
W^eymouth ; 1660, made Commissioner of the Admiralty and 
navy, Governor of the town and fort of Kingsail, Vice-Admi- 
ral of Munster, and a member of that Provincial Council ; and 
Anno 1664 was chosen Great Captain Commander under his 
Royal Highness in that signal and most evidently success- 
ful fight against the Dutch fleet. Thus he took leave of the 
sea, his old element, but continued still his other employs till 
1669, at what time, through bodily infirmities contracted by 
the care and fatigue of public affairs, he withdrew, prepared 
and made for his end ; and with a gentle and even gale, in much 
peace, arrived and anchored in his last and best port, at Wan- 
stead, in the County of Essex, the 16th of September, 1670, 
being then but 49 and 4 months old. 

'' To his name and memory his surviving lady hath erected 

this remembrance." 

At his Tatlior's dcath^ William Penn came into the possession 
II 



86 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PEN2T. 



of an ample e&tate, affording an annual income of about fifteen 
hundred pounds. This enabled him to contribute liberally to 
charitable purposes, and there is abundant evidence to show 
that, throughout life, he made use of his wealth for the benefit 
of others, rather than to promote his own ease or indulgence. 

About this time he again appeared before the public in de- 
fence . of his principles. A dissenting preacher by the name of 
Ives, in a discourse from the pulpit, had cast injurious reflections 
upon the society of Friends, and upon Penn in particular. 
Being thus unjustly assailed, he demanded of Ives an oppor- 
tunity to clear himself of the charges, and a time was fixed for 
a public controversy at a meeting to be held at West Wycomb. 

At the time appointed, Jeremy Ives (a brother of the assail- 
ant) appeared on behalf of his sect, and Penn was in readiness 
to meet him. 

According to the rules of controversy then in use, the assail- 
ant was to speak first ; accordingly, Ives proceeded with a string 
of syllogisms which he had brought ready prepared ; and when 
he had exhausted his stock, he came down and left the house 
with a few of his followers, but the greater part remained to 
hear Penn's refutation ; which was satisfactory to most of the 
company. Ives, being mortified to find that many of the com- 
pany remained to hear his opponent, returned and expressed 
his disapprobation of their conduct, which only tended to in- 
crease their disgust.* 

Soon after this controversy Penn visited Oxford, where find- 
ing that many of his brethren in religious profession had been 
cruelly persecuted, through the instigation of the Vice-Chan- 
cellor of the University, he addressed that officer a letter of 
severe reproof and expostulation. f 

The measures pursued by this high functionary to ensnare 
and punish the dissenters were of the most treacheroils and 
disgraceful kind. He employed an unprincipled man to go 
among the Friends, Baptists, and other non-conformists, pre- 
tending to be of their communion; and when he had induced 

■^ F.llwood's Life, p. 13L f Penu's Life, prefixed to his works, ix. 



WRITES A TRACT AGAINST POPERT. 87 



them in conversation to express themselves incautiously, he 
would accuse them of treasonable language, and have them 
prosecuted.* There was no class of men so much disliked by 
the lieads of universities and the higher ranks of the clergy as 
the Friends, for their doctrines struck at the very root of the 
hierarchy, then so powerful in Great Britain. 

It had been the policy of the clergy and heads of colleges to 
inculcate the opmion among the people, that none but those 
who had received a collegiate education, and a regular ordina- 
tion by a bishop, were authorized to preach the gospel ; hence, 
they stigmatized the Independents, the Baptists, and some 
other dissenters, as dangerous schismatics; but the Friends 
■were still more obnoxious to their censure, for they denied the 
absolute necessity of human learning to qualify a minister of 
the gospel ; maintaining that a gift from on high was sufficient, 
and, moreover, that this gift, being received freely, should be 
exercised without fee or reward from man. 

In the year 1670, Penn wrote and published a tract, called, 
"A Seasonable Caveat against Popery," being an answer to a 
pamphlet entitled, "An Explanation of the Roman Catholic 
Belief." In this tract he treats of the Roman Catholic doctrines 
relative to the Scriptures, the Trinity, prayer to saints and 
angels, justification by merits, the eucharist, prayers in Latin, 
and for the dead, &c. ; showing that for many of their princi- 
ples and practices, there is no authority in the Scriptures, nor 
in the example of the primitive church. But although he 
thought it his duty to caution the public against the inroads 
of Catholic doctrines, yet he declares, in his introductory re- 
marks, that nothing is further from his purpose than "in- 
censing the civil magistrate against them, (were such a thing 
possible,) for he was himself a friend to an universal tolera- 
tion of faith and worship." Notwithstanding this tract and 
many other passages in his writings, showing his strong oppo- 
sition to Papal doctrines, he was frequently accused of being a 
Catholic, and even a Jesuit ; so much were his enemies strait- 
ened to find cause of accusation against him. 

* Gough's History, ii. 344. EllwoocVs Life, 132. 



LIFE OF WILLIv^M PEXX. 



In the latter part of this year, being at a meeting in Wheeler 
Street, a sergeant, with soldiers, came and waited at the door 
until he stood up to preach, when the sergeant came in, pulled 
him down from his place, and taking him into the street, deli- 
vered him to a constable and his assistant, who took him to the 
Tower. Here he was kept, and a message sent to Sir John 
Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower, by whose order he had been 
arrested. In the evening the lieutenant, in company with Sir 
Samuel Starling, Sir John Sheldon, and others, came to the 
Tower and proceeded to an examination, of which the following 
account has been given by an eye-witness : 

Sir John Robinson. — What is this person's name?* 

Constable. — Mr. Penn, sir. 

J. K. — Is your name Penn ? 

W. P. — Dost thou not know me ? Ilast thou forgot me ? 

J. R. — I do not know you : I do not desire to know such as you are. 

W. P. — If not, why didst thou send for me hither? 

J, R. — Is that your name, sir ? 

W. P. — Yes, yes, my name is Penn ; thou knowest it is. I am not 
ashamed of my name. 

J. R. — Constable, where did you find him ? 

Oonst. — At Wheeler Street, iat a meeting, speaking to the people. 

J. R. — You mean he was speaking to an unlawful assembly ? 

Const, — I do not knoAV indeed, sir ; he M^as there and he was speaking. 

J. Pv. — Give them their oaths. 

W. P. — Hold, do not swear the man ; there is no need of it: I freely 
acknowledge I was at Wheeler Street, and that I spake to an assembly 
of people there. 

J. R., and several others. — lie confesses it. 

W. P.^I do so, I am not ashamed of my testimony. 

J. R. — No matter, give them their oaths.f Mr. Penn, you know the 
law better than I can tell you, and you know these things are contrary 
to the law. 

W. P. — If thou believest me to be better known in the law than thy- 
self, hear me, for I know no law I have transgressed. All laws are to 
be considered strictly and literally, or more explanatorily and lenitively. 
In the first sense, the execution of many laws may be extrema injuria, the 

* The mittimus was already made, and his name put in. 
■j- They were sworn to answer such questions as should be asked, upon 
which they gave the evidence before given bj the constable. 



Ills EXAMINATION. 89 



greatest wrong; in the latter, wisdom and moderation. I would have 
thee make that part thy choice. 

Now, whereas, I am probably to be tried by the late act against con- 
venticles, I conceive it doth not reach me. 

J. R. — No, sir, I shall not proceed upon that law. 

W. P. — What then ? I am sure that law was intended for the standard 
on these occasions. 

J. R. — The Oxford Act of six months. 

W. P. — That, of all laws, cannot concern me, for first, I was never in 
orders, neither episcopally nor classically, and one of them is intended 
by the preamble of the act. 

J. R. — No, no, any that speak in unlawful assemblies, and you spoke 
in an unlawful assembly. 

W. P. — Two things are to be considered. First, that the words "such 
as speak in any unlawful assemblies," alter the case much ; for such is 
relative of the preamble, and cannot concern prisoners in any other quali- 
fication than under some ordination or mark of priesthood. I am per- 
suaded thou knowest I am no such person ; I was never ordained, nor 
have I any particular charge or stipend, that may entitle me to such a 
function, and, therefore, I am wholly unconcerned in the word " such." 
Secondly, an unlawful assembly is too general a word ; the act doth not 
define to us what is meant by an unlawful assembly. 

J. R. — But other acts do. 

"VV. P. — That is not to the purpose, for that may be an unlawful assem- 
bly in one act that may, by circumstances, not be so adjudged in another; 
and it is hard that you will not stick to some one act or law, but, to accom- 
plish your ends, borrow a piece out of one act to supply the defects of 
another, and of a difierent nature from it. 

J. R. — Will you swear? will you take the oath that the act requires 
of you ? 

W. P. — This is not to the purpose. 

J. R. — Read him the oath. 

THE OATH. 

I, AV. P., do swear, that it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, 
to take arms against the king, and that I do abhor that traitorous position 
of taking arms, by liis authority, against his person, or against those that 
nre commis?sionated by him, in pursuance of such commissions, and that 
I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of government, either iu 
church or state. 

J. R.— Will you take it? 

W. P.— What need I take an oatli not to do that it is my faith not to 
do, so far as concerns the king? 



90 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Lieut. Price. — Then swear it. 

W. P. — The oath, in that respect, is ah-eady answered to all intents and 
purposes, for if I cannot fight against aii}'^ man, (much less against the 
king,) what need I take an oath not to do it? Should I swear not to do 
what is already against my conscience to do ? 

J. R. — You will not take the oath then ? 

W. P. — What if I refuse the oath, not because of the matter contained 
in it, (which only can criminate in the sense of the act,) but of scrupling 
any oath? Shall I, therefore, be committed to prison? This is most 
unequal. It was Siboutji ghting, the oath and act were df'signed, and not 
taking of oaths: therefore, the denying to swear when there is a denial 
to fight or plot, is no equitable ground for commitment. 

J. R. — Do you refuse to swear ? 

W. P. — Yes, and that upon better grounds than those for which thou 
wouldst have me swear, if thou wilt please to hear me. 

J. R. — I am sorry you should put me upon this severity; it is no plea- 
sant work to me. 

AY. P. — These are but words ; it is manifest this is a prepense malice ; 
thou hast several times laid the meetings for me, and this day in par- 
ticular. , 

J. R. — No, I profess I could not tell you would be there. A? 

W. P. — Thine own corporal told me, that you had intelligence at the J) 
Tower, that I would be at Wheels Street to-day, almost as soon "asTI 
knew it myself. It is disingenuous and partial : I never give thee occasion 
for such unkindness. 

J. R. — I knew no such thing ; but if I had, I confess I should have 
sent for you. 

W. P. — That might have been spared, I do heartily believe it. 

J. R. — I vow, Mr. Penn, I am sorry for you ; you are an ingenious 
gentleman, all the world must allow you, and do allow you that, and you 
have a plentiful estate. Why^ should you render yourself unhappy by 
associating with such a simple people? 

W. P. — I confess I have made it my choice to relinquish the company 
of those that are ingeniously wicked, to converse with those that are more 
honestly simple. 

J. R. — I wish you wiser. 

W. P. — And I wish thee better. 

J. R. — You have been as bad as other folks. 

W. P. — When, and where ? I chai-gc thee to tell the company to my 
face. 

J. R. — Abroad, and at home too. 
J . Sir John Sheldon (as is supposed). — No, no, Sir John, that is too much,\y 
'^--^^T_(or words to tliat purpose.) - ^ 

^V^. P. — I make this bold challpn^e to all men, women, and children 



HIS EXAMINATION. 91 



upon earth, justly to accuse mo of ever having seen me drunk, heard mo 
swear, utter a curse, or speak one obscene word, (much less that I ever 
made it my practice.) I speak this to God's glory, that has ever pre- 
served me from the power of those pollutions, and that from a child begat 
an hatred in me towards them. But there is nothing more common than, 
when men are of a more severe life than ordinary, for loose persons to com- 
fort themselves with the conceit, "that they were once as they are," as 
if there were no collateral, or oblique line of the compass, or globe, men 
may be said to come from, to the arctic pole ; but directly and imme- 
diately from the antarctic. Thy words shall be thy burden, and I trample 
thy slander as dirt under my feet. 

J. R. — Well, Mr. Penn, I have no ill-will towards you ; your father 
was my friend, and I have a great deal of kindness for you. 

AV. P. — But thou hast an ill way of expressing it. You are grown too 
high to consider the plea of those you call your forefathers, for liberty 
of conscience against the Papists, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, Bradford, 
&.Q,. It was then plea good enough, " My conscience won't let me go to 
mass," and " My conscience wills that I should have an English Testa- 
ment." 

But that single plea for separation, then reasonable, is now by you that 
pretend to succeed them, adjudged unreasonable and factious. 

I say, since the only just cause of the first revolt from Rome was a dis- 
satisfaction in point of conscience, you cannot reasonably persecute others 
Avho have right to the same plea, and allow that to be warrantable. 

J. R. — But you do nothing but stir up the people to sedition : and there 
was one of your friends that told me you preached sedition, and meddled 
with the government. 

W. P. — "We have the unhappiness to be misrepresented, and I am not 
the least concerned therein. Bring me the man that will dare to justify 
this accusation to my face, and if I am not able to make it appear that it 
is both my practice and all my friends' to instil principles of peace and 
moderation, (and only war against spiritual wickedness, that all men 
maybe brought to fear God and work righteousness,) I shall contentedly 
undergo the severest punishment all your laws can expose me to. 

As for the King, I make this offer, that if any living can make it appear, 
directly or indirectly, from the time I have been called a Quaker, (sin«;e 
from thence you date me seditious,) I have contrived or acted any thing 
injurious to his person, or the English government, I shall submi«: my 
person to your utmost cruelties, and esteem them all but a due recom- 
pense. It is hard that I, being innocent, should be reputed guilty ; but 
the will of God be done. I accept of bad report as well as good. 

J. R. — Well, I must send you to Newgate for six months ; and when 
tliey are expired you will come out. 

AY. P.~Is that all? Thou well knowcst a larger imprisonment ha>* not 



92 . LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



daunted me. I accept it at the hand of the Lord, and am contented to 
suffer his will. Alas! you mistake your interest: you will miss your 
aim ; this is not the way to compass your ends. 

J. R. — You bring yourself into trouble ; you will be the heading of 
parties, and drawing people after you. 

W. P. — Thou mistakest ; there is no such way as this to render men 
remarkable. You are angry that I am considerable ; and yet you take 
the very way to make me so, by making this bustle and stir about one 
peaceable person. 

J. R. — I Avish your adhering to these things do not convert you to some- 
thing at last. 

W. P. — I would have thee and all other men to know that I scorn that 
religion which is not worth suffering for, and able to sustain those that 
are afflicted for it ; mine is, and whatever may be my lot for my constant 
profession of it, I am no ways careful, but resigned to answer the will 
of God, by the loss of goods, liberty, and life itself. When you have all, 
you can have no more ; and then, perhaps, you will be contented, and 
by that you will be better informed of our innocency. Thy religion per- 
secutes, and mine forgives; and I desire my God to forgive you all that 
are concerned in my commitment, and I leave you all in perfect charity, 
Avishing your everlasting salvation. 

J. R, — Send a corporal with a file of musqueteers along with him. 

W. P. — No, no, send thy lacquey; I know the way to NcAvgate. 

This being the second time, within three months, that Penn 
had been committed to Newgate, it may not be uninteresting 
to the reader to inquire what was then the condition of that 
celebrated prison, and the general character of its inmates ? 
At that period the attention of the British nation had not 
been awakened to the condition of her prisons ; the philan- 
thropy of Howard had not yet been employed " to survey the 
mansions of sorrow and pain," nor had the angelic spirit of 
Elizabeth Fry yet visited those gloomy cells, to instruct the 
ignorant, and call the degraded to penitence and prayer. 

Thomas Ellwood, a contemporary of Penn, who had himself 
been immured in the same prison, describes Newgate as the 
loathsome and pestilential abode of misery and crime. 

For refusing to SAvear, he and many other Friends were com- 
niittea and thrust into the " common side," which, he says, '4s 
generally accounted, and really is, the worst part of that prison- 
not so much from the place as the people, it being usually, stocked 



[ 



NEWGATE PRISOX. 98 



witli the veriest rogues and meanest sort of felons and pick- 
pockets, -who, not being able to pay chamber rent on the mas- 
ter's side, are thrust in there."* "When we came there," 
says Ellwood, "we found that side of the prison very full of 
Friends, who were prisoners there before, (as, indeed, were at 
that time all other parts of that prison, and most of the other 
prisons about town,) and our addition caused a great throng on 
that side ; notwithstanding which, we were kindly welcomed by 
our friends whom we found there, and kindly entertained by 
them, as well as their condition would admit, until we could get 
in our own accommodations, and provide for ourselves. 

" We had the liberty of the hall, (which is on the first story 
over the gate, and which in the daytime is common to all the 
prisoners on that side, felons as well as others, to walk in, and 
to beg out of,) and we had also the liberty of some other rooms 
over the hall to walk or to work in a-days ; but in the night we 
all lodged in one room, which was large and round, having in 
the middle of it a great pillar of oaken timber, which bore up 
the chapel that is over it. To this pillar Ave fastened our ham- 
mocks at the one end, and to the opposite wall on the other 
end, quite round the room, and in three degrees or three stories 
high, one over the other ; so that they who lay in the upper 
and middle row of hammocks were obliged to go to bed first, 
because they were to climb up to the higher by getting into 
the lower ; and under the lower rank of hammocks, by the wall 
sides, were laid beds upon the floor, in which the sick and such 
weak persons as could not get into the hammocks lay ; and, in- 
deed, though the room was large and pretty airy, jot the breath 
and steam that came from so many bodies of different ages, condi- 
tions, and constitutions, packed up so close together, was enough 
to cause sickness amongst us, and I believe did so, for there 
were many sick, and some very weak. Though we were not 
long there, yet in that time one of our fellow-prisoners, who 
lay in one of those pallet-beds, died. 

"A coroner's inquest being held over the body of tlie d©» 

^ Elhvood's Life, p. 90-94. 



94 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX, 



ceased, one of the jury insisted upon being shown the roo-- 
where he had died ; this was granted by the keeper with great 
reluctance, and when the jury came to the door, the foreman 
who led them, lifting up his hands, said, Lord bless me, what a 
sight is here ? I did not think there had been so much cruelty 
in the hearts of Englishmen, to use Englishmen in this manner i 
We need not now question, (said he to the rest of the jury,) how 
this man came by his death : we may rather wonder that they 
are not all dead, for this place is enough to breed an infection 
among them."* 

From a letter of Penn, addressed to the sheriff of London 
during his imprisonment at Newgate, it may be mferred that he 
and his friends had hired lodgings in another part of the prison, 
but owing to the ill treatment they received from the jailers, 
they determined to go into the common jail, among the felons, 
rather than submit to their extortions and abuse. 

In the conclusion of his letter, he says, " We are not willing 
to be bondsmen at our own cost, not for the value of the house 
rent and other additional expenses, but for our testimony against 
the insulting menaces and extortions of some of the jailers, 
who would cast us into the common, stinking jail ! and there- 
fore are resolved to undergo that severity, "f 

How intense must have been the intolerance and bigotry of 
that age, when a man of Penn's refined feelings, accomplished 
manners, and amiable deportment, could be thus cast into a 
noisome prison among felons and vagabonds, merely because 
he asserted the right to worship God according to his own con- 
victions of duty ! 

During the six months of his imprisonment, he found useful 
employment for his pen, and wrote several religious tracts, 
the most important of which is entitled, " The Great Cause of 
Liberty of Conscience once more briefly Debated and Defended 
by the Authority of Reason, Scripture, and Antiquity." 

This work evinces ability and erudition, as well as the most 
enlarged Christian charity. 

♦• Ellwood's Life. f Life of Penn, prefixed to his works. 



REMONSTRANCE TO PARLIAMENT. 91 



It is not deemed necessary here to analyze its contents ; for 
although much needed at the time of its publication, none of 
its positions would be controverted now. We should, however, 
bear in mind that this and other writings of Penn, having the 
same object, exerted a powerful influence in preparing the 
public mind for that change of policy in regard to toleration 
which he afterward had the happiness to see adopted by the 
British government. 

While in Newgate he learned that the government was about 
to enact further laws to enforce the Conventicle Act, and in- 
crease its severity. This drew from him a respectful but 
spirited remonstrance, addressed " To the High Court of Par- 
liament," in which, after stating the great sufi'erings already 
endured by dissenters, and especially "by the poor, the 
widows, and the fatherless," he proceeds to state some of the 
principles of Friends in relation to civil government. 

First. That "they owned civil government as God's ordi- 
nance, for the punishment of evil-doers and the praise of them 
that do well," and though they could not comply with those 
laws which prohibited them from worshiping God according to 
their consciences; believing it to be His alone prerogative 
to preside in matters of faith and worship; "yet they were 
ready to yield obedience to every ordinance relating to human 
affairs." 

Secondly. They deny and renounce, as horrible impiety, all 
plots and conspiracies. 

Thirdly. That in all revolutions they had demeaned them- 
selves peaceably, notwithstanding the numerous provocations 
they had received. 

Fourthly. That it was their fixed resolution to continue the 
same, and where they could not actually/ obey, they would 
'patiently suffer. 

And finally, he desired, if these reasons were not satisfac 
tory, that Parliament would grant them a hearing, as they had 
"many reasons to offer against such severe proceedings." 

When the time of his imprisonment had expired, he was set 
at liberty, and he then resumed his religious labours ; passed 



96 



LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



over into Holland, and visited some parts of Germany. In order 
to preach the gospel; but no particular account of this visit 
appears to have been preserved. 



CHAPTER VI. 

His marriage-Trayels as a minister-Declaration of indulgence issued 
bj Charles II.-Effect of it on dissenters-Controversial tracts-Penn'8 
Christian Quaker-Public discussion with Thomas Hicks and others- 
Letter from AVilliam Penn to George Fox-Letter of Dr. Henry Moore 
—Controversy with John Perrot— Letter to Friends in Maryland. 

1672-73. 

After his return fi^om his first religious visit on the conti- 
nent, Penn, then in his twenty-eighth year, entered into the 
married state. The object of his choice was Gulielma Maria 
Sprmgett, daughter of Sir William Springett, formerly of Dar- 
ling in Sussex, who, during the civil wars, lost his life at Arua 
Qel castle. His widow was afterward married to Isaac Pen- 
nington, and they having embraced the doctrine of Friends, 
Gulielma, while under their care, was convinced of the same 
principles, and also became a member. She was not only beau- 
tiful in person, but was esteemed a woman of extraordinary 
merit and great sweetness of temper. Penn considered it ''a 
match of Providence's making," and says, ''she loved him with 
■- deep and upright love, choosing him before all her many 



a 

suitors."* 



Soon after their marriage, they went to live at Hickmans- 
worth, in Hertfordshire. Being now settled in the most agree- 
able manner, with a wife for whom he always cherished the most 
^ender affection, and in possession of an ample estate, which 
must have claimed a considerable share of his attention, we jet 



* See his Letter to his Childr 



DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE. 97 



do not find liim desistino; from his religious labours or takinir 
up his rest in temporal enjoyments. 

In the summer of 1672, he took a journey to visit the meet- 
ings of Friends in the counties of Kent, Sussex, and Surrey ; 
during which, his own memorandums furnish an evidence of 
great industry in his ministerial labours. In the space of three 
weeks, he and his companion attended meetings at twenty-one 
different places, in which he was enabled to labour in the work 
of the ministry with satisfaction and success. 

After speaking of their last meeting on that journey as being 
a season of divine consolation and refreshment, he concludes 
with this acknowledgment: "And thus hath the Lord been 
with us in all our travels for his truth, and with his blessings 
of peace are we returned, which is a reward beyond all worldly 
treasure."* 

In this year (1672) Charles II. issued a ''declaration of in- 
dulgence," by which the penal laws against non-conformists 
were suspended. This act, which appears in itself commenda- 
ble, was far from being satisfactory to the nation, on account 
of the great extension of the king's prerogative implied in it; 
for he expressly stated in his proclamation, that it was granted 
'•'■by virtue of Ms supreme authority hi ecclesiastical matters^'" 
and it was generally believed that his object was to favour the 
Papists, to whose communion he was supposed to be secretly 
attached. 

As the king's declaration granted to dissenters no more than 
they believed to be their natural and indefeasible right, they 
were, generally, not backward in accepting its provisions, 
although disposed to protest against this arbitrary and danger- 
ous exercise of power, by which the monarch undertook to set 
aside the laws of the realm without the concurrence of Par- 
liament. 

The Friends now began to enjoy a short respite from persecu- 
tion, and upward of four hundred who were in prison for non- 
conformity were immediately restored to their families. But 
this season of toleration Avas the means of exciting among some 
* Life, prefixed to his works. 



98 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



of the dissenting ministers a greater disposition to attack the 
Society of Friends than they had hitherto manifested. While 
the penal laws to enforce uniformity and suppress conventicles 
were so barbarously executed, certain sects among the dissent- 
ers exercised what they called "Christian prudence," in hold- 
ing their meetings but seldom, or at such times and places as 
would be least suspected. By this means the Friends were 
exposed to bear the brunt of the persecution, for they would 
not abandon their meetings, and when their meeting-houses 
were pulled down, they met upon the ruins ; even the children 
among them assembled to keep up the meetings after their 
parents were sent to prison. 

This fidelity and perseverance had a wonderful effect in 
spreading their principles ; for a religion which could arm its 
votaries with such fortitude and self-sacrificing zeal, must, it 
was thought, be founded in sincerity and truth. Hence, many 
persons from among the other dissenting societies were induced 
to come among them and embrace their principles.* The mi- 
nisters, finding their flocks deserting them, as soon as the sun- 
shine of toleration brought them out from their hiding-places, 
took up their pens to controvert, and in many cases to mis- 
represent, the principles of the society. To answer these 
attacks, afforded Penn much employment during the first year 
of his residence at Rickmansworth. 

As most of the tracts written at this time refer to publications 
and circumstances now almost forgotten, it seems scarcely ne- 
cessary to refer to them, further than to remark, that his 
answers were written with ability, and were thought to be 
serviceable to the cause of truth. 

On sending one of his tracts to Justice Fleming, Deputy 
Lieutenant in Westmoreland, Penn wrote him a letter, in which, 
after acknowledging a kindness the Justice had done to his wife 
some years before, he remarks, ''I know of no religion that 
destroys courtesy and kindness, which, rightly understood, are 
great indications of true men, if not of good Christians. "f 

In the year 1673. accompanied by his wife and George 

* Gough, ii. 368. f Life, prefixed to bis works. 



C0XTI10VEI13Y WITH HICKS. 99 



Whitehead, an eminent minister of the society, he visited the 
western part of England. At Bristol, during the great fair, 
they were joined by George Fox, who had just returned from 
America, whither he had gone on a religious mission. Great 
meetings were held in Bristol, and many were convinced of the 
principles of Friends. 

About this time, Thomas Hicks, a dissenting preacher, wrote 
a pamphlet called "A Dialogue between a Christian and a 
Quaker," in which he misrepresented the principles of Friends, 
by putting such silly and unsound expressions into the mouth of 
his pretended Quaker, that they were easily confuted; yet it 
was written w^ith so much art, as to make the public believe it 
was the report of a dialogue with a real Friend. Penn, in 
order to counteract its effect, wrote the first part of his '' Chris- 
tian Quaker, and his Divine Testimony Vindicated," in w^hich 
he treats of ''the light of Christ within, the great principle of 
God in man, the root and spring of divine life and knowledge 
in the soul, that by which salvation is effected for man, and 
w^hich is the characteristic of the people called Quakers ; their 
faith and testimony to the world." In this able and excellent 
work, he maintains the universality of divine grace, and its 
sufficiency for man's salvation, which he proves conclusively 
from the Scriptures; and corroborates by the testimony of 
many among the Gentiles, who were enlightened by it, and 
who "held and practised high sanctity of life."* 

It was not long, before Hicks published a second part of his 
dialogue between a Quaker and a Christian, and then a thii'd 
part, all in the same strain of misrepresentation. Penn 
answered these in two books, the first, entitled "Reason 
against Railing," the other, "The Counterfeit Christian De- 
tected," in which he exposed the perversions of Hicks, and 
explained the principles of Friends. 

But some members of the society were not disposed to let 
the matter end here. They thought Hicks had taken an un- 
fair advantage, by palming off upon the public a counterfeit 

* Select Works, folio, 223. 237. 



100 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Quaker, and they appealed to his own society to give them an 
opportunity to clear their profession of the odium cast upon it. 
This was at length agreed to, and they named a time for a 
meeting to be held at their meeting-house in London; but the 
Friends objected to the time proposed, as Penn and Whitehead 
were at a distance on a religious journey, and could not attend. 
The others persisted in holding the meeting at that time, and 
there being a great attendance on their side and but very few 
Friends, Hicks was declared to be acquitted by a majority of 
voices. 

On the return of Penn and Whitehead, they protested against 
this unfair proceeding, and with much difficulty got another 
meeting appointed at the same place. When the parties met, 
Thomas Ellwood read the charges against Hicks, but his parti- 
sans, instead of allowing those charges to be investigated, com- 
menced an attack on the doctrines of Friends, as stated in 
Penn's Christian Quaker. 

A long debate ensued, in which the principal speakers on 
the part of Hicks were Jeremy Ives, William Kiffin, Thomas 
Hicks, Thomas Plant, and Robert Ferguson; and on the part 
of the Friends, George Whitehead, Stephen Crisp, William 
Penn, and George Keith. A sketch of this debate is preserved 
in Sewell's History of Friends. It was attended by several 
thousand people, and continued till night without coming to 
any decision.* One of the points at issue related to the per- 
son of Christ, as may be seen by the following fragment of a 
letter from William Penn to George Fox, inserted in Clarkson's 
Life of Penn : — 

" Thy fatherly love," says he, " and tender care, I do with all gentle- 
ness and true respect, receive ; but thou shalt understand the occasion 
of our answer, wherein we stated that, 'the holy manhood was a member 
of the Christ of God.' The question was, ' if the manhood were a part of 
Christ?' To this, we must either have answered nothing, or only a Scrip- 
ture, or in the terms of the question, Avhich we did. 

"If we had answered nothing, we had gratified the enemy, stumbled 
the moderate, and grieved friends. 

, ; * Sewell, il. 216. 



CONTROVERSY WITH HICKS. 101 



*' If a Scripture, it had been no way satisfactory ; fur the question, they 
would have said, was not about the text, but about the understanding of 
it; and thej" would have charged us with so wresting it to a mystical 
sense, as to shut out the person that appeared in the flesh ; so that if we 
hfid answered them in any of those Scriptures, they would have asked, 
in all probability, what man do you mean ? the spiritual and heavenly 
man? the new creature or creation? or that outward man, that was out- 
wardly born of the Virgin in Palestine, and was there outwardly cruci- 
fied ? If we had said no, we had been lost. That they would have put 
a mystical construction on our words, if we had not answered them 
plainly, that is, by what we understood by the Scripture rather than by 
the Scripture itself, I have cause to believe, because the same person that 
proposed the question thus expounded, after the meeting, our belief in 
Christ, * that he was born of a virgin, that is, of a virgin-nature and spirit ; 
crucified, that is, slain by sin in us ; rose, that is, rose up to rule us, and 
the like,' — making the people believe that we denied that person that 
outwardly appeared to be the true Christ. 

" Further, if we had answered in the terms of the question, we had 
txaken Christ into parts, whereas I cried twice to them, ' Christ is not to 
be divided into parts.' But they still pressed the question, six thousand 
people, I believe, being present, and many of them were desirous of an 
answer. Upon this, Friends consented that it should be ansAvered them, 
'that the manhood was a part of Christ.' But I feared the word part, 
and chose rather to say, that we believed the holy manhood to be a mem- 
ber of the Christ of God, and my reasons for so doing were these : first, 
what needed we to grant more than was asked ? Friends only desired to 
have us grant that the manhood was a part of Christ, in order to over- 
throw T. Hicks's attempts to prove us no Christians ; and that was of so 
great moment in that solemn and great assembly as tongue cannot utter 
Secondly, since we were willing to go no further in our confessions thttti 
they asked at our hands, this was my reason for rejecting the word part 
for MEMBER, to wit : that a body may be taken into members without a 
breach of union, but not into parts. A member divides not; parts di- 
vide. Christ is called the head, that is, the most noble member, the Church 
the body, and particulars are styled members of that body. Now, calling 
these members, divides them not into parts. Thirdly, I did not say it 
was BUT a member, and I often repeated that it Avas of axd belonging to 
Christ, and in my confession at the close I said, that we believed in 
Christ; both as he was the man Jesus, and God over all> blessed for 
EVER. And, I am sure that Paul divides him more than we did, (Rom. 
ix. 5,) since he makes a distinction between Christ as God, and Christ as 
man. Now if that hold, the one was not completely Christ without the 
other, as said these Baptists. Therefore, G. K. said, that he was most 
excellently called so as God, less excellently as man, and least excellpntl? 
I* 



102 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 

as to his body. "VVe might truly say then, that the body was a member, 
OR BELONGING TO THE TRUE Christ ; and if Ave had said more, we had gone 
too far, as I have learned. But, blessed be the Lord, I have not sought 
to comprehend or imagine ; but as I am furnished upon the occasion, so 
it goes. I value the invisible touches and feelings of heavenly virtue and 
life beyond it all, nor am I delighted with these matters : but, dear George, 
I confess I never heard any Friend speak so fully as to Christ's manhood 
as thyself. I think so much in print, in our name as a people, would re- 
move much prejudice, and the contest would come more to power against 
power, than words against words ; only we must remember, that Christ 
is said to have been in the wilderness, and to have brought the people out 
of Egypt. If so, then he was Christ before he was born of the Virgin, 
and the Apostles say that Christ is God, and that all things were made 
by him ; though doubtless the great ■and glorious appearance might, by 
way of eminency, most properly deserve and require that title. As for 
those gross terms of human flesh and human blood, I never spoke or 
wrote them since I knew the Lord's truth. And this I must needs say, 
we have been as poor, tossed sheep, up and down, much abused, vilified 
and belied ; but over all God is raising the strong horn of his salvation ; 
and he has magnified his name in all these bustles and stirs ; and truth 
has manifestly gotten ground, and in no one thing more than our plain 
confessions of Christ ; so much had the devil roosted and nestled himself 
in them under their misapprehensions of our words in that particular; 
and if any weakness attended the phrasing of it, I hope and believe the 
simplicity in which it was delivered will hide it from the evil watcher." 
(Here the first sheet of the letter ends, the second being lost.) 

Some time previous to the discussion with Hicks, an Inde- 
pendent preacher, named John Faldo, had written a book 
entitled, " Quakerism no Christianity." 

Faldo now republished his work, and called together a 
council of divines, who accompanied it by a commendatory 
preface, prepared by their joint labours. 

An answer to this enlarged edition was prepared by Penn, 
under the title, '' A just rebuke to one and twenty learned and 
reverend divines." This production coming into the hands of 
Dr. Henry Moore, a learned and pious member of the esta- 
blished church, he wrote a letter to Penn, in which he ex- 
presses himself thus : — 

" Indeed, meeting with the little pamphlet of yours, newly come out, 
wherein some twenty and odd learned and reverend divines arc concerned, 



I 



CONTRCVERSY WITU PERROT. 103 



I had the curiosity to buy and read it ; and though I wish there were no 
occasion for these controversies and contests betwixt those who have left 
the church of Rome ; yet I found such a taste both of wit and seriousness 
in that pamplilet, and the argument it was about so weighty, that I was 
resolved to buy all of JohuFaldo's and all of yours touching thatsu}»ject; 
but before that little pamphlet, I never met with any of your writings. 
As to your other two books against John Faldo, whatever passages there 
be that may not be agreeable to my sentiments, you will easily perceive 
of what nature they are, by perusing my remarks upon G. K.'s immediate 
revelation. But there are sundry passages in those two books of yours 
nobly Christian, and for which I have no small kindness and esteem for 
you, they being testimonies of that which I cannot but highly prize 
wherever I find it."* 

Hitherto the controversial writings of Penn had been in 
defence of his principles, when attacked by persons of other 
religious societies ; now, he was about to be engaged in a con- 
troversy rendered more painful by the delusions of some who 
w^ere of his own communion. 

The doctrine, which Friends have ever considered the cor- 
ner-stone of their religious edifice, is the immediate teachinq 
of the Holy Spirit, which they believe is given to all, but more 
especially to those who have experienced the new birth, being 
their bond of union with Christ, the head of the church. But 
in every age there have been some who, for want of dwelling 
in humility, watchfulness, and prayer, have suffered their heated 
imaginations to lead them into extravagant opinions and dis- 
orderly behaviour. Such an one, in the primitive church, is 
described by the apostle Paul, as " intruding into those things 
which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up in his fleshly mind," 
and not remaining in subordination to the head, which is 
Christ. Among the early Friends, there were a number of 
persons thus led away, whose defection gave much uneasiness 
to those who were esteemed as fathers in the church. 

One of these fanatics, named John Perrot, attained some 
notoriety by his sufferings at Rome. 

Having gone to that city with another Friend by the namo 
of John Luff, (or Love,) they declaimed with such boldness 

* Clarkson's Life of Peuu. 



J 04 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PEXX. 



against the idolatry and corruption prevailing there, that they 
were arrested and put in prison. LufF was confined in the 
prison of the Inquisition, where he died, not without strong 
suspicion that he came to his end hy violent means. Perrot 
was immured in a hospital for the insane, which perhaps was a 
place not altogether inappropriate to the state of his mind. 
From Rome, he wrote to his friends in the apostolic style, 
signing himself "John," without the surname, and adding by 
way of P. S., '' Send this forward, and read my lij-e in your 
rtieetiyigs.''^ After much effort on the part of his friends he 
was liberated, and, returning to England, he began to manifest 
opposition to the practice which prevailed among Friends, of 
taking off the hat in the time of public vocal prayer, saying, 
that unless they had an immediate inward motion to take off 
their hats, they need not do it, and he, professing to have no 
such evidence, refused to comply. 

This was considered, by the prominent members of the so- 
ciety, a species of disorder that could not be overlooked, for 
one of the reasons they had always assigned for not taking off 
their hats in the presence of rulers and magistrates was, that 
this is an act of homage due only to the Almighty, and to be 
paid Him by the congregation in time of public prayer, as well 
as by the minister while engaged in preaching the gospel. 
For this mode of manifesting reverence for the Divine majesty, 
they adduced the authority of the apostle Paul, (1 Cor. xi. 4,) 
and the practice of the primitive church. 

Perrot, being unwilling to comply with the judgment of the 
society, was, after many admonitions, disowned ; and subse- 
quently, being placed in an office under government, he wore 
a sword, and became a rigid exacter of oaths. Some time 
after his expulsion, a pamphlet, attributed to him, was pub- 
lished anonymously, called "The Spirit of the Hat." This 
1 wrought out a reply from Penn, with the singular title, " The 
Spirit of Alexander the Coppersmith lately revived, and now 
justly rebuked." Perrot followed up his attack upon the 

* Sewell's Hist. i. 358. Ellwood's Life, 110. 



FRIENDS IX MMIYLAXD. IQo 



order and discipline of tlie society, by anotlicr pamphlet, enti- 
tled, " Tyranny and Hypocrisy detected," which ^Yas answered 
by Penn in a publication called, " Judas and the Jews com- 
bined against Christ and his followers."* 

This controversy is important in the history of the society 
of Friends, from the principles involved in it. They were 
from their first rise a people strongly attached to religious and 
civil liberty, and some of them were disposed to view with 
jealousy every restraint imposed by the discipline which George 
Fox and other experienced minds proposed for their govern- 
ment. It is, therefore, not surprising that some of them should 
have been led astray by the high professions and plausible 
reasoning of John Perrot. 

Penn maintained that there is, and must be, a judgment in 
the church when assembled, which is superior to the judgment 
of individuals, for the Spirit of God does not lead into confu- 
sion, but into order, harmony, and love. 

At this time the Friends in Maryland being subjected to 
some sufferings or disabilities on account of their scruples in 
regard to taking oaths, Penn interposed his influence with Lord 
Baltimore, the proprietary, and with the attorney-general of 
the colony, to procure an order for their exemption. It ap- 
pears that the previous year, (1672,) a Yearly Meeting of 
Friends was held at West River, in jMaryland. Hence we 
may conclude that the number of Friends who had then settled 
in the colony must have been considerable, which may be 
attributed to the wise and tolerant policy pursued by the pro- 
prietary. To Sir George Calvert, the founder of Maryland, 
must be aw^arded the merit of having been one of the first 
legislators who had the wisdom to embrace, and the fidelity to 
carry out in practice, the great doctrine of religious toleration. 
Although a member of the Catholic church, which in Europe 
had shown the most unrelenting hostility to heretics, he gave to 
all religious persuasions a free toleration, and to all believers 
in Christianity he extended equal privileges in the civil go 
vernment. 

* Clarkson, p. 00 



106 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 

It is probable that a legal provision for the exemption of 
those who were scrupulous about taking oaths, had not been 
thought of at the foundation of the colony ; but it may be in- 
ferred, from the following extract, from William Penn's letter 
to Friends in Maryland, that his request on their behalf was 
granted. 

Dear Friends : — It fell to my lot to manage your concerns with the 
attorney-general of the colony and the Lord Baltimore about oaths ; I 
obtained to George Fox's paper the answer endorsed on the back. Now 
my advice to you is to represent to them, 

First. — That oaths have arisen from corruptions ; that falseness, dis- 
trust, and jealousies brought them into the world, as say Polybius, Gro- 
tius, Bishop Gawden, and others, and God having redeemed you to truth- 
speaking, the cause is taken away, viz. falsehood, and therefore the effect 
by way of remedy, to wit, oaths should cease. 

Secondly. — Christ expressly forbids swearing ; inasmuch as he doth 
not only prohibit vain SAvearing, which was already forbidden under the 
law, but that swearing which the law allowed. 

Thirdly. — That it is not only our sense ; Polycarpus, Ponticus, Blan- 
dina, Basilides, primitive martyrs, were of this mind ; and Justin Mar- 
tyr, Cyprian, Origen, Lactantius, Clemens Alexandrinus,Basilius Mag- 
nus, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Chromatius, Euthymius, 
(Fathers,) so read the text, not to mention anyof the Protestant martyrs. 
Therefore should they be tender. 

Fourthly. — There is no injury done to the plantation to take your words ; 
if any, to you that suffer the same penalty for a lie, which is only due to 
PERJURY ; and which the law, without your consent, does not inflict ; your 
caution and pledge for honesty is as large as he that swears, for as truth- 
speaking fulfils the law, so equal punishment with perjured persons satis- 
fies it. 

Lastly. — That your coming thither as to a sanctuary, makes it reason- 
able that they should not drive you thence for mere conscience, so well 
grounded and confirmed by Scripture, reason, and authorities. Let your 
yea and nay be all. 

The Lord Baltimore mentioned something about your allowing some 
ssmall matter for not performing martial matters. In that be wise, de- 
liberate, and passive ; only if they press too hard, interpose. 

1 suppose they will be moderate in that and all other cases relating 
to you, at least I was told and assured so. 

I have no more, but the truth prospers in meetings and out of them : our 
adversaries fall before us, and the sober people of these three nations are 
open to hear, and ready both to think and speak well of the way of the 



DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE KEVOKED. 107 



Lord. I sent you one of Edward Burrough's books, and two small ones 
of my own, as a token of my love, which accept. So the Lord God of 
eternal strength preserve us all, living, fresh, zealous, and wise in that 
which is pure of Himself, which he hath shed abroad in our hearts, to 
his eternal praise and our everlasting comfort. Amen, saith my soul. 

"Your friend and brother in the truth and cause of Christ Jesus, tho 
Light of the world. 



Anno, 1673.' 



"W. PENN. 



CHAPTER YII. 

Declaration of Indulgence revoked — Persecution renewed — William Penn'? 
Letter to Justices of Middlesex — Extract from his autobiography — His 
" Treatise on Oaths" — On " England's Present Interest" — " The Cry of 
the Oppressed" — Dispute and correspondence with Baxter. 

1673-75. 

In the year 1673, Charles II. was induced bj his necessities 
to yield to the wishes of Parliament, and to revoke the Decla- 
ration of Indulgence issued the previous year. 

The nation at that time was under great apprehensions of 
papal encroachments from the suspected predilection of the 
king, and the open preference shown by his brother, the Duke 
of York, for the Catholic religion. 

It was generally believed that the solicitude professed by the 
monarch to protect Protestant dissenters from the operation of 
the penal laws was, in part at least, assumed for the purpose of 
protecting the Catholics who were permitted by the Declara- 
tion the exercise of their religious worship in private houses. 

The Friends were much relieved by the indulgence granted 
by the king, but they knew it was not to be relied on as a per- 
manent measure, and in common with other Protestant dis- 
senters, they desired that liberty of conscience sliould bo 
secured by act of Parliament, instead of the dispensing power 
of the king, which was considered a dangerous exercise of 



108 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



prerogative. The dissenters having seconded the views of the 
Established Church in opposing the king's Declaration of In- 
dulgence, the House of Commons became disposed to favour 
them, and passed a bill for the relief of Protestant non-con- 
formists, but it met with opposition and delay in the House of 
Peers.* The delay of this measure and the withdrawal of the 
king's indulgence gave an opportunity for bigoted and ma- 
licious persons to revive the persecutions against Friends under 
the Conventicle Act, and in many places they were subjected 
to great sufferings by fines, imprisonment, and personal abuse. f 

Some of the justices of Middlesex having sent the constables 
to break up a meeting where William Penn was present, he 
wrote them a letter of remonstrance, in which, after showing 
that their conduct was not such as he expected from them, but 
unneighbourly and unjust, he proceeds to argue that this per- 
secution was not only contrary to the wishes of the king, who 
was the head of their church, but of the Parliament also, for it 
had voted indulgence to the king's Protestant subjects, and 
intended to ratify the same more firmly. He says, "We came 
not to our liberties and properties by the Protestant religion ; 
their date rises higher. Why then should a non-conformity to 
it deprive us of them. The nature of body and soul, earth 
and heaven, this world and that to come, differs. There can 
be no reason to persecute any man in this world about any 
thing that belongs to the next. Who art thou (saith the Holy 
Scripture) that judgeth another man's servant? He must 
stand or fall to his master, the great God. Let tares and 
wheat grow together till the great harvest. To call for fire 
from heaven was no part of Christ's religion, though the re- 
proved zeal of some of his disciples. His sword is spiritual, like 
his kingdom. Be pleased to remember that faith is the gift of 
( jod : and what is not of faith, is sin. We must either be hypo- 
crites in doing what we believe in our consciences we ought not to 
do, or forbearing what we are fully persuaded we ought to do. 

Either give us better faith, or leave us with such as we have^ 

* Hume's Hist. E. iv. 2G6. Gough's Hist. ii. 375. 
f Gough, ii. 892. 



APPLIES TO Tin-: Drxi- OF YORK. 109 



for it seems unreasonable in you to disturb us for this that wo 
have, and yet be unable to give us any other."* 

These cogent arguments against persecution were unanswera- 
ble, but in most cases unavailing ; for bigotry does not stop to rea- 
son, and prejudice is too often deaf to the appeals of humanity. 

The same spirit of persecution was manifested in other coun- 
ties, and Penn wrote to the king for protection, but his appeal 
was in vain; for Charles II., though opposed to persecution, 
was too much engrossed with his pleasures to attend to such 
cases, and was, moreover, at this time, embarrassed by the state 
of his finances and the measures of Parliament. 

The Oath of Allegiance was wrested from its intended pur- 
pose in order to persecute the Friends. The magistrates or 
judges when they had no evidence to convict them, would often 
tender them this oath, knowing that they could not swear, and 
then for a refusal to take it would commit them to prison, and 
even subject them to the penalties of a premunire, under which 
George Fox was kept in prison nearly fourteen months. 

In order to obtain his release, Penn made application to the 
Duke of York, who evinced a lively interest in his favour. 
The following account of this interview is extracted from 
''Penn's Autograph Apology for Himself."t 

"The third time I came to court was in '73, ha\'ing not fre- 
quented it for five years. The business that drew me thither 
was the imprisonment of that servant of God, my worthy friend 
George Fox, in Worcester Castle ; the cause, worshipping God 
after another manner than that of the Church of England ; and 
lest it should prove too feeble a tie to hold him, the Justices of 
the Peace that had laid his commitment officiously tendered 
him the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, not that he should 
take them, but because they were pretty sure he would not 
take them, as a supplemental snare to gratify their humour, 
and accomplish their design against him. Tliis ending in a 
prosmunire, and finding no applications in the country were 
likely to succeed for his deliverance out of the hands of some 
very angry, obstinate persons, it was resolved amongst us at 

* Life, prefixe.l to his works. f Mem. P. H. S. vol. iii. p i'- P- --^^ 
K 



tlO LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



London to remove liim by habeas corpus to the King's Bench, 
and try what we could do at the court to procure his discharge. 

"It fell to my lot to go on this errand, in which solicitation 
William Mead accompanied me. The person we first addressed 
ourselves to was the Earl of Middlesex, now also Dorsat, who 
advised us to make our application to the Duke of York as 
most powerful with the king, and that if he would receive us, 
that nobody would be more zealous to perform what he under- 
took, adding that he would speak to him, and that Fleetwood 
Shepherd should introduce us. 

" The time being fixt, we found that gentleman as was 
agreed, and went with him to the Duke's palace, where he en- 
deavoured our admission by the means of the Duchess' Secre- 
tary ; but the house being very full of people and the Duke of 
business, the said Secretary could neither procure our nor his 
own admission; but Colonel Aston, of the bed-chamber, then 
in waiting, and my old acquaintance and friend, (yet I had not 
seen him in some years before,) looking hard at me, thinking 
he should know me, asked me in the drawing-room, first my 
name, and then my business, and upon understanding both, he 
presently gave us the favour we waited for, of speaking with 
the Duke, who came immediately out of his closet to us. 

"After something I said as an introduction to the business, 
I delivered him our request. He perused it, and then told us 
* That he was against all persecution for the sake of religion. 
That it was true he had in his younger time been warm, espe- 
cially when he thought people made it a pretence to disturb 
government, but that he had seen and considered things better, 
and he was for doing to others as he would have others do unto 
him; and he thought it would be happy for the world if all 
were of that mind; for he was sure,' he said, 'that no man 
was willing to be persecuted himself for his own conscience.' 
He added that 'he looked upon us as a quiet, industrious peo- 
ple, and though he was not of our judgment, yet he liked our 
good lives,' with much more to the same purpose, promising 
he would speak to his brother, and doubted not but that the 
king's counsel vrould have orders in our friend's favour. 



LETTER TO GEORGE EOX. HI 



"I ami my companion spoke as occasion offered, to recom- 
mend both our business and our character, but the less because 
he prevented us in the manner I have expressed. 

"When he had done upon this affair, he was pleased to tako 
a very particular notice of me, both for the relation my 
father had had to his service in the navy, and the care he had 
promised him to show in my regard upon all occasions. 

" That he wondered I had not been with him, and that 
whenever I had any business thither, he would order that f 
should have access ; after which he withdrew, and we returned. 

" This was my first visit to the court after five years' retire- 
ment ; and this the success of it, and the first time I had 
spoken with him since '65. That it should be grateful to me 
was no wonder ; and, perhaps, that with some was the begin- 
ning of my faults at court, but what impression it made upon 
my companion, and the expressions he used to declare it, can- 
not well escape the memory of F. Shepherd, to whom, in the 
garden, he presently related what had past, and his own extra- 
ordinary satisfaction, both in that and the duke." 

The following letter to George Fox was written soon after 
the interview above related : 

" Dear George Fox : — Thy dear and tender love in thy last letter 1 
received, and for thy business thus : A great lord, a man of noble mind, 
did as good as put himself in a loving way to get thy liberty. lie pre- 
vailed with the King for a pardon, but that we rejected. Then he prest 
fur a more noble release, that better answered truth. lie prevailed, an<l 
got the King's hand to a release. It sticks with the Lord Keeper, and 
we have used and do use what interest we can. The King is angry with 
him, (the Lord Keeper,) and promiseth very largely and lovingly; so 
that, if we have been deceived, thou seest the grounds of it. But we 
have sought after a writ of error these ten days past, well nigh resolving 
to be as sure as we can ; and an habeas corpus is gone or will go to- 
morrow night. My dear love salutes thee and thy dear wife. Things 
are brave as to Truth in these parts ; great conviction upon the people. 
My wife's dear love is to you all. I long and hope ere long to see thee. 
So, dear George Fox, am, &c. WM. PENN." 

It appears that through the exertions of Penn and others, 
George Fox was brought by a writ of habeas corpus before 
the court of the King's Bench, Sir Matthew Hale presiding, 



112 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



when so many errors were found in the indictment that he was 
cleared and discharged by proclamation.* 

In order to abate the rigour of persecution by enlightening 
the public mind, Penn wrote a Treatise on Oaths, which was 
published in the year 1675. It is introduced by a short ad- 
dress to Parliament, signed by himself and some of the most 
prominent members of the society, showing the hardships 
under which they were suffering on account of their conscien- 
tious refusal to swear, and praying that measures might be 
taken for their relief. 

He assigns ten reasons why Friends cannot swear : 

1st. As oaths Avere introduced on account of falsehood and 
distrust, it is reasonable that a religion which establishes truth 
and confidence should put an end to them. 

2d. They subject truth and those that love it to the same 
tests that have been invented against fraud, thereby effacing 
the distinction between integrity and perfidiousness. 

3d. By complying with the custom of taking oaths, we fear 
we should be guilty of rebellion against the discoveries God 
hath made to our souls of his ancient holy way of truth. 

4th. Oaths have become so familiar among men, that they 
have lost that '' awful influence," which was the reason alleged 
for using them. 

5th. A proper sense of the omnipresence of God renders 
oaths unnecessary. 

6th. They do not afford to the hearer any certain evidence 
of truth, for the judgments of God are not usually seen to 
attend false swearing as they did in the ancient law of jealousy. 

7th. We consider it presumptuous to summon God as a 
witness on trivial occasions. 

8th. The form of the oath is itself objectionable, being made 
up of superstition and ceremony. 

9th. The example and precepts of our Saviour are directly 
opposed to oaths of any kind. Under the Mosaic law swear- 
ing, like divorce, and some other practices, was permitted " be- 
'jause of the hardness of their hearts," but Jesus Christ refers 
* Cough's Hist. ii. 39L 



TREATISE ON TOLERATION. 113 



to that law, and adds, "I say unto you, Swear not at all," kc. 
Matt. V. 33-37. 

10th. Swearing is contrary to the very nature of Christian- 
ity, for it is intended to extirpate those dispositions in man 
which first led to oaths. 

It does not appear that this treatise had any immediate in- 
fluence on the Parliament or nation, for persecution still con- 
tinued without abatement, which induced oiu' author to publish 
another treatise, in which he off'crs many weighty considera- 
tions of Si 2^oUtical nature to show the necessity of toleration. 

This is a work of great ability, entitled "England's present 
interest considered, with honour to the prince and safety to the 
people, in answer to this one question ; what is most fit, easy, 
and safe, at this juncture of affairs, to be done for quieting of 
difi"erences, allaying the heat of contrary interests, and making 
them subservient to the interests of the government, and consist- 
ent with the prosperity of the kingdom ?" 

In this work he traces the history and progress of civil liberty 
in England from the earliest times, showing that it existed long 
before the Reformation, and had no necessary connection with 
the established church. Those rights and privileges which he 
terms English^ and which are the proper birthright of English- 
men, may be reduced to three. 

1st. An ownership, and undisturbed possession of property. 

2d. A voting of every law that is made, whereby that owner- 
ship may be maintained. 

3d. An influence upon, and real share in i\\^i judiciary jwwer 
that must apply every such law, which is the ancient, neces- 
sary, and laudable use of juries. 

" The first of these rights relates to security of estate and 
liberty of ferson from the violence of arbitrary power." It 
was not unknown to the ancient Britons ; was established among 
the Saxons, who were a free people, governed by laws of which 
they themselves were the makers, and it was acknowledged by 
the Norman Conqueror, who made a covenant " to maintain 
the good, approved, and ancient laws of this kingdom, and to 
inhibit all spoil and unjust judgment." 
K* 8 



114 LIFE or WILLIAM TEXX. 



The second of these privileges he proves to be of ancient 
date, for the Britons had their "council," the Saxons their 
" wittangemote" or parliament, and William the ConqueiX)r in 
his laws refers to the " Common Council of the whole kingdom" 
as acting with him. 

The third privilege was well established among the Saxons ; 
for in the laws of King Ethelred, three hundred years before 
the entrance of the Norman Duke, it is said, " In every hun- 
dred let there be a court, and let twelve ancient freemen, to- 
gether with the lord of the hundred, be SAvorn that they will 
not condemn the innocent nor acquit the guilty." This privi- 
lege was also acknowledged under the Norman kings. 

Hence he concludes that the Great Charter, made in the ninth 
of Henry III., was not the nativity but restoratiori of ancient 
privileges from abuses. No grant of 7iezv rights, but a new 
grant, or confirmation rather, of ancient laAvs and liberties, 
violated by King John and restored by his successor at the 
expense of a long and bloody war, which showed them as reso- 
lute to keep as their ancestors had been careful to make those 
excellent laws. 

He then refers to the provisions of Magna Charta, by which 
these privileges were secured to the freemen of England, and 
shows that these fundamental pnneiples are binding on the 
Parliament as well as the King, for the representatives of the 
people have no right to encroach on their liberties. 

He lays down these great principles : That no man in England 
is born slave to another, neither hath one a right to inherit the 
sweat of the other's brow, or reap the benefit of his labour but 
by consent ; therefore no man should be deprived of his property 
unless he injure another man's, and then by legal judgment. 
But certainly nothing is more unreasonable than to sacrifice 
the liberty and property of any man for religion, when he is not 
found breaking any law relating to natural and civil things. 

" Religion, under any modification, is no part of the old 
English government. A man may be a very good English- 
man, and yet a very indifi'erent churchman. 

" Nigh three hundred years before Austin set his foot on Eng- 



tr::ati<i-: o?n TOLKiiATrox. 11,') 



lish ground, had the inhabitants of this island a free govern- 
ment.'' It is want of distinguishing between it and the modes 
of religion which fills every clamorous mouth with such imper- 
tinent cries as this, "Why do not you submit to the govern- 
ment? As if the English civil government came in with Lu- 
ther, or were to go out with Calvin. AVhat prejudice is it for 
a Popish landlord to have a Protestant tenant, or a Presbyterian 
tenant to have an Episcopalian landlord? Certainly the civil 
aftairs of all governments in the world may be peaceably trans- 
acted under the different liveries or trims of religion, where 
civil rights are inviolably observed." 

He then proceeds to maintain a sentiment far in advance of 
that age, which is this : that so far from a government being 
weakened or endangered by a variety of religious sentiments, it 
is, on the contrary, strengthened by them, provided that all 
are equally tolerated, for it prevents combinations against the 
government; and he quotes from Livy to show that "Hanni- 
bal's army, which for thirteen years roved up and down the 
Roman empire, Avas made up of many countries, divers langua- 
ges, laws, customs, and religions, yet under all their successes 
of war and peace they never mutinied." 

The last chapter of this work treats of general and practical 
religion. He says, "No one thing is more unaccountable and 
condemnable among men than their uncharitable contests about 
religion, indeed, about luords and phrases, while they all ver- 
bally meet in the most, if not only, necessary part of the Chris- 
tian religion ; for nothing is more certain, than that if men 
would but live up to one-half of what they know in their con- 
sciences they ought to practise, their edge would be taken off, 
their blood would be sweetened by mercy and truth, and this 
unnatural sharpness qualified. They would quickly find work 
enough at home; each man's hands would be full by the uii- 
ruliness of his own passions and in subjecting his own will, 
instead of devouring one another's good name, liberty, or estate ; 
compassion would rise, and mutual desires to be assistant to 
each other in a better sort of living. Oh! how delightful it 
would be to see mankind, the creation of one God, that hath 



116 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



upheld them to this day, of one accord, at least in the weighty 
things of God's holy law." 

In the conclusion of this excellent treatise he draws this co- 
rollary : that the way to quiet differences and promote the public 
interest, is, 1st, To maintain inviolably the rights of liberty and 
property ; 2d. That the Prince govern himself upon a balance 
toward all religious interests; and. Lastly, That minor differ- 
ences be overlooked and practical religion promoted. 

This treatise, and those which preceded it, not having had 
the desired effect, and persecution still continuing, our author 
determined to make another effort to arrest it. 

As he had before addressed his arguments to the reason and 
consciences of the rulers and people, he now appealed to their 
feelings of humanity by a small work entitled, "The continued 
cry of the oppressed for justice, being a further account of the 
late unjust and cruel proceedings of unreasona,ble men against 
the persons and estates of the people called Quakers ; only for 
their peaceable meetings to worship God ; presented to the se- 
rious consideration of the king and both houses of Parliament." 

This little work relates many cases of great suffering among 
Friends on account of religion ; their meetings being broken up, 
the members, both men and women, being haled out by the hair 
of their heads, and committed to prison, their houses rifled of 
furniture, their stock driven off and sold, and their estates ruined. 

His sympathy was also enlisted for the Friends in Germany who 
were subjected to much persecution, and he wrote a letter in Latin 
to the Senate of Embden, containing some noble sentiments. 

At this time Penn still continued to reside at Rickmansworth 
in Hertfordshire, where his labours in the gospel ministry, and 
the influence of his consistent example, were instrumental in 
bringing many to unite with him in religious profession. The 
celebrated Richard Baxter, in passing through that neighbour- 
hood, found it filled with Friends, and regarding them as 
"little better than lost people," he expressed a desire to preach 
to them, in order, as he said, that "they might once hear what 
'jould be said for their recovery."* Penn, on hearing of this, 

* Clarkson's Life of Penn. 



CORRESPONDENCE WITH BAXTER. 117 



wrote to him, and several letters passed between them, which 
eventuated in a meeting for a public discussion in Rickmans- 
worth. The particulars of this meeting are not known, except 
that it continued from ten in the morning to five in the after- 
noon, and two rooms were filled with the audience, amoiii: 
whom were one lord, two knights, and four clergymen of the 
established church. 

As in most other religious controversies, neither party was 
convinced, and each was satisfied with his own effort. A corre- 
spondence between them followed. The letters of Baxter are 
not know^n to be extant, but from Penn's replies we may infer 
that his antagonist indulged in some harsh expressions. The con- 
clusion of Penn's last letter shows his Christian spirit. He says : 

" Do not so harshly represent nor cruelly characterize a poor people 
that are given up to follow the leadings of that Jesus, abundance of you 
have long told us, has stood even all night at the door of our hearts 
knocking that he might come in ; whose pure spirit and fear we desire 
to be subject to, and wait upon God when together in true silence from 
all fleshly thoughts, that we may find our hearts replenished with his 
Divine love and life, in which to forgive our opposers and those that 
spitefully use us. In which dear love of God, Richard Baxter, I do for- 
give thee, and desire thy good and felicity ; and when I read thy letter, 
the many severities therein could not divert me from saying, that I could 
freely give thee an apartment in my house and thy liberty therein, that 
I could visit and yet discourse thee in much tender love, notwithstanding 
this hard entertainment from thee."* 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Wm. Penn arbitrates between Byllinge and Fcnwick — Ilia letter to 
Fenwick — Becomes a trustee for Byllinge in the sale and settlement 
of West New Jersey — Civil and religious liberty established there- 
Land purchased of the Indians— Efforts to prevent the sale of rum to 
the Indians — Speech of an Indian king — Progress of the colony. 

1675-77. 
The time was now^ drawing nigh when William Penn was to 
take an active and conspicuous part in the afi'airs of the Ame- 

* Sec Letters to Baxter, iu Penn's Works. 



118 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



rican continent, and the steps by which he was led to it are 
worthy of note, as an instance in which Divine Providence 
seemed to open for him a field of labour to which he was emi- 
nently adapted. 

In the year 1664, the Duke of York, proprietary of the pro- 
vince of New York, assigned to Lord Berkeley and Sir George 
Carteret the tract of country to the east of the Delaware 
River, and extending to the Hudson and the Atlantic. In 
honour of Carteret, who was Governor of the island of Jersey, 
this territory received the name of New Jersey. 

Lord Berkeley, in the year 1675, for the sum of one thou- 
sand pounds, sold his half of the province of New Jersey to 
John Fenwick, in trust for Edward Byllinge, and his assigns. 

Fenwick and Byllinge, both members of the society of 
Friends, became involved in a dispute about the property, and 
having confidence in the judgment of Penn, they agreed to 
refer the matter to him for arbitration.* 

After carefully examining the case, he gave his award, which, 
not being satisfactory to Fenwick, he refused to comply with. 

The arbitrator was deeply grieved at his obstinacy, and much 
concerned lest the dispute should give rise to a law-suit be- 
tween the parties, and thus bring discredit upon the society, 
which prohibits litigation between its members. In order to 
induce Fenwick to come forward and settle the difi'erence, the 
following letter was written : 

"John Fenwick: — The present difference betwixt thee and Edward 
Byllinge fills the hearts of Friends with grief, and with a resolution to 
take it in two days into their consideration to make a public denial of the 
person that offers violence to the award made, or that will not end it 
without bringing it upon the public stage. God, the righteous judge, 
will visit him that stands off. Edward Byllinge will refer the matter to 
me again, if thou wilt do the like. Send me word ; and, as oppressed as 
I am with business, I will find an afternoon to-morrow or next day to 
determine, and so prevent the mischief that will certainly follow divulg- 
ing it in Westminster Hall. Let me know by the bearer thy mind. Oh, 
John ! let Truth, and the honour of it in this day, prevail! AVoe to him 
that causeth offences ! I am an impartial man. 

WILLIAM PENN." 

^ Smith's New Jersey, 79 ; and Clarkson's Life of Penn. 



LETTER TO FEN WICK. HO 



This letter not having the desired effect, Penn wrote him twf» 
fthers, the last of which is subjoined, on account of the good 
Reeling and true wisdom it exhibits : 

"John Fen wick: — I have, upon serious consideration of the present 
tlifference, (to end it with benefit to you both, and as much quiet as ma}- 
be,) thought my counsel's opinion very reasonable: indeed, thy own de- 
sire to have the eight parts added, was not so pleasant to the other party, 
that it should now he shrunk from by theo as injurious ; and when thou 
hast once thought a proposal reason al)le, and given power to another to 
fix it, 'tis not in thy power, nor indeed a discreet or civil thing, to alter 
or warp from it, and call it a being fijrced. John ! I am sorry that a 
toy, a trifle, should thus rob men of their time, quiet, and a more profita- 
ble employ. I have had a good conscience in what I have done in this 
affair, and if thou reposest confidence in me, and believest me to be a 
good and just man, as thou hast said, thou shouldst not be upon such 
nicety and uncertainty. Away with vain fancies, I beseech thee, and fall 
closely to thy business. Thy days spend on, and make the best of what 
thou hast. Thy grandchildren may be in the other world before the land 
thou hast allotted will be employed. My counsel, I will answer for it, 
shall do thee all right and service in the affair that becomes him, who, I 
told thee at first, should draw it up as for myself. If this cannot scatter 
thy fears, thou art unhappy, and I am sorry. Thy friend, 

"WILLIAM PENN." 

This dispute being at length adjusted by the kind oflfices of 
Penn, Fenwick embarked with his family in the ship Griffith, 
accompanied by several other Friends, to take possession of the 
land assigned him.* They landed at a " pleasant rich spot" on 
the river Delaware, where they commenced a settlement, to 
which he gave the name of Salem. f 

This was the first English ship that came to the western part 
of New Jersey, and none followed for nearly two years. In 
the mean time, Edward Byllinge, becoming embarrassed in his 
circumstances, was desirous to transfer to his creditors his 
interest in the territory, being the only means he had to satisfy 
their claims. 

At his earnest entreaty, Penn consented to be associated as 
joint trustee, with two of the creditors, Gawen Laurie, of Lon 
Ion, and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, to carry out his intei. 
*Clarkson. f Smith's N. J., p. 79; Proud's Pa., i. ]^7. 



120 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



lions and render the property available. Penn thus became 
one of the chief instruments in the settlement of New Jersey, 
and establishment of its colonial government, which prepared 
him for the still greater work of founding a colony of his own. 

In order to promote the settlement and proper government 
of the colony, a constitution was drawn up in the spring of the 
year 1676, under the title of "Concessions and Agreements of 
the Proprietors, Freeholders, and Inhabitants of the Province 
of West New Jersey," which was subscribed by one hundred 
and fifty-one names ; and in the summer of the same year, a 
deed oi partition was signed between Sir George Carteret on the 
one part, and Edward Byllinge, William Penn, Gawen Laurie, 
and Nicholas Lucas on the other part. 

This deed assigned to Carteret that part of the province next 
to New York, under the title of "New East Jersey," and to 
Byllinge, Penn, and others, the part bordering on the Delaware, 
called, "New West Jersey;" the line being drawn "from the 
east side of Little Egg Harbour, straight north through the 
country to the utmost branch of Delaware river."* 

This arrangement gave to Carteret the settled part of the 
province on the Passaic and Raritan, and to Penn and his 
friends the uncultivated portion on the Delaware, then mostly 
in possession of the Indians. 

The trustees, of whom Penn appears to have been the prime 
mover, now wrote to Richard Hartshorne, a Friend of high 
standing already settled in the province, requesting his consent 
to be joined in commission with two others, James Wasse and 
Richard Guy ; whom they authorized and instructed to act for 
them in the public affairs of the colony. 

In their letter to Hartshorne, after stating the agreement 
with Carteret, they speak of the constitution they had adopted 
in the following terms : 

"We have made concessions by ourselves, being such as 

Friends here, and there, (we question not,) will approve of, 

having sent a copy of them to James Wasse ; there we lay a 

foundation for afto" sigcs to understand their liberty as men and 

^Smith's Hist., PO. 



WEST NEW JERSEY. 121 



Christians, that thej may not be brought in bondage, but hy 
their own consent ; for we put the poiver in the people, that is 
to say, they to meet and choose one honest man for each pro- 
priety who hath subscribed the concessions ; all these men to 
meet as an assembly, there to make and repeal Lnvs, to choose 
a governor, or a commissioner, and twelve assistants to execute 
the laws during their pleasure ; so every man is capable to 
choose or be chosen. No man to be arrested, condemned, im- 
prisoned, or molested in his estate or liberty but by twelve men 
of the neighbourhood ; no man to lie in prison for debt, but that 
his estate satisfy as far as it will go, and be set at liberty to 
work ; no person to be called in question or molested for his 
conscience, or for worshipping according to his conscience ; with 
many more things mentioned in the said concessions."* 

The territory was to be divided into one hundred parts, of 
which ten were assigned to Fenwick for his trouble, and money 
advanced to Lord Berkeley, and the remaining ninety reserved 
for sale on account of the creditors of Byllinge. 

West New Jersey being now opened for sale, the trustees 
published and circulated through the kingdom a description of 
it, with an invitation to Friends and others to purchase lands 
and promote emigration. 

In publishing these proposals for colonization, they were care- 
ful to advise, that " whosoever had a desire to be concerned in 
this intended plantation should weigh the thing well before the 
Lord, and not headily and rashly conclude on any such remove, 
and that they do not offer violence to the tender love of their 
near kindred, but soberly and conscientiously endeavour to ob- 
tain their good-will and the unity of Friends where they live." 

In the years 1677 and 1678 five vessels sailed for the pro- 
vince of West New Jersey with 800 emigrants, most of them 
members of the Society of Friends. Among the first purchasers 
were two companies of Friends — the one from Yorkshire, the 
other from London, who each contracted for a large tract of 
land. In 1677 commissioners, some of whom Avere chosen from 
the London, and others from the Yorkshire company, were sent 
J -Smith, 81. 



122 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



out by the proprietors, with power to buy land of the natives, 
to inspect the rights of such as claimed property, to order thv^ 
lands laid out, and to administer the government. 

They came with other passengers, numbering in all 230, in 
the ship Kent, which arrived at Newcastle the 16th of the 6th 
month, 0. S., and proceeding up the Delaware, landed at 
Rackoon Creek, where the Swedes had some " scattering habi- 
tations, but too few in number to accommodate them all, so 
that many had to take up their abode in stables, or erect huts 
in the Indian favshion." 

The commissioners proceeded up the river to the place where 
Burlington now stands, which was then called Chygoes Island, 
from the name of an Indian Sachem who lived there. Having 
obtained interpreters from among the Swedes settled about New 
Castle, by their aid they made several purchases of land, but 
not having goods enough to pay for the whole, they agreed not 
to settle on it until the full amount was paid. 

At Chygoes Island they laid out a town. "After locating 
the mxain street, they divided the land on each side into lots — 
the easternmost among the Yorkshire proprietors, the other 
among the Londoners. The town was first called Beverly, then 
Bridlington, and finally Burlington."* 

As the price of lands at that day, and the manner of dealing 
with the Indians, may be a matter of interest, the following 
list of the articles given in exchange for the tract of country ex- 
tending twenty miles on the Delaware River, and lying between 
Oldman's Creek and Timber Creek, is taken from Smith's His- 
tory of New Jersey. It was purchased in the year 1677, when 
the natives received for it, 30 match-coats, 20 guns, 30 kettles^ 
1 great kettle, 30 pair of hose, 20 fathoms of duffels, 30 petti- 
coats, 30 narrow hoes, 30 bars of lead, 15 small barrels of pow 
der, 70 knives, 30 Indian axes, 70 combs, 60 pair of tobacco 
tongs, 60 pair of scissors, 60 tinshaw looking-glasses, 120 awl- 
blades, 120 fish-hooks, 2 grasps of red paint, 120 needles, 60 
tobacco boxes, 120 pipes, 200 bells, 100 Jews-harps, and 6 an- 
chors of rum. 

- Smith's Hist. X. J., p. 95 to 99. 



TRAFFIC IN RUM DISCOUNTENANCED. 123 



In the same history it is stated, that about the year 1703, two 
purchases, amounting to about one hundred and fifty thousand 
acres, were made from the Indians for seven thousand pounds. 

Among the articles delivered to the natives, it is observable 
that rum was one, from which it appears that the colonists had 
not at that time seen the necessity of withholding, entirely, 
from their red brethren, this destructive beverage, the cause of 
so many quarrels among them, and which has so often led to 
their degradation and ruin. Indeed, it could scarcely be ex- 
pected, that persons who still continued to use it moderately 
themselves, should foresee the consequences of its introduction 
among the Indians, or forego the advantage of ofiering them an 
article they so eagerly desired. A few years subsequent to this 
purchase, the Friends became sensible that the sale of ardent 
spirits to the Indians was a traffic that must be arrested. It 
is stated in a pamphlet of Thomas Budd, written nine or ten 
years after the transaction just mentioned, that they had a 
meeting with the natives in order to prevent the sale to the 
natives of rum, brandy, and other strong liquors. 

There were eight kings present, one of whom stood up and 
made the following speech: 

" The strong liquor was first sold us by the Dutch, and they 
are blind, they had no eyes, they did not see that it was for our 
hui-t. The next people that came among us were the Swedes, 
who continued the sale of the strong liquors to us; they were 
also blind, they had no eyes, they did not see it to be hurtful 
to us to drink it, although we knew it to be hurtful to us ; but 
if people will sell it to us, we are so in love with it, that we can- 
not forbear it. When we drink it, it makes us mad ; we do not 
know what we do ; we then abuse one another, we throw each 
other into the fire; seven score of our people have been killed 
by reason of drinking it, since the time it was first sold us. 
These people that sell it have no eyes. But now there is a peo- 
ple come to live among us that have eyes, they see it be for 
our hm-t, they are willing to deny themselves the profit of it for 
our good. These people have eyes; we are glad such a people 
are come among us;, we must put it down by mutual conrcnt, 



124 LIFE OF WILLIAM I'ENX. 



the cask must be sealed up, it must be made fast, it must not 
leak by day or by night, in light or in the dark, and we give 
you these four belts of wampum, which we would have you lay 
up safe and keep by you, to be witnesses of this agreement ; and 
we would have you tell your children, that these four belts of 
wampum are given you to be witnesses, betwixt us and you, of 
this agreement."* 

The colony of West New Jersey continued to prosper under 
the management of Penn and his associates. Colonists arrived 
in considerable numbers, good order and harmony prevailed, the 
country proved to be productive, the air was salubrious, and the 
Indians, being treated kindly and dealt with justly, were found 
to be excellent neighbours. The Friends, who had been perse- 
cuted with relentless severity in their native land, found a peace- 
ful and happy asylum in the forests of the new world, among a 
people who had hitherto been reputed as ruthless savages. 

In the same province, ten years before, the "concessions" of 
Carteret and Berkeley required each colonist to provide himself 
with a good musket, powder and balls ;t but now, the Friends 
came among their red brethren, armed only with the weapons of 
the Christian's warfare, integrity, benevolence, and truth; they 
met them without fear or suspicion ; trusting in that universal 
principle of light and life which visits all minds, and would, if 
not resisted, bind the whole human family in one harmonious 
fraternity. 

The colonists made it their first care, on landing, to establish 
meetings for Divine worship and Christian discipline. At the 
place where Burlington now stands, their first meetings were 
held, under a tent covered with sail-cloth. Here they were 
kept up regularly at stated times, until John Woolston built his 
house, which was the first frame house erected in Burlington. 

At this house, and that of Thomas Gardner, soon after 
erected, they continued to hold their meetings until a suitable 
Uieeting-house was built. 

Among the first objects that claimed the attention of their 
•'Meetings for Discipline," were the care and support of the 

•^ Smith's N. Jersey, p. 100. f Smith's Hist. Appendix, No. 1. 



JOURNEY TO HOLLAND. 



poor, the orderly conduct of their members, and tlie solemniza- 
tion of marriages. 

In these several respects, as well as in the efforts for putting 
an end to the traffic in ardent spirits with the natives, they 
faithfully followed their convictions of duty, and the colony was 
blessed with an unusual degree of prosperity and happiness. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Journey to Holland and Germany — Visits Rotterdam, Ilaerlem, Am- 
sterdam — Letter to King of Poland — Visits Princess Elizabeth of the 
Rhine, Crisheim, Frankfort, Duysburgh — Attempts to visit the Count- 
ess of Flachensteyn and Burch — Rudely treated by the Graef — Re- 
turns to Amsterdam — Visits the Somerdykes — Goes to Embden, Iler- 
■werden, Wesel, Amsterdam, Rotterdam — Passage to England — Letter 
from the Princess Elizabeth. 

1677. 

Although William Penn performed many journeys to dif- 
ferent parts of the British kingdom, and three to Germany, in 
the service of the gospel, it does not appear that he kept a 
regular journal except in one instance, which was during his 
travels in Holland and Germany, in the year 1677. This jour- 
nal, he says, was written for his own satisfaction, and that of 
some relatives and particular friends. Many years after its 
date, a copy of it was found among the papers of the Countess 
of Conway, then lately deceased, and a person who was inti- 
mate in that family requested permission to publish it, " for 
the common good," to which the author consented. Being too 
long for insertion here, such passages only will be selected as 
may be deemed most interesting and instructive. 

On the 25th of the 5th month, (July, 0. S.) 1677, he took 
passage on board the packet, in company with " George Fox, 
Robert Barclay, George Keith, G. Watts, J. Furley, W. Tall- 
coat, J. Yeamans, E. K., and two servants." In two days they 
L* 



V2t5 UFK or WIM.IAM IKW 



OAn\o Truhin half « loa^uo of t\\<o BrilL *' Duriiig tho p,-u<iS4\go/ 
h<^ 5*Htys ** ^ <> h;ui c<Hvl ^orvio^ in th^ shtp with ^^nn^fil p{i*^tM\» 
jror:«s FWucii ««d Dutch ; *ud though they ^ot^med at first to bo 
^hv of us »nd to slight us, wt at la^t their hearts were much 
ojHn\i\i in kindness tox^^rd us^ and the univei-^^l prii\oi|>le had 
pUet.\'' At tU'? Brill, they x«rx?r^ met by Friends fi\>!n Rotteniam . 
who aovvmjv;u\ietl them in a boat to that eity» and on the mor- 
i\>w» being the first day i>( the week, they had two meetings at 
B, Farley's house, whither rtjssorted a great co\u^>any of people, 
** vSon\e of them being of the most eonsidei-able of that city,'' 
among whom the gxvsp I wa« pre^iched with etfieieney andsuece^s. 

The foUowiug day they "s[>ent in visiting Friends, from 
house to house," all their visits being **piwious meetings: " 
and the thirti day, in eom|vany with CixH>rge Fox and two others, 
AVilliam Penn took [va«sagx> in a Kvat for Leyden and Uaerlem. 

At tiie latter place they had a satisfi^ctory meetii^g, and then 
pt\>cetHied to Amsteniam, where x«ras held a gx^neral n\eeting fe - 
the Friends of that country. In this meetitig they had gixxl sev 
xi<» : 0^>rgx? Fox especially being instrumental in handing forth 
s:\1r.lary advices concerning the establishment of church disci 
pniu\ for the presom^.tion of jrood order, and proniotinir \nirit\ 
of life. 

Finding lotiors hero from the Fnouds of DauiXiO, com- 
plaining of their grievous sufferings on account of religio!\. 
William Pemi deemed it his duty to addresss, in their name^ a 
letter to the King of Poland, stating the n^Hgious principles 
of Friends, representing the severity of their treatment, and 
showing tlie im|>oUcy as well as injustice of [versecution. 

In this letter, he reminds the king of a noble saying of ono 
of his ancestors, Stephen, King of Poland, ** I am king of meiu 
not of consciencos, — king of Knlies, not of souls." 

Taking leave of Gt>orge Fox, he left Amsterdam, and ac> 
tN^m^vanicti by Robert l>arolay and B. Furley, proceeded to Her» 
wcnien, wheT» the Princess EliaaWth Palatine held her ci>urt. 

As llus princess was a corresfwudent of Penn, and through 
Ids ministry and that of otlier Friends, was brought to acknow- 
l&d^ tlic trutli of their doctrines, a brief sketch of her life and 



Tin: l'IiINCi:SS KMZAlJHTir. 1^7 



character, may not be inappropriate. She was a (hiuf^'litcr of 
Frederick v., the Elector Palatine, and of Elizabeth, daugliter of 
James I. of England, who held their court at the castle of lleidel- 
burg. It was situated on an eminence near a town of the same 
name, on the south side of the Necker, ten leagues above its conflu- 
ence with the Rhine. The town was celebrated for its flourishing 
university, and the castle for its strength and picturesque beauty. 

The Elector Palatine had a numerous family, amono- whom 
were, Charles Louis, who succeeded to his father's dignity; 
Prince Rupert, well known in the history of England; and tlie 
Princess Sophia, who married Ernest Augustus, Elector of Hano- 
ver, from which union sprang the present royal family of Eng- 
land. The Princess Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Frederick 
and Elizabeth, was born in 1618. When she was about a year 
old her father was elected King of Bohemia, and with his wife 
removed to Prague, the capital of that kingdom, where they 
w^ere crowned with great pomp and enthusiasm. He bewimu 
the leader of the Protestant league, called "the Evangelical 
Union," but his reign was of short duration, being opposed by 
Ferdinand II. the Catholic Emperor of Germany, and the Duke 
of Bavaria, whose forces gained a great victory over the Bo- 
hemians, in the immediate vicinity of their capital. 

Within one year from his accession to the throne, Frederick 
and his queen were compelled to flee for their lives, and not 
only was Bohemia wrested from him, but his enemies conquered 
and devastated his hereditary dominions. Being forced to 
seek an asylum in Holland, they w^ere kindly received by the 
Prince of Orange, and provided with a residence at the Hague. 

It was here that the young Princess Elizabeth pursued her 
studies, and laid the foundation of those literary attainments for 
which she became so distinguished. She was endowed with 
great natural abilities, and being in early life subjected to the 
discipline of affliction, her attention was turned to the cultiva- 
tion of her mind and the fulfilment of her religious duties. 

When she attained her sixteenth year, her uncle, Charles II. 
of England, endeavoured to negotiate a marriage between her and 
Ladislaus, the young King of Poland, but there was one insupe 



128 LIFE or WILLIAM PENX. 



rable difficulty in the way. Poland was a Catholic kingdom, and 
the king would not be permitted to marry any but a Catholic 
princess. As Charles was at heart a Papist, he would willingly 
have seen his niece embrace the same faith, but his efforts were 
in vain ; for although the negotiations were protracted for two 
years, Elizabeth continued firm in rejecting a crown which could 
only be obtained by the renunciation of her Protestant principles. 

In her twenty-third year, she was introduced to the celebrated 
philosopher Rene Descartes, then residing in Holland, of whom 
she became a zealous disciple. She went to his residence at 
Eyndegeest, near Leyden, to receive instructions from him, and 
so great was her proficiency in metaphysical studies, that he 
dedicated to her his Principia Philosophise, declaring that "she 
was the miracle of northern Europe." 

By the treaty of Westphalia, in 1655, Charles Louis, the son 
of Frederick V., Prince Palatine, was restored to a part of his 
father's dominions. When the Princess Elizabeth of the Rhine 
was first visited by Penn, in 1671, she was the ruler of a small 
territory in Westphalia, her residence being at Herwerden or 
Herforden, in the county of Ravensberg. Here she governed 
with great wisdom and clemency, devoting herself to the welfare 
of her subjects, and "choosing a single life as the freest from 
care, and best suited to study and meditation." "Though she 
kept no sumptuous table in her own court, she spread the tables 
of the poor in their solitary cells, breaking bread to virtuous 
pilgrims, according to their want and her ability. Abstemious 
in herself, and in apparel void of all vain ornaments."* 

On the arrival of Penn and Barclay, in 1677, they apprized 
the princess of their intention to visit her, to which she replied, 
"she was glad they were come, and should be ready to receive 
them the next morning about the seventh hour." They went 
accordingly, and were received "with a more than ordinary 
expression of kindness." She was attended by her friend, the 
Countess de Homes, and the interview, though cordial, was 
serious and impressive, partaking of the character of a religious 

* Penn's "No Cross no Crown," seco7id edition, published in 1682; Life of 
Pescartes, and "The Friend." 



INTERVIEW WITH THE PRINCESS. 120 



meeting. She requested thein to stay and dine with her, but 
they respectfully declined, asking the privilege of another inter- 
view, which she appointed to take place at two in the afternoon. 

At the time appointed they returned to the palace, where the 
princess and countess, with several others, were assembled to 
meet them. " It was at this meeting." says the journal, " that 
the Lord in a more eminent manner began to appear. The 
eternal word showed itself a hammer at that day ; yea, ' sharper 
than a two-edged sword, divicfmg asunder between the soul and 
the spirit — the joints and the marrow.' Thus continued the 
meeting till about the seventh hour ; which done, witli hearts and 
souls filled with holy thanksgivings to the Lord for his abundant 
mercy and goodness to us, we departed to our lodging." 

The next morning, at the suggestion of the countess, a meet- 
ing was held at the palace, " for the more inferior servants of 
the house, who would have been bashful to have presented them- 
selves before the princess." "At this meeting," continues the 
journal, " the same blessed power that had appeared to visit 
them of high, appeared also to visit them of low degree. ' Virtue 
went forth of Jesus that day,' and the life of our God was shed 
abroad among us, as a sweet savour, for which their souls bowed 
before the Lord and confessed to our testimon3^" 

At tAvelve they withdrew to their inn, and in the afternoon re- 
turned, when the princess and countess reminded William Ponn 
of a promise made in one of his letters, to give them an account 
of his first convincement, and of the troubles and consolations he 
had experienced in his religious course. After some pause ho 
began his narrative, but before he had half done, supper was an- 
nounced, which the princess insisted they must eat with her. 
After supper they returned to the princess's chamber, when he 
resumed his narrative, which continued till ten at night, and was 
listened to " with earnest attention." The following day, being 
the first of the week, they had a morning meeting in their chani- 
ber at the inn, and at two in the afternoon they had another 
meeting at the palace, which was attended by several citizens 
of the town, as well as the family of the princess. In this meet- 
ing the power of Divine grace was eminently manifested, and at 

(J 



130 LIFE OF WILLIAM PE^'N. 



its close, the princess, taking William Ponn by the liand, en- 
deavoured to express "the sense she had of the power and pre- 
sence of God ;" bnt she conld not proceed, and turning aside, 
she sobbed aloud, saying, "I cannot speak to you — my heart is 
full." She pressed them to visit her again on their return out 
of Germany, and they took their leave of her and the countess, 
"praying that they might be kept from the evil of this world." 

On leaving Herwerden, Robert Barclay returned to Amster- 
dam, and William Penn, George Keith, and B. Furley continued 
their journey toward Frankfort, where they had several meet- 
ings with religious people, both Calvinists and Lutherans, who 
received them gladly, and acknowledged "the truth of their tes- 
timony." They next proceeded to Crisheim, where they found, 
to their great joy, "a meeting of tender, fiiithful people, but 
the inspector of the Calvinists had enjoined the vaught, or chief 
officer, not to suifer any preaching to be among them." This 
order being disregarded by the Friends, they had " a good meet- 
ing, from the 10th to the 3d hour," and the "vaught himself 
stood at the door behind the barn, where he could hear and not be 
seen, who went to the priest, and told him, that it was his work, 
if they were heretics, to discover them to be such ; but for his 
part, he had heard nothing but Avhat was good, and he would 
not meddle with them." 

Leaving the "little handful" of Friends at Crisheim, they went 
on their way, conversing with serious people whom they met, 
and distributing religious books, printed in the Dutch and Ger- 
man lancruac^es. Havinsr come asjain to Frankfort, they held 
another meeting with the same persons who had so kindly re- 
ceived them before ; to whom they " recommended a silejit meet- 
ing^ that they might grow //if a a holy silence unto themselves; 
that the mouth that calls God father, that is not of his oirn 
hirthj may be stopped, and all images confounded, that they 
might hear the soft voice of Jesus to instruct them, and receive 
his sweet life to feed them, and build them up." 

Passing through ^lentz, which he describes as a dark, super- 
stitious place, Penn and his companions came to Duysburgh, in 
the dominions of the Elector of Brandenburg, '- in and near which, 



ADVENTURE AT Mi;rjfi:r:f. i.n 



t]\i-y liud \}(:(-u hii'onuoA, there were a i.ur.'j. ^♦•f-Ki: 
Jlr;re he delivered a letter of introduction to Doctor - 
a civilian, of whom he made inquiry concerning the Countcfwof 
FalchenHteyn and JJriicli, a young perHon of extraordinary piet v. 
Tlie doctor informed them that they would probably find her 
tfiat day Cheing the firnt of the week) at the miniiiter's hoiii*c 
in Mulheim, wliich in opposite her father's castle; but they 
muHt be careful, for her sake as well as their own, not to make 
tliemHelveH public, as she was severely treated by her father, 
on account of her religiouH inclinationn. 

They haHtened toward Mulheim, but being on foot, and the 
distance six miles, they found it could not be reached till the 
meeting would be over, when she would return to the castle. 
On the road they met with Henry Smith, a schoolmaster, by 
wliom they sent her a message, with a letter of intro^luction 
from Doctor Mastricht, and in the course of an hour, received 
for answer, that " she would be glad to meet them, but she 
krjcw not where, unless they would go to the minister's house 
at Mulheim, whither, if she could, she would come to them ; 
but that a strict hand was held over her by her father." 

Ah they advanced toward the town, being obliged to pa.s9 
near her futher'.s castle, it so happened that he came out to 
walk, and observing that they were strangers, he sent one of 
his attendants to inquire, *' who and from whence they were, 
and whither tliey went?" He then called them to him, and 
asked the same questions, to which they answered, "that they 
were Englishmen, come from Holland, and going no further in 
those parts than his own town of Mulheim." 

One of his gentlemen in attendance said, " Why don't you pull 
ofT" your hats ? Is it respectful to stand covered in the presence 
of the sovereign of the country ?" The Friends replied, " It ia 
our practice in the presence of our prince, who is a great king, 
?jnd we uncover not our heads to any, but in our duty to 
Almighty God." Upon which the Graef called them Quakers. 
saying, "We have no need of Quakers here ; get out of my do- 
minions ; you shall not go to my town." They answered, "that 
they were an innocent people, who feared God and had goo<i- 



132 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



will toward men ; that they had true respect in their hearts 
toward him, and would be glad to do him any service, and that 
the Lord had made it matter of conscience to them not to 
conform to the vain and fruitless customs of the world." He 
then sent some of his soldiers to conduct them out of his ter- 
ritories. 

As they passed through the village where the schoolmaster 
dwelt, they called on him, and after explaining their religious 
principles, gave him another message for the countess, desiring 
her " not to be dismayed at the displeasure of her father, but 
to eye the Lord, who had visited her with his holy light, by 
which she had seen the vanity of the world, and the emptiness 
of the religions that are in it." Between nine and ten o'clock 
at night, they reached the gates of Duysburgh, but finding 
them shut, and there being no houses without the walls, they lay 
down together in the field. "Here," says the journal, "we 
received both natural and spiritual refreshment, blessed be the 
Lord. About three in the morning we rose, sanctifying God in 
our hearts, that had kept us that night ; and we walked till 
five, often speaking, one to another, of the great and notable 
day of the Lord dawning upon Germany." 

At Duysburgh, Penn wrote an afiectionate and instructive 
ktter to the young countess, from whom he received soon 
after a kind message, expressive of her regard for them, and 
her regret at the treatment they had received. 

He also wrote to the Graef, or Earl, expostulating with him 
for his rude and unchristian behaviour. 

On rejoining their friend, Doctor Mastricht, he seemed to be 
alarmed at the result of their adventure ; expressing great ap- 
prehensions for the young countess, whose father had already 
called her Quaker, and would now, perhaps, treat her more 
severely. Penn reproved his timidity, observing that " they 
minded the incensings and wrath of man too much already ; 
that true religion would never spring or grow under such fears ; 
and that it was time for all who felt any thing of the work of 
God in their hearts, to cast away the slavish fear of man, and 
con\e forth in tiie boldness of tlio ti-ue Christian life ; yea, that 



JOHN DE LAUADIE. l33 



sufferings break and make ivaij for greater Uhertif, an.l tli.it 
God is wiser and stronger than man." 

On the 8th of 7th month, (September, 0. S.) they returned to 
Amsterdam, where they found tlie meeting of Friends greatly 
enlarged, and heard there was much in((uiry among the people 
concerning their principles. After being present at a monthly 
meeting for church discipline, and a meeting for worship, which 
was largely attended "by Baptists, Collegians, and others," they 
proceeded on their journey, and came to Wiewart, the man- 
sion-house of the Somerdykes. 

These were three daughters of a wealthy nobleman of the 
Hague. They had been much affected with the preaching of 
John De Labadie, and through his influence had retired from 
the world, in order to lead a life of piety and self-denial. De 
Labadie was a Frenchman, at one time a Jesuit, afterward a 
Protestant, who, becoming dissatisfied with the professors of the 
reformed religion in Geneva, left them and came to Holland, 
where he declaimed so vehemently against the apostasy of the 
priests and people, that the clergy were enraged, and incited 
the magistrates against him. Elizabeth, the Princess Palatine, 
granted protection to him and his followers, but becoming dis- 
satisfied with them, she withdrew her favour, and they removed 
to another place. During their residence at Hcrforden, in the 
year 1671, William Penn, being there, thought it his duty to visit 
them. He conversed with De Labadie and two of his chief disci- 
ples, but was not permitted to see the people under their care. 
He then discovered, that although they had some experience in 
spiritual religion, they were deficient in depth and stability. 

This company now resided with the Somerdykes : De Labadie 
was deceased ; their pastors were Ivon and Du Lignon, and one 
of the most distinguished of their society was Anna Maria 
Schurman, an ancient maiden lady, extensively known for hei 
acquirements in languages and philosophy. They were a seri 
ous, plain people, and approached nearer to Friends than any 
other, holding some of their meetings in s'knee, and allowing 
women to preach. 

Penn, being kindly received, proposed a religious meeting 
M 



134 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, 



with them, to be held the next day, which being readily agreed 
to, he withdrew. At the appointed time he returned, taking 
w^ith him J. Glaus, a Dutchman, for his companion. Their in- 
terview was long and interesting. Ivon, the chief pastor, gave 
a history of J. De Labadie's life and religious labours. He was 
followed by A. M. Schurman, who gave an account of her early 
life, her pleasure in learning, and her love for the religion in 
which she w^as educated, concluding with an acknowledgment 
that, " although from a child God had visited her at times, yet 
she never felt such a powerful stroke as by the ministry of J. 
De Labadie. She then saw her learning to be vanity, and her 
religion like a body of death. She resolved to despise the 
shame, desert her former way of living and acquaintance, and 
to join herself with this little family, that was retired out of the 
world, among whom she desired to be found a living sacrifice, 
offered up entirely to the Lord." After she had done, one of 
the Somerdykes related, in a feeling manner, her experience ; 
she was followed by Du Lignon, and then by a physician, who 
was one of the family. 

William Penn listened with much interest, and his heart being 
warmed with love and good-will toward them, he related a por- 
tion of his own experience, concluding with a fervent exhorta- 
tion that "they should wait in the light and the spirit of judg- 
ment that had visited them, that all might be wrought out that 
was not born of God, and so would they come to be born of the 
incorruptible seed, of the word of God that liveth and abideth 
for ever." 

roceeding on his journey, he came to Embden, where there 
had been a small congregation of Friends gathered through his 
own ministerial labours six years before. This little flock was 
much scattered by the most barbarous persecution ; some of 
them had been banished thirty or forty times, others imprisoned 
in dungeons, and cruelly beaten. 

Penn called upon Doct. Andrews, President of the Council 
af State, in order to plead the cause of his suffering Friends. 
That officer, he WTites, "was much astonished to see what man- 
ner of men we were ; but after a little time he comported himself 



RETURNING HOMEWARD. 135 



with more kindness than we expected at his hand. I asked him 
if he and the Senate had not recei\'ed a letter in Latin, from 
an Englishman, about two years since concerning their severity 
toward the people called Quakers ? He told me he had. I 
replied I was the man, and I was constrained in conscience to 
visit him on their behalf, and I could not see how he, being a 
commonwealth's man and a Protestant, could persecute." 

After some further discourse, in which the doctor's objec- 
tions were answered, he began to relent, and promised Penn 
that if he would write a remonstrance to the Senate, it should 
be presented, and he would make it appear that he was not so 
much their enemy as they supposed. 

Being now on his return homeward, Penn called at Hcrwcr- 
den to see the Princess Elizabeth of the Rhine, and her com- 
panion, the Countess de Homes ; Avith whom he had several 
interesting and impressive meetings, in which the poAver of 
Divine grace was felt to prevail. 

Among the persons he met with at the court of the princess, 
was the Graef of Donaw, Avith Avhom he had a conversation in 
French, concerning the nature and end of true Christianity, 
and the way that leads to eternal rest. They " both agreed 
that self-denial, mortification, and victory, was the duty, and 
ought to be the endeavour of every sincere Christian." Penn's 
parting interview with the princess and her family was deeply 
afi*ecting to them all. After an earnest exhortation, he knelt 
in prayer, " beseeching the Lord's presence with them, and 
recommending them to his protection." 

From Herwerden they went to Wesel, a distance of *200 
miles. During three days and nights they travelled, without 
rest, in a Avagon croAvded with passengers, and co\'ered only with 
a ragged sheet. Among the company Avere some Avho exceed 
ingly annoyed the Friends, not only by their vain and profane 
conA^ersation, but by singing Luther's hymns, Avhile evidently 
unprepared and destitute of devotional feelings. At ^\ esel 
they had a religious meeting, Avith nine or ten persons, "wliich 
lasted about four hours;" next they came to Cleves and held 
another small meeting, and from thence to Aui:*tcrdam, where 



136 LIFE OF WILLIAM PE^'N. 



ihej had a great meeting, "many people of note" resorting 
to it, among whom the gospel was preached freely. In this 
city Penn met with George Fox, and they had a controversy 
with Galenus Abrahams, the leader of the Socinian Menists, 
wdio affirmed, in opposition to the Friends, " that there was no 
Christian church ministry, or commission apostolical, now in 
the world." The discussion was conducted in two meetings, 
each of which lasted five hours, and "ended," says Penn, 
"comfortably to us, because to a general satisfaction." 

Accompanied by George Fox and B. Furley, he now pro- 
ceeded to Leyden, and thence to Rotterdam, where he spent 
some days in visiting Friends, holding religious meetings, and 
writing or revising tracts and letters on religious subjects. 

After taking a solemn leave of their friends, they came to 
the Brill, where they took passage in the packet-boat for Eng- 
land. The voyage was tempestuous ; they were three days 
and two nights at sea, the vessel so leaky that two pumps were 
kept constantly going to prevent her from sinking. 

Having safely landed at Harwich, he went on horseback to 
London, — attended some meetings, and then hastened to Worm- 
inghurst, where he found his wife, child, and family well, and 
had " that evening a SAveet meeting among them, in which 
they were truly glad together." 

T)uring this journey, which occupied three months and ten 
days, he travelled nearly three thousand miles, attended a great 
number of meetings and private conferences, distributed many 
religious books, and wrote or revised epistles and tracts, which, 
together with his journal, fill eighty folio pages of his printed 
'jvorks. 

Soon after his arrival in England, he received the following 
letter from the Princess Palatine : 

" Herford, the 29th of Oct., 1677. 
"Dear Friend: — Your tender care of my eternal well-being doth 
oblige me much, and I will weigh every article of your counsel to follow 
as much as lies in me ; but God's grace must be assistant ; as you say 
yourself, *He accepts nothing that does not come from him.' If I had 
made me bare of all worldly goods, and left undone what he requires 



DISSENTERS PERSECUTED. 137 



u^ogt — I mean, to do all in and by his Son — I shall he in no hotter con- 
dition than at this present. Let me feel him first governinj; in my h^art, 
then do what he requires of me ; but I am not able to teach others, heinj; 
not 'taught of God myself.' 

'* Remember my love to G. F., B. F., G. K., and dearGertruyd. If you 
■write no worse than your postscript, I can make a shift to read it. Dc 
not think I go from what I spoke to you the last evening ; I only stay tc 
do it in a way that is answerable before God and man. I can say no 
more now, but recommend to your prayers, 

"Your true friend, ELIZABETH. 

" I almost forgot to tell you, that my sister writes me word, she had 
been glad you had taken your journey by Osenbcrg to return to Amster- 
dam. There is also a Drossard, of Limburgh, near this place, (to whom 
I gave an Exemplar of K. B.'s Apology,) very desirous to speak wiih 
some of the Friends." 



CHAPTEK X. 



Persecution of Dissenters— William Penn petitions Parlianicnt-llis 
speeches before a Committee of the House of Commons— The Popish 
plot-Consternation of the peoplc-Penn's Epistle to Fnends-.l.s 
address to Protestants. 

1678-79. 
The magistrates and people of England, being thoroughly 
dissatisfied -ivith the profligacy and raisgovcrnment of King 
Charles the Second, and suspecting him of a design to introduce 
the Catholic religion, began to enforce «ith still greater rigour 
the laws against non-conformity. These acts, originally aimed 
against the Papists, fell with peculiar severity upon triends, 
many of whom were now harassed with prosecutions m the h.x- 
chequer on penalties of twenty pounds a month, or two-th,rd3 
of their estates, for absence from the established churches 
Other dissenters also sufl-ering under the same laws, though not 
to the same extent, the Parliament took the subject into con- 
sideration, and were about to insert such a <'-""!;";=^ ""f f " ^ 
in the bill against Popery as that they who would take the oath 



138 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



and subscribe the declaration therein expressed, should not suf- 
fer by those laws. At this juncture, William Penn, on behalf of 
the society of Friends, presented petitions to both houses of 
Parliament, stating that they were conscientiously scrupulous 
against taking oaths, and praying that provision should be made 
for their relief by allowing their word to be taken instead of an 
oath, and if found guilty of falsehood, to be subjected to the 
same penalties as were inflicted on others for perjury. On the 
22d of the third month, (March,) 1678, he was admitted to a 
hearing before a committee of Parliament, when he delivered 
the following speech: 

"If we ought to believe that it is our duty, according to the doctrine 
of the Apostle, to be always ready to give an account of the hope that is 
in us, and this to every sober and private inquirer, certainly much more 
ought we to hold ourselves obliged to declare with all readiness, when 
called to it by so great an authority, what is not our hope; especially 
when our very safety is eminently concerned in so doing, and when Ave 
cannot decline this discrimination of ourselves from Papists without being 
conscious to ourselves of the guilt of our own sufferings, for so must every 
man needs be who suffers mutely under another character than that which 
truly belongeth to him and his belief. That which giveth me a more than 
ordinary right to speak at this time, and in this place, is the great abuse 
which I have received above any other of my profession ; for of a long time 
I have not only been supposed a Papist, but a Seminary, a Jesuit, an 
emissary of Rome, and in pay from the Pope — a man dedicating my en- 
deavours to the interest and advancement of that party. Nor hath this 
been the report of the rabble, but the jealousy and insinuation of persons 
otherwise sober and discreet. Nay, some zealots for the Protestant reli- 
gion have been so far gone in this mistake, as not only to think ill of us, 
and decline our conversation, but to take courage to themselves to prose- 
cute us for a sort of concealed Papists ; and the truth is, that, what with 
one thing and what with another, we have been as the woolsacks and 
common whipping-stock of the kingdom : all laws have been let loose 
upon us, as if the design were not to reform, but to destroy us ; and this, 
not for what we are, but for what we are not. It is hard that we must 
thus bear the stripes of another interest, and be their proxy in punish- 
ment; but it is worse, that some men can please themselves in such a sort 
of administration. But mark: I would not be mistaken. I am far from 
thinking it fit, because I exclaim against the injustice of whipping Qua- 
kers for Papists, that Papists should be whipt for their consciences. No : 
for though the hand, pretended to be lifted up against them, hath, I know 



BEFORE A COMMITTEE OE THE COMMON.^. 130 



not by what discretion, lio-htiMl heavily uyon us. uiid we compliiin. yi't \rpi 
do not mean that any should take a frcnh aim at thoni. or that they hHiiuM 
come in our room, for we must give the liberty we ask, and cannot bo fuUe 
to our principles, though it were to relieve ourselves; f..r we have g«>od- 
will to all men, and would have n()n(; suffer for a truly Hob«T and conj»ci- 
entious dissent on any hand. And I humbly bog leave to add, that those 
methods against persons so qualified do not seem to me to be convincing, 
or, indeed, adequate to the reason of mankind; but this I submit to your 
consideration. To conclude ; I hope we shall be held excused of the men 
of that (the Roman Catholic) profession, in giving this distinguisliing 
declaration, since it is not with design to expose them, but, first, to pay 
that regard we owe to the inquiry of this Committee, and, in the next 
place, to relieve ourselves from the daily spoil and ruin which now at 
tend and threaten many hundreds of fiimilies, by the execution of laws 
which, we humbly conceive, were never made again>^t us." 

This address was received with marked attention. 

Notwithstanding his candid avowal, that he was opposed to 
all persecution, even against the Papists, whose doctrines and 
practices he totally condemned, they could not but respect his 
noble independence and tolerant spirit. Such sentiments, 
though cherished, perhaps, in the breasts of the wise and good, 
were seldom heard, in that day, except from the mouths of tlic 
Friends ; for so great was the excitement, and so bitter the hos- 
tility in England against the Roman Catholics, that few per- 
sons had the courage openly to advocate tlie doctrine of uni- 
versal toleration. 

Beincr admitted to a second hearin;:^ before the committee, 
William Penn addressed them in the following language : 

"The candid hearing our sufferings have received from you, and tho 
fair and easy entertainment you have given us, oblige me to add whatever 
can increase your satisfaction about us. I hope you do not Udieve 1 
would tell you a he. I am sure I should choose an ill time and place lo 
tell it in; but, I thank God, it is too late in the day for that. There are 
some here who have known me formerly. I believe they will say I wm 
never that man ; and it would be hard if, after a voluntary neglect of the 
advantages of this world, I should sit down in my retirement short of 
Common truth. 

" Excuse the length of my introduction ; it is for this I make it. I was 
bred a Protestant, and that strictly, too. I lost nothing by time or study 



140 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



For years, reading, travel, and observations, made tbe religion of my 
education the religion of my judgment. My alteration hath brought none 
to that belief; and though the posture I am in may seem strange to you, 
yet I am conscientious ; and, till you know me better, I hope your charity 
will call it rather my unhappiness than my crime. I do tell you again, 
and here solemnly declare, in the presence of Almighty God, and before 
you all, that the profession I now make, and the society I now adhere to, 
have been so far from altering that Protestant judgment I had, that I am 
not conscious to myself of having receded from an iota of any one princi- 
ple maintained by those first Protestants and Reformers of Germany, and 
our own martyrs at home, against the See of Rome. On the contrary, I 
do, with great truth, assure you, that we are of the same negative faith 
with the ancient Protestant church ; and, upon occasion, shall be ready, 
by God's assistance, to make it appear that we are of the same belief, as 
to the most fundamental, positive articles of her creed, too : and there- 
fore it is we think it hard, that though we deny in common with her 
those doctrines of Rome, so zealously protested against, (from whence the 
name Protestants,) yet that we should be so unhappy as to sufier, and 
that with extreme severity, by those very laws on purpose made against 
the maintainers of those doctrines which we do so deny. We choose no 
suffering ; for God knows what we have already suffered, and how many 
sufficient and trading families are reduced to great poverty by it. We 
think ourselves an useful people ; we are sure we are a peaceable people : 
yet, if we must still suffer, let us not suffer as Popish Recusants, but as 
Protestant Dissenters. 

" But I would obviate another objection, and that none of the least that 
hath been made against us, namely, that we are enemies to government 
in general, and particularly disaffected to that which we live under. I 
think it not amiss, but very seasonable, yea, my duty, now to declare to 
you, and this I do with good conscience, in the sight of Almighty God, 
first, that we believe government to be God's ordinance ; and, next, that 
this present government is established by the providence of God and the 
law of the land, and that it is our Christian duty readily to obey it in all 
its just laws, and wherein we cannot comply through tenderness of con- 
science, in all such cases not to revile or conspire against the government, 
but, with Christian humility and patience, tire out all mistakes about us, 
and wait the better information of those who, we believe, do as unde- 
servedly as severely treat us ; and I know not what greater security can 
be given by any people, or how any government can be easier from the 
subjects of it. 

" I shall conclude with this, that we are so far from esteeming it hard 
ur ill that this house hath put us upon this discrimination, that, on the 
contrary, we value it, as we ought to do, a high favour, and cannot 
choose, but see, and humbly acknowledge God's providence therein, that 



TITUS OATLS, Till-: IMPOSTOR. 141 



you should give us tliis fair occasion to dlsclmrgo oursolves of a burden 
we have, not with more patience than injustice, suffered but too many 
years under. And I hope our conversation shall always manifenl the 
grateful resentment of our minds for the justice and civility of this op- 
portunity ; and so I pray God direct you." 

The House of Commons, being convinced that the unwillin;;- 
ness of Friends to take the oath arose from religious scruple?*, 
and satisfied that they were well affected toward the govern- 
ment, agreed to insert a clause in the bill for their relief; but 
after it had passed the Commons and gone to the House of 
Lords, it was lost by a sudden prorogation of Parliament. In 
the summer of this year, (1678,) the nation was thrown into a 
ferment, by the disclosure of a pretended Popish plot, invented 
by a wretched impostor, named Titus Gates. 

This abandoned creature testified, to the council of state, that 
he had been connected with the Jesuits, and had fallen under 
their suspicion for revealing their conspiracy, which was nothing 
less than a plan to murder the king, and bring the whole nation 
under subjection to the Roman See. He said, the great fire of 
London, another at St. Margaret's Hill, and a third at South- 
wark, had all been the work of the Jesuits, who intended to 
burn all the chief cities in England. 

This improbable fiction, being adapted to the popular preju- 
dices, and encouraged by interested partisans, produced an un- 
exampled degree of excitement and alarm. Even the Parlia- 
ment was so far deluded or carried away by the popular feeling, 
as to ordain a solemn fast, and appoint a form of prayer to be 
used, relating to the plot. They heard the evidence of Gates, 
which, though contradictory and absurd in itself, was so well 
supported by their own prejudices and passions, that they ex- 
pressed by a%ote their full belief in the conspiracy, and recom- 
mended the informer to the favour of the king. Many Catholics 
were charged with being parties or accessories to the plot, and 
though doubtless innocent of the crime, they were condemne;*., 
almost without evidence, and suffered an ignominious death 
The king, although incredulous as to the plot, found he could 
not resist the whirlwind of passion that was sweeping over the 



142 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



nation, and durst not oppose the popular will by the exercise 
of his pardoning power. 

The Friends had long been exposed to grievous sufferings by 
means of the penal laws intended for the papists; but now 
those laws, being enforced with unusual rigour, fell with in- 
creased severity upon those non-conformists who could not 
take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. William Penn, 
having often been charged with being a Jesuit, was peculiarly 
exposed to popular prejudice and suspicion: but at this period 
of general alarm, his mind was stayed by an unwavering confi- 
dence in the arm of Divine Power, and he wrote an excellent 
epistle of advice to his brethren in religious profession. 

He warns them of the trouble that is coming on the nation, 
and the danger that will attend all those who partake of a 
worldly spirit, and rely upon the arm of flesh. He says to them, 
"Be ye disencumbered of the world, and discharged from its 
cares. Fly, as for your lives, from the snares therein, and get 
you into your watch-tower, the name of the Lord, which is not 
a mere literal name, but a living spiritual power, a strong tower 
indeed, an invincible fortress, where dwell ye with Him who 
speaketh peace to his children, and ordains quietness to them 
that trust in him." 

In the following year, (1679,) the troubles of the nation still 
continuing, he wrote an "Address to Protestants of all Persua- 
sions," more especially the magistracy and clergy, for the pro- 
motion of virtue and charity. 

This is an able work, and was thought so well adapted to 
promote the public good, that a second edition was published a 
few years afterward, when the nation became more quiet and 
composed. The first part of the book treats of various offences 
against the laws of morality, which were then alarmingly pre- 
valent in England ; for the licentiousness of the court had cor- 
rupted many in the higher ranks, and the infection of vice and 
impiety appeared to be spreading among the people. 

On this account the author expostulates with them, and asks 
them to turn their attention to the state of their own hearts, 
and DT repentance and reformation turn away the judgments 



HIS ADDRESS TO PROTESTANTS. 14:^, 



of God, uhlch Imve in all ages been dlrectcl :i..r,;n<f u;,.1..i 
and profligate nations. 

He cites examples from history to show that national criinos 
have always been followed by national calamities, which are 
their necessary fruits by a law of divine appointment. 

The second part of the work treats of certain evils that relate 
to " The Ecclesiastical State of the Kingdom." 

"The first of these is, making opinions articles of faith, at 
least giving them the reputation of faith, and making them the 
bond of Christian society." By opinions, our author means all 
those conclusions or propositions made by men articles of faith, 
which are not expressly laid down in the Scripture, or so plainly 
deducible from it as to leave no room for doul)t. He shows 
that nearly all the schisms, and much of the animosity and 
bloodshed which have taken place in Christendom, arose from 
this cause ; and in order to avoid dissension and strife, he pro- 
poses that the very language of Holy Writ should alone be 
used in expressing the belief of religious societies, a practice 
which was always carefully adhered to by the primitive Friend.-*. 
The second of these evils is, the misunderstanding of the nature 
of faith, which, he says, is not a belief only of men's opinions 
about the sacred text, nor even a mere belief that the thinir-< 
contained in the Scriptures are true, " for this the devils and 
hypocrites do, and yet are very bad believers." 

He defines true faith to be " entirely believing and trusting 
in God, confiding in his goodness, resigning up to his will, obey- 
ing his commands, and relying upon his conduct and mercies 
respecting this life and that which is to come." This is "the 
faith that works by love to the purifying of the heart." 

" It is not a mere historical belief, but a faith that influ- 
ences the whole man into a suitable conformity to the nature, 
example, and doctrine of Christ, the object of that faith." 

A third evil he treats of is, that of " debasing the true ralue 
of morality ander pretence of higher things, and mistaking, m 
great measure, the very end of Christ's coming." By morality 
he means virtuous living, purity of manners, justice, temper- 
ance, truth, charity, and blamelessness in conversation, out of 



144 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



conscience and duty to God and man. "This," he says, "is 
my moral man, and it is notorious, how small an estimate two 
sorts of people have put upon him, — the profane and the pro- 
fessors, — the publicans and the pharisees. 

" The first despise him as too squeamish, nice, and formal ; 
they deride his regularity, and make a jest of his preciseness. 
And thinking no man can be good because they are naught, 
and that all must needs fall by those temptations they will not 
resist, they construe sobriety to be a trick to decoy mankind, 
and put a cheat upon the world." 

"But that virtue should be undervalued by professors of 
religion, is still more to be regretted. 

" By this class morality is denied to be Christianity. Virtue, 
they say, has no claim to grace, and as for a mere just man, 
they ' send him packing among the heathen for damnation.' " 

" Let us not deceive ourselves ; God will not be mocked ; 
such as we sow, we shall certainly reap. The tree is known 
by its fruits, and will be judged according to its fruits." " The 
wages of sin is death ; men will find it so, and every man shall 
receive his reward suitable to his work." 

" For people to talk of special grace^ and yet be carried 
awaj' by common temptation ; to let pride, vanity, covetous- 
ness, revenge, &c. predominate, is provoking to God. But to 
conceit that the righteous God will indulge his people in that 
latitude which he condemns in other men, is abominable." 

"It is sanctification that makes the saint, .and self-denial 
that constitutes the Christian, and not filling our heads and 
elevating our fancies by applying those promises to ourselves, 
which, as yet, we have no interest in, though we may think 
they belong to nobody else ; this spiritual flattery of ourselves 
is most pernicious." " To conclude ; nothing can be more ap- 
parent than that freedom from actual sinning and giving neiv- 
ness of life to the souls of men, was the great reason of Christ's 
coming, and the end for which he has given us, out of his ful- 
ness, 'grace for grace.'" 

" The fourth great ecclesiastical evil is, preferring human 
•luthoritv above reason and truth." 



HIS ADDRESS TO PROTESTANT-. 1 1 



Among several proofs of this, he dwells }).'irticularly uj.on 
the great power and sway of the clergy, and the people's reli- 
ance upon them for the knowledge of religion and the way of 
life and salvation. 

"Is not prophecy," he says, "once the church's, now en- 
grossed by them, and wholly in their hands ? Who dare pub- 
licly preach or pray that is not of their order ? Have not they 
only the keys in keeping ? May anybody else pretend to the 
power of absolution or excommunication ? much less to consti- 
tute ministers ? Are not all church rites and privileges in 
their custody ? Do not they make it their proper inheritance? 
Nay, so much larger is their empire than Caesar's, tliat only 
they begin with births and end with burials : men must pay 
them for coming in and going out of the world." " To pay 
for dying is hard!'' 

" Thus their profits run from the womb to the grave, and that 
which is the loss of others is their gain and part of their revenue." 

"Bat what shall I say of the implicit reverence the people 
have for the clergy, and dependence upon them about religion 
and salvation, as if they were the only trustees of truth and 
hio-li treasurers of Divine knowledge to the laity?" 

" The minister is chooser and taster, and every thing for 
them." "They seem to have delivered up their spiritual 
selves, and made over the business of religion, — the rights of 
their souls, — to their pastor, and that scarcely with any limita- 
tion of truth too. And as if he were, or could be, their guaran- 
tee in the other world, they become very unsolicitous of any 
further search here. So that if we would examine the re- 
spective parishes of Protestant, as well as Papish countries, we 
shall find it is come to that sad pass, that very few have any 
other religion than the tradition of their priests. They have 
given up their judgment to him, and seem greatly at their 
ease, that they have discharged themselves of the trouble of 
'working out their own salvation, and proving all things, that 
they might hold fast that which is good,' and in the room of 
that care bequeathed the charge of those affairs to a standing 
pensioner for that purpose." 



146 LIFE OF WILLI A^r PEXN 



The last point under this head is, the propagation of faitli by 
force ;. in which he says, I shall, with the Ecclesiastic, consider 
the civil magistrate's share herein : " For though the churchmen 
are principally guilty, who, being professed ministers of a re- 
ligion which renounces and condemns force, excite the civil 
magistrate to use it, both to impose their own belief and sup- 
press that of other men, yet the civil magistrate, in running 
upon their errands, and turning executioner of their cruelty 
upon such as dissent from them, involves himself in their guilt." 

Of this he says there are many instances, not only in the 
reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and Charles the First, 
"but our own age abounds with proofs: thousands have been 
excommunicated and imprisoned, whole families undone ; not a 
bed left in the house, not a cow left in the field, nor any corn in 
the barn : widows and orphans stripped without pity, no regard 
being had to age or sex. And what for ? Only because of 
their meeting to worship God after another manner than ac- 
cording to the form of the Church of England ; but yet in a 
very peaceable way." "Nor have they only suffered thus by 
laws intended against them, but after an excessive rate by laws 
known to have been never designed against them, and only in- 
tended against the Papists." 

" We can prove sixty pounds taken for thirteen, and not one 
penny returned, as we made appear before a committee of the 
late Parliament, w^hich is the penalty of four offences for one, to 
say nothing of the gross abuses that have been committed 
against our names and persons." "And though we are yet 
unredressed, not a session of Parliament has passed these seven- 
teen years in which we have not humbly remonstrated our suf- 
fering condition." "We have done our part, which has been 
patiently to suffer, and modestly to complain. It is yours now 
to hear our groans, and, if ever you expect mercy from God, to 
deliver us." He then proceeds to consider this branch of the 
subject, under two heads: first, "Caesar's power," that is the 
power of the civil magistrate; secondly, "the church's poAver" 
in things that relate to faith and conscience. 

Under the first, he shows conclusively, that the civil magis- 



HIS ADDRESS TO PROTESTANTS. 1 17 



trate has no rightful authority over conscience, " for no humrin 
power can compel the mind to worship God aright, and they 
who attempt it invade the Divine prerogative." 

Under the second head he shows that the power of the church 
extends no further than to reject from its comnmiiion those who 
have "fallen from the principles or practices enjoined hy its 
discipline ; but it is not authorized to compel unifornutv hv any 
corporal or pecuniary punishment." 

To this work was appended a statement of tlie causes that 
lead to persecution; among which are, "First, The authors of 
it have little or no religion at heart." " Secondly, A gross and 
general mistake about tlie nature of Christ's church and king- 
dom, which is not an outward or worldly kingdom that can be 
set up by man and sustained by coercive laws, but it consists 
of the reign of God in the souls of men; it is a spiritual king- 
dom, and none but spiritual weapons are to be used to reclaim 
those who are ignorant or disobedient." "A third great cause 
of persecution is this, that men make too many things necessary 
to be believed to salvation and communion." "Persecution 
entered with creed making." 

If men can be brought to believe that salvation depends upon a 
certain form of belief or profession, it is but a short step further 
to conclude that they must use every means in their power to save 
the souls of their fellow men by bringing them into this form ; an<l 
even to coerce or compel them to come in, if other means fad. 

Our author remarks, near the close of this work, that " there 
is a zeal without knowledge, that is superstition ; there is a zeal 
against knowledge, that is interest or faction ; the true herein ; 
there is a zeal with knowledge, that is reliijion ; and if you will 
view the countries of cruelty, you will find them superstitious 
rather than religious." " Religion is gentle, it makes men bet- 
ter, more friendly, loving, and patient than before. And the 
success which followed Christianity, while the professors of it 
betook themselves to no other defence, plainly proves both the 
force of those passive arguments, above all corporal punish- 
ments, and that we must never hope for the same prosperity 
till we fall into the same methods." 



148 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



These extracts, from one of Penn's most important religious 
works, may seem tedious to some readers; for in this age of 
more liberal ideas, and especially in this country, where tole- 
ration is enjoyed as the inalienable right of every citizen, we 
can scarcely appreciate the value of such works, and the debt 
of gratitude we owe to their authors. We must remember, how- 
ever, that the change which has taken place in England and in 
this country, by which religious liberty has been promoted or 
secured, is, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to be at- 
tributed to those patient suiferers for conscience' sake, and those 
able writers and ministers of the gospel, who valiantly stood 
forth as the champions of truth, when priests and rulers were 
leagued against them, and gross darkness covered the people. 

The following petition, addressed to William, Prince of 
Orange, and dated London, the 26th of 12th month, alias Fe- 
bruary, 1679, is interesting, on account of the excellent senti- 
ments it contains ; and we may reasonably conclude that it was 
not without its influence on the mind of that prince, when sub- 
sequently he became King of England, and promoted the act 
of toleration : — 

" Great Prince : — Give me leave to address myself in a matter of no 
small moment. 'Tis true it may be objected I am a stranger, and because 
no prince, this liberty in me may look indecent; but when I consider 
that lam an Englishman, and that no such can be a stranger to a prince 
so much English, and that beside the urgency of the case, what I want 
of quality to justify this freedom shall be supplied with that distance and 
humility which become my inferior rank to a prince of so much eminence 
in the world, I cannot but overcome myself to believe that neither my 
country nor condition can give any difficulty to the reception of this 
epistle, indeed, petition ; and so much the rather because the goodness 
and mildness of the king and duke here have allowed me this freedom 
•with some success. 

'• But my more powerful encouragement is the steady practice of thy 
famous ancestors, the Princes of Orange, whose actions have outdone their 
quality ; their great prudence in the conduct of human affairs having 
placed their names among the^rst of kings, and which was very remark- 
able, their singular and admirable care they had to hear, pity, and help the 
distressed, especiall}'' when their miseries were the effects of men's cru- 
elty for the tenderness of their conscience, which is the subject-matter of 
this humble address. 



LETTER TO THE PIIINTK OF OUANMJK. 1 10 



"There are several inhabitants of Crovi-lt, (a town upon th- ! 
near C()lo;:;ne, a moml)er of thy ancient patrimony,) that have ».. • 
nirhed, Avithout regard to age or sex, not for any offonce hy th«-m rom- 
mitted against the civil government or ministers of justice, and cunno- 
quently free from the charge of disloyalty or immorality ; but which is 
worse, I cannot hear there was any reason rendered for the punishment, so 
that the judgment preceded the trial, and the sentence waa oxecul/?.! be- 
fore the cause was heard. 

" Though I presume that which is to be alleged by the dro«t or chief 
governor under thy command, is their dissent from the reformed ndigion : 
but with submission, we must never reproach the Pa[>ists with persecut- 
ing Protestants, if Protestants themselves will persecute Protestant*, be- 
cause of some different apprehensions about religion, since that were to 
deny an infallible jurisdiction over conscience in the pope, and aflMuming 
it to themselves, which in England we call hating the traitor, hut lovinj^ 
the treason. And indeed it is scandalous, that they, whose ancestors 
laboured under so much difficulty for a reformation, should not allow 
others the liberty to reform themselves. For if the principles of the first 
reformers be denied, the cause must be given up against all the Protest- 
ants in the world: for this they went upon the tradition of the Scripture 
before the tradition of the church, and conviction before authority. It 
was not enough then to say you must believe so, or you must not dothu<<, 
there was conviction in the case or no compliance given, so that Popery 
(concisely speaking) is obedience without conviction, and Protestancy is 
obedience upon conviction, but in this case it seems authority supersede*! 
conviction, and people were banished for not altering their belief or act- 
ing against their consciences, when no man can believe against this Ijeliof, 
nor yet practise contrary to it unless he will be an hypocrite. 

" If it is impossible for any one to give another faith, it must l>e unrea- 
sonable in him to punish him for want of faith : it is the gift of God, who 
alone can enlighten us al)out Divine things. Nor did our meek Saviour 
leave such an example to his disciples, who strictly forbade them to exer- 
cise dominion over one another, at least as Christians, as men «»f religion, 
which comes to the point in hand. He also told us that his kingdom wm 
not of this world, and gave that as a reason why h*^ could not use such 
an unsuitable means as worldly power to set it up. This unworldly way 
of speaking is so little understood by his pretended followers, that ihoy 
will easily leave him to pursue their passions and gratify their intorost. 

" This gross apprehension of the nature of Christ's kingdom may wHl 
be an occasion of their mistake about the means of promoting it, else U 
were not credible that men should think clubs, prisons, and banishmcnl 
the proper mediums of enlightening the understanding. 

" To be short, great prince, God and Caesar divide the man ; faith and 
Avoijhip b.Icn^' t'^G..d, ci.il obedience and tribute to C.T<=ar. I:-, the 



150 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX, 



first, with Prince William of Orange, (thy great ancestor,) indulge these 
poor, inoffensive people — it is Christian, it is Protestant, it is human, for 
religion improves and not ruins nature ; Christ came to save, to implant 
meekness, love, and forbearance in the natures of men ; and remember that 
the heathens themselves had that notion of goodness, they alvrays gave it 
precedency to power ; first Optimus, then Maximus, and Antonius, and 
other of their emperors, forbade that Christians should be persecuted for 
the cause of their religion, if they maintained a civil obedience to the 
lavs'S. Nor does variety of opinion hinder arts or ruin traffic, of which 
the countries under thy government are a demonstration against the 
clamours of superstition. Thus, Caesar giving God his due, if the people 
shall refuse to Cassar that which belongs to Caesar, to wit, tribute and 
civil obedience, let the law be executed with so much the more severity, 
by how much their pretences to goodness exceed those of other men. 

" I shall conclude, great prince, with this humble request, that it would 
please thee to command the drost of those parts to suffer these dissenting 
inhabitants of Crevelt, now exiled, to return quietly to their habitations, 
and that if nothing appear against them but what relates to faith and 
worship, so liberally allowed in the seven provinces under thy command, 
they may enjoy the liberty of that, their native country, and the protec- 
tion of its civil government, that the great God, who is King of kings 
and Lord of lords, may bless and prosper thy affairs as he did those of 
thy predecessors, who took the same course I have here recommended 
to thee."* 



CHAPTER XL 

William Penn becomes interested in political affairs — Contests between 
Whigs and Tories — He sides with the Whigs — His tract on the elec- 
tion of Parliament — Accompanies Algernon Sidney to the hustingvS — 
Letters to Sidney — Dissolution of Parliament and new election — "One 
Project for the Good of England" — Motives which influenced Penn — 
His independence and patriotism. 

1679—80. 

In the year 1679, William Penn became so deeply interested 
in the political affairs of the kingdom, as to employ his pen and 
his personal influence in an election for members of Parliament. 

It had not been usual for members of the society of Friends 

* Penn papers in the possession of G. 'SI. Justice, Philadelphia. 



SYMPATHIZES WITH TIIK WIIK;??. 151 



to take an lU'tive part in the choice of tlicir rulers; «omc of 
them did not even exercise the elective franchise,* ami '' y 
were precluded by their religious principles from holding any 
office under the government which required the administration 
of an oath, or gave the least countenance to the practice of war. 

The king having issued writs for the election of a new Par- 
liament in the early part of this year, a contest ensued between 
the court and country parties, which, for the deep interest it 
excited, was then almost without a parallel in British history. 

There was in the minds of a great part of the nation a pro- 
found disgust with the measures pursued by the king an<l his 
ministers; they saw that he had sacrificed the interest and 
honour of the kingdom, by his alliance with France; and 
although it was not then generally known that he received an 
annual pension from Louis XIV. as the reward of his perfidy, 
vet there was a settled conviction that he intended to betray 
the Protestant cause. The pretended popish plot contributed 
to augment the prejudices against him, and the blood that had 
already been shed on that account seemed rather to inflame 
than allay the popular fury. 

At this time originated those party names of Whig and Tory, 
which have ever since been adhered to, and are now familiar 

to every reader. 

"The court party reproached their antagonists with their 
affinity to the fanatical conventiclers, who in Scotland, were 
known by the name of Whigs ; the country party, fancied a 
resemblance between the courtiers and the popish banditti in 
Ireland, who had received the appellation of Tories, t I'^^ 
Whicrs in England were then the stanch asserters of constitu- 
tionS freedom ; the Tories professed to be a conservative party, 
who supported the king's prerogative, and at that time all tho 
influence of the court was exerted in favour of their election^ 

William Penn, although he could not approve of all the 
measures of either party, was by his principles arawn nvto 
sympathy and co-operation with the Whigs; among whom the 

^-Clarkson,ch.xv. + Hume's History of England 



152 LIFE or AVILLIAM PEXN. 



distinguished Algernon Sidney was his intimate friend, whose 
virtues, talents, and liberal views he greatly admired. 

Just before the election, Penn issued a pamphlet entitled 
*' England's great Interest in the Choice of this Parliament." 

In this work he alludes to the very peculiar circumstances 
in which the nation was then placed on account of the sudden 
and surprising dissolution of the last Parliament, " the strong 
jealousies of the people" and the "universal agitation that 
prevailed." He considers it a most important crisis in the 
affairs of the nation, and states the work of the noAV Parlia- 
ment to be, 1st. The discovery and punishment of the plot ; 
2dly. To remove and bring to justice the evil counsellors of 
the king and arbitrary ministers of state ; 3dly. To detect 
and punish the pensioners of the former parliament who had 
sold their influence to the court ; 4thly. To secure frequent 
parliaments as the only true check upon arbitrary ministers, 
and therefore feared, hated, and opposed by them ; 5thly. 
Security against popery and slavery, and relief for Protesta^it 
dissenters ; 6thly. That in case this be done, the king be 
released from his burdensome debts to the nation, and eased 
in the business of his revenue. 

He states the great importance of choosing " wise men, 
fearing God and hating covetousness." "We must," he says, 
" not make our public choice the recompense of private favours 
from our neighbours ; they must excuse us that ; the weight 
of the matter will very well bear it ; this is our inheritance, 
all depends upon it, and, therefore, none must take it ill that 
we use our freedom about that which in its constitution is the 
great bulwark of all our ancient English liberties." "We, the 
commons of England, are a great part of the fundamental 
government of it, and three rights are so peculiar and inherent 
to us, that if we will not throw them away for fear or favour, 
for meat and drink, or those other little present profits that ill 
men offer to tempt us with, they cannot be altered or abro- 
gated. The first of these fundamentals is, right and title to 
your lives, liberties, and estates. In this every man is a sort 
of little sovereign in himself; no man has power over his per- 



EXERTIONS IN FAVOUR OF LIIJFRTY. 153 

Bon to imprison or hurt it, or over his estate to invudt or iwurp 
it. Only your own transgression of the laws (an.l those of 
your own making too) lays you open to loss, which is hut the 
punishment due to offences, and should he in proportion to the 
fault committed. So that the power of England is a legal power 
which truly merits the name of government. That which is 
not legal is tyranny, and not properly a government. The 
second fundamental that is your hirthright is liujittlatinn. No 
law can be made or abrogated without you. Your third great 
right and privilege is executive ; that is, you share in the exe- 
cution and application of those laws that you agree to be made. 
No man, according to the ancient laws of the realm, can be 
adjudged in matters of life, liberty, and estate, but it must be 
by the judgment of his peers; that is, twelve men of the 
neighbourhood, commonly called a jury ; though this has been 
infringed by two acts made in the late long Parliament: one 
against the Quakers in particular, and the other against dis- 
senters in general, called, ' An act against seditious conventi- 
cles.' " He then proceeds to declare the kind of men fitted for 
the high trust of a seat in Parliament : "Thev should be honest 
and capable; men of industry and improvement ; possessed of 
liberal principles, and sincerely attached to the Prote.-tant re- 
ligion ; for implicit faith and blind obe«lienee in religion will 
also introduce implicit faith and blind obedience in govern- 
ment. So that it is no more the law in the one than in the 
other, but the will and power of the superior that shall he the 
rule and bond of our subjection. This is that fatal mischief 
popery brings with it to civil society, and for which such "Soci- 
eties ought "to beware of it, and all tli^^o tliat arc friend:^ 
to it."* 

William Penn would probably have eonfiiii'd his exertions m 
favour of civil liberty to the issuing of this address, had not his 
feelings been deeply interested for the success of his friend 
Algernon Sidney, then a candidate for Parliament.! 

He believed that the success of this enlightened patriot would 
greatly promote the cause of civil and religious liberty, and he 

^ ronn'f? ?p1e^^ Works. + Clark^on. 



154 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PENN. 



not only used his influence among his friends to obtain votes for 
him, but he accompanied him to the hustings at Gruilford, where 
Sidney was then a candidate against Dahnahoy, who was then 
one of the court party. 

While Penn was in the act of encouraging his friends, he was 
stopped by the Eecorder, who, in order to make him odious, 
branded him with the name of Jesuit, and would have tendered 
him the oaths ; but this having been shown to be illegal, he then 
proceeded to use force, and "turned him out of court."* 

Though Sidney had the majority of votes, Dalmahoy was 
returned, under the plea that the former was not a freeman of 
Guilford. 

On Penn's return to Worminghurst, he wrote to Algernon 
Sidney the following letter : — 

"Dear Friend — I hope you got all well home, as I by God's goodness 
have done. I reflected, upon the way, of things passed at Guilford, and 
that which occurs to me as reasonable is this, that so soon as the articles 
or exceptions are digested, show them to Serjeant Maynard, and get his 
opinion of the matter. Sir Francis Winnington and Wallope have been 
used on these occasions too. Thou must have counsel before the com- 
mittee ; and to advise first upon the reason of an address or petition with 
them, in my opinion, is not imprudent, but very fitting. If they say that 
(the conjuncture considered, thy qualifications and alliance, and his un- 
gratefulness to the house) they believe all may amount to an unfair 
election, then I ofi'er to wait presently upon the Duke of Buckingham, 
Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Essex, Lord Halifax, Lord Hollis, Lord Gray, 
and others, to use their utmost interest in reversing this business. This 
ma}'^ be done in five days, and I was not willing to stay till I come, which 
will be with the first. Remember the non-residents on their side, as Legg 
and others. I left order with all our interest to bestir themselves, and 
watch, and transmit an account to thee daily. I bless God, I fi^und all 
well at home. I hope the disappointment so strange (a hundred and 
forty poll-men as we thought last night considered) does not move thee. 
Thou, as thy friends, had a conscientious regard for England ; and to be 
put aside by such base ways is really a sufiering fi^r righteousness. Thou 
hast embarked thyself with them that seek, and love, and choose the best 
things ; and number is not weight with thee. I hope it is retrievable, 
fc to me it looks not a fair and clear election. Forget not that soldiers 
wero made free three weeks ago in prospect of the choice, (and by the way 

^' Clmkson, ch. xv. 



SUPPORTS ALGERNON SIDNEY. 155 

thej went, as we may guess, for Dalmahey's sako.) and thyself bo oAon 
put by, a thing not refused to one of thy cmdition. Of the Uiwrr 
House, the Lord Cavendish, and especially Lord Russoll, Sir Jo. Cotcii- 
try, Powell, Saychevrill, Williams, Lee, Clergis, lJo«kowen, Titun. mm. 
some able, some hot, (ardent,) and fit to be nearly engn-od in the know* 
ledge of these things. 'Tis late, I am weary, and hope to «oc theo quickly. 
Farewell. 

" Thy faithful friond, W 1 1.LIAM TK-W. • 

Although the court party by unfair means succeeded at Guil- 
ford, it was not so throughout the kingdom, fur all the influence 
and patronage of the government could not prevent the return 
of a Parliament still more disaffected toward the court than 
the last. About two months after the assembling of Parliament, 
the king, finding he could not carry his measures, nor protect 
his prime minister from impeachment, suddenly di.ssolved it, 
and issued writs for a new election. 

This gave another opportunity for bringing forward Algernon 
Sidney, and William Penn again became one of his supporters. 

He proposed to him to become a candidate for Bamber, which 
was in his own county, and he interested himself in paving the 
way for him in that borough. The following is one of his letters 
to Sidney:* 

"Dear Friend — I am now at Sir John Fagg's, where I and my rela- 
tions dined. I have pressed the point with what diligence and fon-e I 
could ; and to say true, Sir John Fagg has been a most zealous, and, he 
believes, a successful friend to thee. But, upon a serious consideration 
of the matter, it is agreed that thou comest down with all speed, but thai 
thou takest Ilall-Land in thy way, and bringcst Sir John Pelham with 
thee, which he ought less to scruple, because his having no inton«st can 
be no objection to his appearing with thee; the commonest civility that 
can be is all [that is] desired. The borough ha8 kindled at thy namo. and 
takes it well. If Sir John Temple may be credited, he a^jsures me it i* vorr 
likely. He is at work daily. Another, one Parsons, treats tonlay. but for 
thee as well as himself, and mostly makes his men for thee, and |»erhap* 
will be persuaded, if you two carry it not, to bequeath hi« interest to 
thee, and then Captain Goreing is thy coU.-ague : and thi.M I vcUh. both 
to make the thing easier and to prevent offence. Sir John IVlh.iin N?nt 
me word, he heard that thy brother Henry Sidney would be proi>o»ed to 
that borough, or already was, and till he was suro of the cntrarr, it 
* Clarkson, ch. iv. 



156 LriE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



would not be decent for him to appear. Of that thou canst best inform 
him. That day you come to Bramber, Sir John Fagg will meet you both ; 
and that night you may lie atWiston, and then, when thou pleasest, with 
us at Worminghurst. Sir John Temple has that opinion of thy good 
reasons to persuade, as well as quality to influence the electors, that, with 
what is and will be done, the business will prosper; which, with my true 
good wishes that it may be so, is all at present from thy true friend, 

" WILLIAM PENN. 
" Sir John Fagg salutes thee." 

From this letter it appears that the interest of Sir John Pel- 
ham was expected to be exerted in favour of Algernon Sidney ; 
but he was engaged bj the ministry to sustain Algernon's 
younger brother Henry, who belonged to the court party. 
The polls closed with a double return. Algernon thought 
himself elected, and claimed his seat, but on the meeting of 
Parliament his election was declared void.* 

Soon after the election of this Parliament, Penn issued an- 
other publication, intended to allay persecution, and promote 
the prosperity of the kingdom; it bears the title of "One 
Project for the Good of England; that is, our civil union is 
our civil safety." 

This work was dedicated to the Parliament, and ably main- 
tains the position that the civil interests of all Protestants, 
whether dissenters or members of the Established Church, are 
the same. They can unite in denying the supremacy of the 
pope, and of all other foreign potentates. " The civil interests 
of English Protestants being thus the same, and their religious 
interest too, so far as concerns a negative to the usurpation and 
error of Rome, I do humbly ask," he says, " if it be the interest 
of the government to expose those to misery that have no other 
interest than the government ? Or if it be just or equal that the 
weaker should be prosecuted by the more-powerful Protestants ?" 

He proceeds to show that nothing can be better calculated 
to build up the church of Rome, and enable her to regain her 
ascendency in England, than for Protestants of different per- 
suasions to weaken and destroy one another. 

The commercial and manufacturing interests of the kingdom 

^' Life of A. Sidnev, hy G. Van Snntvoord. 



HIS POLITICAL TRACTS. T.-J 

were also impaired by persecution, for it wastoil the osi..i.-. -.^A 
deranged the business of industrious citizens. Having hbown 
the many evils resultincr from the penal laws enacted to secure 
uniformity in religion, and tlic ill success that must always attend 
them, he then brings forward his "Project for the j^ood of Eng- 
land," which is a new test in the form of a declaration to b6 
subscribed without an oath. This declaration contains an ac- 
knowledgment of King Charles the Second, as lawful king of 
the realm, and denies the authority of the Pope or See of Komo 
to depose him or absolve his subjects from their allegiance. 

It denies the claim of the pope to be Christ's vicar, disclaims 
the doctrines of purgatory and transubstantiation, and declares 
the worship of the Catholic church to be superstitious and i«lola- 
trous. This tract, as well as that which immediately pro- 
ceded it, was issued without the author's name, and with the 
signature of Philanglus. 

In estimating the character and principles of Penn, these po- 
litical tracts, and the part he took in favour of the election of 
Algernon Sidney, are worthy of especial attention. They 
show most conclusively that he was not only opposed to the 
papal predilections of the king, but deeply interested in pro- 
moting the success of the Whigs, and especially of the patriotic 
Sidney, a republican in principle, who was more feared and 
hated by the court than almost any other man in the kingdom. 
Yet in the face of all this evidence, his enemies of that <lay, in 
order to subject him to public odium, persisted in calling him 
a Jesuit; and even in this age, when we arc enjoying tlio 
benefits of his tolerant and liberal principles, he has been held 
up to public reprobation as a courtier whose sympatl!''- w.-ro 
all on the side of arbitrary power. 

It is true that he enjoyed ready access to the king, and that 
he often made use of this privilege to plead the cause of suffer- 
ing humanity, not only in procuring the release of his im- 
prisoned brethren, but in securing ^ardon and protection to 
those of other religious persuasions. 

How then shall we account for the favour he enjoyed at court? 
There is only one wav, and that is so singular as to be con 

'o 



158 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX, 



sidered incredible by men of the world. He was an honest, sin- 
cere-hearted man, one of the very few of that class who ever 
appeared at the court of Charles II., and that monarch, profli- 
gate as he was, had the discernment to discover, and the good 
sense to appreciate, those sterling qualities which stood out in 
bold relief, when contrasted with the fawning sycophants by 
whom he was surrounded. The favour he showed to Penn was 
a memorable instance of the homage that vice pays to virtue. 

As to Penn himself, we cannot doubt that his pure spirit was 
disgusted with the licentiousness of the court, for we find in 
many of his writings that he attacked with boldness and energy 
the profligate manners of the age, and his domestic life was so 
exemplary as to be above the reach of calumny. 

His motives, then, in appearing at court, were of the noblest 
character ; he felt it his duty to use his influence for the pro- 
motion of individual happiness and national prosperity. But 
in doing this, it must be conceded, that his example was not 
without danger, if followed by others of less independence and 
firmness of character. It was said, by the Divine Teacher, 
"they that wear soft clothing are in king's houses," and it is 
generally found that the pliancy of their principles corresponds 
with the softness of their apparel. 

Public honours and sumptuous living have a wonderful influ- 
ence in subduing that sternness of purpose with which the young 
disciple sets out in pursuit of spiritual good. If he permit him- 
self to be seduced, in the least degree, from this purpose, by the 
disguised flattery of the world, he incurs the risk of gradually 
losing his hold upon better things, the desires that appeared to 
be subdued spring up afresh, and he must either retrace his 
steps by a timely retreat, or go forward and make shipwreck 
of the faith. 

Among the few who have maintained their integrity while min- 
gling with the incumbents of high political station, William Penn 
aff'ords a most remarkable instance, and yet the professors of re- 
ligion should hesitate to expose themselves to the temptations 
mcident to such an intercourse without an imperative necessity. 

His circumstances were peculiar; born to the possession of 



DAXr.ERP or THK IM.MTICAL AIIKNA. 1^0 

wealth and rank, introduced in early life to tlie society of the 
most distinguished men, possessed of great learning and'talent.H, 
he had the power to render effectual relief to thousands who 
•were suffering under the iron rod of persecution ; and he could 
not exert the influence he possessed, without appearing at court 
and exchanging civilities with men whose principles were a» 
opposite to his own as darkness to light. Nor can it l>e sup- 
posed that the king considered him as a partisan of the court, 
for his political writings, as well as the course he pursucil at 
the hustings in Guilford, had identified him with the Wliigs. 

There is another point in which the professors of religion, and 
especially ministers of the gospel, should closely examine tlieni- 
selves, before they venture to follow the example of I*enn, 
— the share he took in obtaining votes, and speaking at the 
hustings to promote the election of Algernon Sidney. It can- 
not be denied that the political arena, both in England and 
America, is a most unfavourable field for the growth of religioun 
principles. Men of all parties who mingle in the strife gene- 
rally attendant on elections are too much in the habit of u-' - 
means, to promote the success of their candidates, which art- 
consistent w^ith Christian principles. And, moreover, the very 
excitement which prevails at such times is unfavourable to that 
quiet contemplative spirit which peculiarly l)ecomes the station 
of those "who minister about holy things." 

In considering the course that Penn pursued in the 
at Guilford, justice to his memory reciuires that we shouhl 1 
in mind the motives that prompted him, and the very important 
objects he had in view. He says, in one of his letters to Sidney, 
"Thou, as thy friends, had a conscientious regard for England, 
and to be put aside for such base ways is really a suffering for 
righteousness." " Thou hast embarked thyself with them that 
seek, and love and choose the best things, and numl>-r i> n-t 
weight with thee." 

It was, therefore, with a view to promote the hightvst i» 
terests of his country, and the progress of religious liberty, 
that he departed from the line of conduct generally adopted 
by his brethren in religious profession. 



eu'c:: :i 
' f.ii 



160 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



William Penn head for some years previous to tins time been 
concerned as a trustee in the management of West New Jer- 
sey, which continued to prosper, and to attract toward its 
shores a constant stream of emigration ; but in the year 1680, 
much dissatisfaction was excited among the colonists by the 
exaction of a duty on imports and exports, imposed by the 
Governor of New York, and collected at the Hoarkills, a town 
at the capes of the Delaware, since called Lewistown. 

This duty being considered an onerous and illegal exaction, 
the trustees complained to the Duke of York, then proprietary 
of the province of New York, who referred the consideration 
of it to commissioners to examine the subject, and report to 
him. The argument submitted by the trustees on behalf of 
the colony is remarkable for its ability, and some of the views 
it exhibits, as well as the diction in which they are conveyed, 
bear evident marks of William Penn's style of thought and 
expression.* 

After showing that the duke had granted to Berkley, and 
that he had transferred to the trustees of Byllinge, his title, not 
only to the soil, but to the government of West New Jersey, for 
which they had paid a valuable consideration, and that in the 
conveyance the powers of government were expressly granted^ 
he proceeds to prove that the power of taxation claimed by 
the duke's agents was a flagrant violation of English liberty. 
" To give up this," he says, (the power of making laws,) "is to 
change the government, to sell, or rather resign, ourselves to 
the will of another : and that for nothing. For under favour 
we buy nothing of the duke, if not the right of an undisturbed 
colonizing, and that as Englishmen, with no diminution, but 
expectation of some increase, of those freedoms and privileges 
enjoyed in our own country ; for the soil is none of his, 'tis 
the natives', by the jus gentium, by the laws of nations, and 
it would be an ill argument to convert to Christianity, to expel 
instead of purchasing them out of those countries. 

*' If then the country be theirs, it is not the duke's, he can- 

* See Smith's Hist. N. Jersey, p. 117 to 156. 



REMONSTRANCE AGAINST UNJUST TAXATION. 161 



not sell it ; tlion wh;it have wc bought ? Wc arc yet unanswcrcil 
on this point, and desire you to do it with all due regard to the 
great honour and justice of the duke. If it be not the right of 
colonizing, then which way have we our bargain, that pay au ar- 
bitrary custom, neither known to the laws of England nor the 
settled constitution of New York, and those otlier plantations? 
" This very tax, of five per cent., is a thing not to be found 
in the duke's conveyances; but an after business, a very sur- 
prise to the planter ! and such an one as, could they have fore- 
seen, they would have sooner taken up in any other plantation 
in America. Customs, in all governments in the world, are 
laid upon trade, but this upon planting is unprecedented. Had 
we brought commodities to these parts to sell, made profit out 
of them, and returned to the advantage of traders, there had 
been some colour or pretence for this exaction ; but to require 
and force a custom from persons for coming to their property, 
their owm terra-firma, their habitations, in short, for coming 
home, is without a parallel ; this is paying custom, not for 
trading, but landing ; not for merchandising, but planting ; in 
very deed, for hazarding ; for there we go, carry over our 
families and estates, and adventure botli for the improvement 
of a wilderness, and we are not only told we must pay here- 
after out of our gains and improvements, but must pay out of 
our poor stock and principal, (put into goods,) five pounds in 
the hundred, and not as they are there worth, but as they here 
cost, and this for coming to plant ; so that the plain English 
of the tragedy is this : we twice buy this moiety of New Jer- 
sey, first of Lord Berkley, and next of the natives, and what 
for? the better to mortgage ourselves and posterity to the 
duke's governors, and give them a title to our persons and 
estates, that never had any before. But pray consider, can 
there be a house without a bottom, or a plantation ^"-'^^'^ * 
people ? if not, can there be a custom before a trade ? Be 
sides, there is no end of this power, for since we are, by thu. 
precedent, assessed without any law, and thereby excluded our 
Eno-lish ri-ht of common assent to taxes, what security have 
we "of anv^thin.cr we possess ? we can call nothing our own, but 
0* 11 



162 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for all our per- 
sonal estates ; we endure penury and the sweat of our brows 
to improve them, at our own hazard only. This is to trans- 
plant not from good to better, but from good to bad ; this sort 
of conduct has destroyed governments, but never raised one to 
true greatness, nor ever will in the duke's territories, whilst 
there are so many countries equally as good, in soil and air, 
surrounded with greater freedom and security." 

This remonstrance was so effectual, that the commissioners 
reported favourably, and the duty was remitted. 

In the following year, Penn became interested in the property 
and government of East New Jersey, of which Elizabethtown 
was the capital. 

Sir George Carteret, the former proprietary of this province, 
having died, it was sold under his will to pay his debts, and 
Penn became the purchaser, on behalf of himself and eleven 
other persons. 

The twelve proprietaries soon after admitted twelve others 
into copartnership with them, and to these twenty-four proprie- 
taries the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East New Jer- 
sey, bearing date the 14th of March, 1682 : they instituted a 
government, called the Council of Proprietors, whose meetings 
were held twice in the year, at Perth Amboy . All the proprie- 
taries, except two, were members of the society of Eriends, 
and in the year 1683, Robert Barclay, of Urie, in Scotland, a 
noted member and writer of the society, was made Governor of 
East New Jersey for life, and Thomas Rudyard, of the same 
society, residing in the colony, was Deputy Governor. West 
New Jersey having become quite populous, Edward Byllinge 
was chosen Governor by the proprietaries in England, and he 
commissioned Samuel Jennings, a minister in the society of 
Friends, to act as Deputy Governor. These two provinces. 
East and West New Jersey, continued in a prosperous state for 
many years ; but much inconvenience having arisen from the 
large number of proprietaries, they agreed to surrender the go- 
vernment to the British crown, which was done in the reign of 
Queen Anne, by an instrument dated the 15th of April, 1702. 



APPLIES FOR LANDS IN AMERICA. 1G3 



CHAPTER XII. 

William Penn applies to Charles II. for lands in America — Obtains a 
grant of Pennsylvania — Letter to R. Turner — Terms of the Royal 
Charter — Letter to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania — Sends out Mark- 
ham as deputy — Arrival of Markham — Boundaries — Penn issues de- 
scription of the colony and proposals for settlement — Letter to R. 
Turner and others. 

1680-81. 

William Penn, having been for many years actively and 
successfully engaged in the colonization of New Jersey, became 
well informed concerning the extent and resources of the ad- 
joining territories; and thus his thoughts were turned toward 
that great enterprise of founding a colony on the western bank 
of the Delaware, which has proved to be the crowning achieve- 
ment of his useful and eventful life. He inherited from his 
father a claim on the British government for money advanced 
and services rendered to the amount of sixteen thousand pounds, 
and in the year 1680 petitioned Charles 11. to grant him, in 
lieu of this sum, a tract of country in America, lying north of 
Maryland, "bounded on the east by the Delaware river, on the 
west limited as Maryland, and northward to extend as far as 
plantable."* 

The object of this enterprise was not only to provide a peace- 
ful home for the persecuted members of his own society, but to 
afford an asylum for the good and oppressed of every nation, 
and to found an empire where the pure and peaceable princi- 
jles of Christianity might be carried out in practice. 

The petition being referred to the "Committee of the Privy 
Council for the Affairs of Trade and Plantations," they notified 
the agent of Lord Baltimore, and Sir John Werdcn, agent of 
the Duke of York, in order that they might report whether the 

* Hazard's An.. 475. 



.16-i LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



proposed grant would be consistent with the boundaries of Ma- 
ryland and New York.* At a subsequent meeting of the com- 
mittee, a letter was produced from Sir John Werden, objecting 
to Penn's request, on the ground that "the territory west of 
the Delaware was an appendage to the government of New 
York, being known by the name of Delaware Colony, or more 
particularly. New Castle Colony, and planted promiscuously 
by Swedes, Finlanders, Dutch, and English." At the same 
time a letter from the agent of Lord Baltimore was read, de- 
siring, if the grant should be made to Penn, that "it might be 
expressed to be lands north of the Susquehanna fort, which is 
the boundary of Maryland northward." 

When the opposition on the part of the Duke of York's agent 
became known to Penn, he had an interview with the duke, 
and succeeded in removing his objections ; after which a second 
letter was addressed by Sir J. Werden to the secretary, in 
which he says, " His royal highness commands me to let you 
know, in order to your informing their lordships of it, that he 
is very willing Mr. Penn's request may meet with success."t 
The petition being referred, by the Lords of Trade, to the 
attorney-general Sir Wm. Jones, he reported that " it did not 
appear to intrench upon the boundaries of Lord Baltimore's 
province nor those of New York, so that the tract of land de- 
sired by Mr. Penn seems to be undisposed of by his majesty ; 
except the imaginary lines of New England patents, which are 
bounded westwardly by the main ocean, should give them a 
real, though impracticable right, to all those vast territories." 
At a meeting of the committee, January 25, 1681, the bounda- 
ries of the proposed patent to Penn, settled by Lord Chief Jus- 
tice North, with the alterations of Sir John Werden, were read 
and approved. From these proceedings it appears that great 
care was taken to adjust the boundaries of the proposed pro- 
vince, so as not to intrench upon former patents ; nevertheless, 
we shall find that the line between the territories of Penn and 
Lord Baltimore was, for a long period, a subject of contro- 
versy, attended with much annoyance and heavy expense. 

* Hazard's An., 475. flbid. 480. 



LETTER TO IIOULIIT TURN;:R. 10 



>i) 



At one of the meetings of the committee a pa|»or was rca«l 
from the Bishop of London, desirinn; that Perm " be obligc<l, 
by his patent, to admit a chaplain of his hardship's appoint- 
ment, upon the request of any numher of phmtcrs, wliich wa« 
referred to the Lord Chief Justice Nortli." At a «uhse«picnt 
meeting of the committee, a draft of the patent was read, and 
there being a bhmk left for the name, it was agreed to leave 
the nomination of it to the kinfr, 

o 

At length, after many delays and much solicitude, Penn had 
the gratification to learn that his patent was prepared for the 
king's signature, which was affixed to it under date 4lh of 
March, A. D. 1681. '' This venerable document, which is still 
preserved, and now hung up in the office of the Secretary of 
State at Harrisburg, is written on strong parchment in the old 
English handwriting, each line underscored with red ink, and 
the borders gorgeously decorated with heraldic devices."* 

The satisfaction of Penn on this occasion, and the delicacy 
of his feelings with regard to the name bestowed on the pro- 
vince, may be seen in the following letter to his frientl Robert 
Turner : 

«'5th. of 1st mo., 1&81. 

" Dear Friexd : — Mj true love in the Lord sahitcs thoo and iloar fricn»l« 
that love the Lord's precious truth in those parts. Thine I have, and fur 
my business here, know that after many waitings, watchings, soliciting*, 
and disputes in council, this day my country was confirmed to me under 
the great seal of Enghxnd, with hirge powers and privilo;;o8, by the nain« 
of Pennsylvania; a name the King would give it in honour of my father. 
I chose New Wales, being, as this, a pretty hilly country, hut IVnn U-ing 
Welsh for a lead, as Penmanmoire in Wales, and Ponrith in CuinU^rland, 
and Penn in Buckinghamshire, the highest land in Kngland. callinl lhi« 
Pennsylvania, which is the high or head woodlatids; for I proposed, when 
the Secretary, a Welshman, refused to have it called New Wah-«. Syiramui, 
and they added Penn to it; and thougli I much opposed it, and went w 
the King to have it struck out and altered, he said it waa pa«t, and would 
take it upon him ; nor could twenty guineas move the under j.o,.'retarT lo 
vary the name ; for I feared lest it should bo looked on a-s a vanity in i..«. 
and not as a respect in the King, as it truly was. to my father, whom h*' 
often mentions with praise. Thou mayest communicate my grant to 
Friends, and expect shortly my proposals. 

* Hazard's An., 500. 



166 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



" It is a clear and just thing, and my God that has given it me through 
many difficulties, will, I believe, bless and make it the seed of a nation. 
I shall have a tender care to the government, that it be well laid at first. 
No more now, but dear love in the truth. Thy true friend, 

" WM. PENN/'* 

The royal patent or charter of Pennsylvania, consists of 
twenty-three articles, and is too long for insertion here, but 
some of its leading provisions may be interesting to the reader. 

The preamble declares, that William Penn's application for 
the territory arose out of " a commendable desire to enlarge the 
British empire, and promote such useful commodities as may 
be a benefit to the King and his dominions ; and also, to reduce 
the savage nations, by just and gentle manners, to the love of 
civil society and the Christian religion." 

The charter states that the King, favouring his petition and 
good purpose, and having also a regard to the memory and 
merits of his late father. Sir William Penn, " doth grant unto the 
said William Penn, his heirs and assigns, all that tract or part 
of land in America, bounded on the east by the Delaware river, 
from twelve miles distance northward of New Castle town, unto 
the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude. The said 
land to extend westward, five degrees in longitude, to be com- 
puted from the said eastern bounds, and the said lands to be 
bounded on the north by the beginning of the three and for- 
tieth degree of northern latitude, and on the south by a circle 
drawn at twelve miles distance from New Castle, northward and 
westward, unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of northern 
latitude, and then by a straight line westward to the limits of 
longitude above mentioned." William Penn is made absolute 
proprietary, saving to the King and his successors the sove- 
reignty of the country, and the allegiance of Penn, as well as of 
all who shall be tenants under him. The grant was '^ not in 
cainte,'' but in "free and common socage, by fealty only," yield- 
mg and paying to the King two beaver skins annually, to be 
delivered at the castle of Windsor, and also the fifth part of all 
the gold and silver ore which shall be found within the limits 

* Hazard's An., 500. 



CnARTER or I'KN XS ^ I , V \ \ i \ . 1 f57 



aforesaid. The proprietary, witli tlie as^rnt uikI approbation (»f 
the freemen of the coh)ny, was empowerccl to mako nil nrcc«u 
sary laws, not inconsistent with tlie laws (tf Kn;:lan(l. Ilr was 
authorized to appoint majzistrates and jiid^rcs, to «:rant pardons, 
except for the crimes of wilful murder and treason, and in these 
cases to grant reprieves until the Kin;^'s pleasure should bo 
known therein. The laws of the province were to be trans- 
mitted to the privy council for approbation. 

Appeals from the judgment of the colonial courts might, in 
certain cases, be taken to the King. The fruits and commodi- 
ties of the province might be imported into any of the ports of 
" England, and not into any other port whatsoever^" but 
within a year after the landing of the same in England, they 
might be reshipped to any other country, paying such duties as 
British subjects are bound to pay. Penn and his heirs were to 
enjoy such customs on imports and exports, in the province, as 
he or they, and the people there, when assembled, may reason- 
ably assess, "saving to the King, and his successors, such im- 
positions and customs, as are, or by act of Parliament shall 
he, appointed.'' But the King was to levy no taxes upon the 
inhabitants of the province, without the consent of the pro- 
prietary or assembly, or by act of Parliament. 

Penn was invested with all the powers of a "captain-,i:«'iKTai, ' 
*'to levy, muster, and train all sorts of men," to make war by 
sea and land, against barbarous nations, pirates and robbers. 
It was provided, that on the application of the inhabitants of 
said province, to the number of twenty, to the Bishop of London, 
for a preacher to be sent to them, he should be permitted to re- 
side in the province; and lastly, that if any difference should 
arise, concerning the meaning of the charter, it should be con- 
strued in a manner most favourable to the proprietary.* 

It has been thought by some, that " the spirit of freedom 
which breathes through this charter, is at variance -ith the 
character of its grantor, and with his policy towards the colony 
of Massachusetts, particularly in the independence of legal 
control permitted to the legislative power."! It .s .aid to have 

Hazard s Annals of Tennsylvauia. f Gordou's UiM. of VcnnsyUu^ 



168 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



\ 



been "drafted bj Penn himself, from the charter of Maryland; 
originally drafted by Sir Geo. Calvert, Secretary of State to 
James the First, and was revised by Chief Justice North, and 
the Attorney General, Sir Wm. Jones, who added two import- 
ant clauses." It is obvious that the article investing the pro- 
prietary with the powers of a captain-general, and the clause 
allowing ministers of the church of England to reside in the 
province, did not emanate from Penn, but were inserted at the 
suggestion of others, the former being contrary to his princi- 
ples, and the latter wholly unnecessary. 

The restriction upon the commerce of the province, requiring 
it all to pass through English ports, was in accordance with the 
policy long pursued by the British government, which sought 
to secure to the mother country all the benefits of colonial trade. 

The right of the British Parliament to tax the colony, which 
is implied in this charter, must have been repugnant to the 
feelings of the proprietary, as well as opposed to his interest, 
but at that period the momentous consequences involved in it 
were, probably not foreseen. 

"VYithin a month from the date of the charter, the King issued 
% declaration, stating the grant that had been made to Penn, 
and requiring all persons settled in the province to yield obe- 
dience to him as absolute proprietor and governor. About the 
same time, Penn addressed the following letter to the inhabit- 
ants of Pennsylvania : 

"My Friends: — I wish you all happiness here and hereafter. Thcso 
are to let you know that it hath pleased God, in his providence, to cast you 
within my lot and care. It is a business that, though I never undertook 
before, yet God hath given me an understanding of my duty, and an honest 
mind to do it uprightly. I hope you will not be troubled at your change, 
and the King's choice, for you are now fixed at the mercy of no governor 
that comes to make his fortune great ; you shall be governed by laivs of 
your oicn making, and live a free, and if you will, a sober and industrious 
people. I shall not usurp the right of any, or oppress his person. God 
has furnished me with a better resolution, and has given me his grace to 
keep it. In short, whatever sober and free men can reasonably desire, 
for the security and improvement of their own happiness, I shall hea,rtily 
comply with, and in five months resolve, if it please God, to see you. In 
the mean time, pray submit to the commands of my deputy, so far as they 



COMMISSION TO MAItKIIAM. Kjy 



are consistent with the h-uv, and pay him thoso dues [that fonncrW ymi 
paid to the order of the Governor of New York] for my uho and boDefit ; 
and so I wish God to direct you in the way of rightcousncsa, and thereto 
prosper you and your children after you. 

"I am 3'our true friend, "WM. rK\\.« 

London, 8th of the month called April, 1G81." 

This letter, together Avith the King's declaration, was taken 
oat to tlie province by C;ipt. Willi:ini Markham, a cousin of tho 
proprietary, who was commissioned to act as his dcputv. 

The commission to Markham, dated 10th of A{»ril 10*^1. c<jn- 
tains the folloAving directions if 

1st. "To call a council, and tliat to consist of nine, he pre- 
siding." 2d. "That he does there read my letter to the in- 
habitants, and the King's declaration of subjection ; then (or 
there) take the inhabitants' acknowledgment of my authority 
and propriety." 3d. "To settle bounds between me and my 
neighbours, to survey, set out, rent or sell lands, according to 
[my] instructions, bearing date the 8th of the month calleti 
April, 1681." 4th. To erect courts, appoint sheriffs, justice* 
of the peace," &c. 5th. " To call to his aid any of the inhabit- 
ants of those Provinces, for the legal suppression of tumults," kc. 

Capt. Markham arrived at New York on the 21st of June, 
0. S. (then 4th month,) where he ql)tained an order from ibo 
Lieutenant Governor of that Province, for the surrender of the 
territory embraced in the charter of Pennsylvania, which had 
hitherto been under his jurisdiction. Markham was, also, the 
bearer of a letter from the King to Lord Baltimore, apprising him 
of the grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, and requiring both 
parties to adjust boundaries. "Lord Baltimore being in the 
province, had an interview with Markham at Upland, (now 
called Chester,) which resulted in discovering, from actual ob- 
servation, that Upland itself was at least twelve miles s^mlh of 
40 degrees, and that boundaries [claimed by Baltimore] would 
extend to Schuylkill." This discovery ended the conference, 
and gave fresh incentives to Penn to obtain from the Duke of 
York a grant of the Delaware settlements, as without such 

♦ Hazard's An., 502. f .^oo the com. in full :-n««rd'. An. MM. 

P 



170 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



grant, he had now reason to fear the loss of the whole pe- 
ninsula.* 

Having taken these measures to secure his title to the pro- 
vince, Penn next drew up a description of it, from the best in- 
formation he then possessed, and issued proposals for its colo- 
nization. 

This document is introduced bj an argument in defence of 
colonies, intended to remove the prejudices of some, who thought 
they weakened the mother country by drawing off her popula- 
tion and resources. He enters into an elaborate investigation 
of the subject, showing that the wisest and best men of ancient 
times were concerned in this great work of planting the seeds 
of nations, which, as they grow up to maturity, furnish the 
materials of commerce, promote the comforts of life, contribute 
to the increase of knowledge, and extend the boundaries of ci- 
vilization. 

"Let it be considered," he says, "that the plantations em- 
ploy many hundreds of shipping, and many thousands of sea- 
men, which must be, in divers respects, an advantage to England, 
being an island, and by nature fitted for navigation above any 
country in Europe. This is followed by other depending trades, 
as ship-wrights, carpenters, sawyers, hewers, trunnel-makers, 
joiners, slop-sellers, dry-salters, iron-workers, the Eastland 
merchants, timber-sellers, and victuallers ; with many more 
trades which hang upon navigation ; so that we may easily see 
the objection (that colonies or plantations hurt England,) is at 
least of no strength, especially if we consider how many thou- 
sand blacks and Indians are also accommodated with clothes, 
and many sorts of tools and utensils from England, and that 
their labour is mostly brought hither, which adds wealth and 
people to the English dominions. "f 

After alluding to the conveniences for navigation, the variety 
of timber, and the abundant means of subsistence, he thus 
Bpeaks of the government. "According to the patent, the 
people and governor have a legislative power, so that no law 

"* Hazard's An., quoted from Chalmers. f Hazard's Annals, 507. 



I'ROPOSALS IdR COLONIZATION. 171 



can be made, nor money raised, uitliout the people's codm-iu. 
The lights and freedoms of England to be in force there ; * may 
enact what hiAvs we please except against nllepiance, which 
would be void.' So soon as any are engaged with me, we t^hall 
begin a scheme or draft together, such as shall givQ ample le»- 
thnony of my sincere inclinations to encourage planters, aiid 
settle a free, just, and industrious colony there." 

The conditions on which land might be taken up were as fol- 
lows. Those who which to buy shares in the province, can 
have 5000 acres for XlOO, and to pay annually one ihiUiny 
quit-rent for each hundred acres; the quit-rent not to begin 
till 1684. Those who only rent are to pay one penny per acre, 
not to exceed 200 acres. Persons who take over eervant.s, [i. e, 
labourers,] are to be allowed 50 acres per liead, and 50 acres 
to every servant when his time is expu'cd. 

Lest any should engage in this enterprise, inconsiderately, 
he adds this caution: "Because I know how much people are 
apt to fancy things beyond what they are, and that imagina- 
tions are great flatterers of the minds of men, to the end that 
none may delude themselves with an expectation of an imme- 
diate amendment of their conditions, so soon as it shall please 
God that they arrive there, I would have them understand, they 
must look for a winter before a summer comes ; they must be 
willing to be two or three years without some of the conve- 
niences they enjoy at home, and yet I must needs say, that 
America is another thing than it was at the first planting of 
A^ginia and Is ew England, for tlierc is better accommoclation, 
and English provisions are to be had at easier rates. The pas- 
sage will come, for masters and mistresses, at most, at XO 
a-head ; for servants, X5 a-head, and for children, under seven 
years of age, 50 shillings. * * * To conclude, I desire all 
my dear country folks, who may be inclined to go into those 
parts, to consider seriously the premises, as well the present m- 
conveniences, as future ease and plenty, that so none may more 
rashly, or from a fickle, but solid mind; having, above all 
thin-s, an eye to the providence of God, in the d.spo^l of 
them'selves. And I would further advise all such at least to 



172 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



have the permission, if not the good liking of their near rela- 
tives, for that is both natural and a duty incumbent upon all, 
and by this means will natural affection be preserved, and a 
friendly and profitable correspondence maintained between 
them. In, all which, I beseech Almighty God to direct us, that 
his blessing may attend our honest endeavour, and then the 
consequences of all our undertakings will turn to the glory of 
his great name, and the true happiness of us and our posterity." 
Soon after these proposals were issued, they were forwarded 
to some of his friends with the following interesting letter.* 

♦'Westminster, 12tli of 2d mo., [April] '81. 

" Frs. R. Turner, Ant. Sharp and Roger Roberts : — My love salutes 
you in the abiding truth of our God, that is precious in all lands ; the 
Lord God of righteousness keep us in it, and then shall we be daily wit- 
nesses of the comforts and refreshments that come from it, to his praise 
that is the foundation of all good. 

" Having published a paper with relation to my province in America 
(at least what I thought advisable to publish,) I here enclose one that 
you may know and inform others of it. I have been these 13 years the 
servant of truth and Friends, and for my testimony sake lost much, not 
only by the greatness and preferments of this world, but £16,000 of my 
estate, that had I not been what I am, I had long ago obtained. But I 
murmur not, the Lord is good to me, and the interest [of] his truth with 
his people may more than repay it. For many are drawn forth to be 
concerned with me, and perhaps this way of satisfaction has more of the 
hand of God in it than a downright payment ; this I can say, that I had 
an opening of joy as to these parts, in the year 1661, at Oxford, twenty 
years since ; and as my understanding and inclination have been much 
directed to observe and reprove mischiefs in government, so it is now put 
into my power to settle one. For the matters of liberty and privilege, I 
propose that which is extraordinary, and to leave myself and successors 
no poioer of doing mischief that the ivill of one man may not hinder the 
good of an whole country. But to publish these things now, and here, as 
matters stand, would not be wise ; and I am advised to reserve that till I 
come there. 

" Your ancient love to me makes me believe you will have a brotherly 
eye to my honest concern, and what truth makes you free to do, you 
will ; and more I expect not. 'Tis a clear, unentangled, and, I may say, 
liojiourable bottom. No more, but let Friends know it, as you are free. 

* Copied from MS. in the Archives of American Philosophical Soc, Phila. 



HIS POSITIUX AND VIKWS. 17^ 



"\\Ith my frien.l8hip in that which uo water can quench, nor U»« 
make wax old, nor distance Avear out. 

*' Your friend and brothor, 

"W II. MAM PKNX." 

•* The enclosed was first road tc tnidors, planters, and shipmiMtor*. 
that know those parts, and iiually to the most eminent rrienda. hero- 
away, and so comes forth. I have forborne pains and allummont, and 
with truth. •• \y i» •• 



CHAPTER Xlir. 

William Penn's position and views — Conditions of settlement m bis pro- 
vince — Letter to J. Harrison — To 11. Turner — From J. Clav|Xile — Wil- 
liam Penn refuses to sell monopoly of Indian trade — Three cummi** 
sioners sent to Pa. — Their instructions — Arrival of two »hip« with 
colonists — William Penn's religious labours — Tract called '* KxaniinA- 
tion of Liberty Spiritual " — Letter to Friends of Bristol — Tu R. Vickors 
— Death of his mother. 

1681-82. 

By the patent of King Charles II. William Penn had ao* 
quired the royal grant of a vast and fertile territory ; he wm 
the absolute proprietary and feudal sovereign of a province, 
which, for extent of surface and natural resources, had few 
equals among the North American colonies. It wai now tar^ 
be proved by his conduct whether the love of civil and reli- 
gious liberty, so earnestly advocated in his writin|rs wm a 
sincere and permanent sentiment of tlie heart. \SuuM he . 
carry out in practice those Christian principles he had proiuul- 
gated to the world ? Or would he, like the great nia.H8 of 
legislators and statesmen, in the intoxication of power, fi»rgcl 
the rights of humanity? His position was well adapted to 
test the vitality of his religious principles ; but his previous 
life had given assurance that his power would be u.-<ed for th« 
benefit of mankind, and nobly di.l his subse.iurnt otidtict re 
deem the pledge. 

We have seen by his excellent letter tu tlie inhauitant.-* oi 



174 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



Pennsylvania, that it was his intention " they should be go- 
verned by laws of their own making, in order that they might 
be a free people,'" and the conditions or concessions agreed 
upon between the proprietary and those purchasers who were 
to be engaged with him in the enterprise, evince an earnest 
desire that justice should be done to the Indians, who were 
then the principal owners of the soil. But it may be asked, 
what did Penn purchase of the king by the relinquishment of 
his father's claim, if it was not a title to the soil and govern- 
ment of the province ? 

This may be answered by reference to his remonstrance 
against the duty imposed by the agents of the Duke of York on 
the commerce of New Jersey. In that able document he says, 
"We buy nothing of the Duke, if not the right of an undis- 
turbed colonizing, for the soil is none of Ms, 'tis the natives by 
the jus gentium, by the laws of nations, and it would be an ill 
argument to convert to Christianity, to expel, instead of pur- 
chasing them out of those countries."'^ 

The conditions or concessions are dated the 11th of July, 
1681, and consist of twenty articles. The first ten relate to 
the survey of a city, "In the most convenient place upon the 
river for health and navigation, the apportionment of city lots 
to country purchasers, the laying out of roads, and the working 
of mines. In the remaining articles, regulations are established 
for dealing with the natives. Goods sold to them or exchanged 
for furs, were to be exhibited in open market, in order that im- 
position might be prevented, or frauds detected; no colonist 
allowed to affront or wrong an Indian, without incurring the 
same penalty, as if committed against his fellow-planter; all 
differences between Indians and colonists to be settled by a 
jury of twelve men, six of whom should be Indians; and the 
natives were to have all the privileges of planting their grounds 
and providing for their families, enjoyed by the colonists. 

The following letter from the proprietary dated 25th of 6th 
month (then August,) 1681, gives an interesting view of his 
prospects and state of mind at this time. 
* Smith's N. Jersey. 



LETTER TO JAMES nARRL-oX. 175 



" Dear James Harrison :— In the fellowship of the gospel of love and 
peace, with God our Father who hath brought Jesus Christ from the doH 
do I tenderly salute thee ; owning thy love and kindness to me, of which 
thine of the 5th month last, gave me a sense and fresh rcmcmhranco ; 
which met me at London on my return from the west, whore the Lord 
prospered me beyond words, blessed be his honoured name. 

"As to my voyage, it is not like to be so quick as I hoped ; for the people 
upon whose going both my resolutions and service in going depended, 
though they buy, and mostly send servants to clear and sow a piece of 
land against they come, not one of them can now got rid of their concemu 
here till spring. When they go, I go. My going with servants, will not 
settle a government, the great end of my going ; besides, many flock in to 
be concerned with me. I am like to have many from Franco, some fn^m 
Holland, and, I hear, some Scotch will go. For my country, I eyed the 
Lord in the obtaining of it, and more was I drawn inward to look to him 
and to owe it to his hand and power, than to any other way. I have so 
obtained it, and desire that I may not be unworthy of his love, but do that 
which may answer his kind providence, and servo his truth and people ; 
that an example may be set up to the nations ; there may be room there, 
though not here, ybr such an holy experiment. 

" Now dear James, for the fifty acres a servant to the master, and 6fty to 
the servant. This is done for their sakes that can't buy ; for I must either 
be paid by purchase or rent, that is, those that can't buy may take up, if 
a master of a family, 200 acres at a penny an acre, [rent,] aftenvard 50 
acres a head, for every man and maid servant, but still at same rent ; else 
none would buy or rent, and so I should make notliing of my country ; 
however, to encourage poor servants to go and be laborious, I have abated 
the 1(7. to l-d. per acre, when they are out of their time. Xow, if any abi»ul 
thee will engage and buy, there may be ten, yea, twenty, to one sharo. 
which will be but five pounds a piece, for which each will have 2.'>0 aero.*. 

" For those that can't pay their passage, let me know their names, num- 
ber and ages ; they must pay double rent to them that help them over. 
But this know, that this rent is never to be raised, and thoy are to enjoy 
it for ever. For the acre, it is the common statute acre by our law al- 
lowed. 

"So, dear James, thou mayst let me hear of theo, and how things incline. 
I shall persuade none, 'tis a good country, with a good conscience it will 
do well. I am satisfied in it, and leave it with the Lord, and in the love 
and fellowship of the truth I end, in love to thy fiimily and honest friends, 
thy friend and brother, ^^ •'*• * '"^ -^• 

" P. S. I here sign thee an authority to sell to any ar>out thee that will 
buy. A ship goes with commissioners suddonly, in five weeks, to lay out 
the first and best land to the first adventurers. If any deal, let me know. 



176 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



I clear the King's and Indian's title, the purchasers pay the scrivener and 
surveyor. I sign the deeds at Thos. Rudyard's, when I know who and 
what. W. P."* 

Another letter of William Penn, dated September 4th, '81, to 
Robert Turner, then in Ireland, speaks of his refusing an advan- 
tageous offer for a monopoly of the Indian trade. t He says, 
••I have lately been in the West of England, and had a pros- 
perous journey in the Lord's service. At my return found thine 
to me. The most material is about the quit-rent, &c. Philip 
(Ford) will be large to thee upon it. I am content to sell it to 
a beaver's skin, which is about a crown value at ten years' pur- 
chase. I did refuse a great temptation last second-day, which 
was .£6000, and pay the Indians for six shares, and make the 
purchasers a company, to have wholly to itself the Indian trade 
from South to North, between Susquehanna and Delaware rivers, 
paying me 2 J per cent, acknowledgment or rent; but as the 
Lord gave it me over all and great opposition, and that I never 
had my mind so exercised to the Lord about any outward sub- 
stance, I w^ould not abuse His love, 7ior act unworthy of his 
'providence, and so defile what came to me clean. No; let 
the Lord guide me by his wisdom, and preserve me to honour 
his name and serve His truth and people, that an example and 
standard may be set up to the nations ; there may be room 
there, though none here." 

This statement is corroborated by a letter dated 10th of 7th 
month (Sept.) 1681, written by James Claypole, who became 
largely interested in the colony. He says, " Wm. Penn does 
not intend starting for Pennsylvania till next spring, and then 
it is likely there will be many people ready to go from England, 
Scotland, and Ireland. He is offered great things ; £6000 for 
a monopoly in trade, which he refused, and for islands and par- 
ticular places, great sums of money, but he designs to do thin^;- ■ 
equally between all parties, and I believe truly does aim more 
sit justice and righteousness, and spreading of truth, than at his 
own particular gain. I tried him about the proposals to take 

* Copied from Pemberton's MSS. 

f Mem. Penna. Hist. Soc. vol. i. pai't i. 104. Hazard's Annals, 521. 



INSTRUCTIONS TO COMMISSIONERS. 17 



£100 for 5000 acres, and abate tlie quit-rent, which 1m- i.-.u^-.l, 
intending to do equal by all. If thou will be conccrnc<l in one- 
half of the 5000 acres, I will have the other half, and make lu 
good terms for thee as for myself."* 

This noble conduct of Penn in refusing to sell the monopoly 
of the Indian trade, lest he should act unworthy of his trust, 
and "defile that which came to him clean," is in perfect ac- 
cordance with his whole course through life; for he never per- 
mitted his own interest or aggrandizement to stand in the way 
of promoting the glory of God or the good of mankind. 

In the autumn of this year three commissioners were ap- 
pointed by the proprietary to proceed to the colony, make ar- 
rangements for a settlement, lay out a town, and treat with 
the Indians. 

Their names were Wm. Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel 
Allen. His letter of instructions to them, dated 30th of Sept., 
1681, contains many judicious directions, some of ubic-l. :ire 
here subjoined : — 

1. He enjoins them to take especial care of the people that shall em- 
bark with them, that they may be accommodated with conveniences, m to 
food, lodging, and places for their goods, concerning which his deputr, 
Wm. Markham, then " on the spot," woukl be able to direct thoni. 

2. Let the rivers and creeks be sounded on the Pennsylvania fi'f'^ "f 
the river Delaware, "especially at Upland [Chester], in order to - 
great town, and be sure to make your choice where it is must nn\ 
high, dry, and healthy ; that is, where most ships may best ride, ol 
deepest draught of water, if possible to load or unload at ♦•>• »■•' ^- "^ 
key-side, without boating or lighterage." 

" It would be well if the river coming into that creek l)o nav.-;iMio at 
least for boats up into the country." * * ♦ 

3. " Such a place being found out, lay out ton thousand a 
ous to it, in the best manner you can, as the bounds and . 
liberties of the said town." 

4. " Every share of five thousand acres shall have one hut.dn- 1 aonw 
of land out of that ten thousand." * * * 

5. " That no more land be surveyed till this be first fixetl .in-. '^"- r-J| 
pie upon it, which is best both for comfort, safety, and trafBe.'* 

6. " If it shall happen that the most convenient place for a pr«»* ««^ 
be already taken up, in greater quantity of land than is consistent with 

* Hazard's An., 522, from Claypole's Letter Book- 
12 



178 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PEXX. 



the town plot, and that land not already improved, you must use your 
utmost skill to persuade them to part with so much as will be necessary, 
that so good a design be not spoiled. That is, where they have ten acres 
by the water-side, to abate five, and to take five more backward, and so 
proportionally." * * * "Be impartially just, and courteous to all, 
that is both pleasing to the Lord and wise in itself.'^ 

7 and 8. " If you gain your point in this respect, (of which be very 
careful,) fall to dividing as before, according to shares, then subdivide," 
&c. * * ^ 

9. " Be tender of ofiending the Indians, and hearken by honest spies, 
if you can hear that anybody inveigles them not to sell, or to stand off, 
and raise the value upon you. You cannot want those that will inform 
you ; but to soften them to me, and the people, let them know that you are 
come to sit down lovingly among them. Let my letter and conditions, 
with my purchasers about just dealing with them, be read in their tongue, 
that they may see we have their good in our eye, equal with our own 
interest, and after reading my letter and the said conditions, then pre- 
sent their kings with what I send them, and make a friendship and 
league with them, according to those conditions, which carefully observe, 
and get them to comply with. Be grave ; they love not to be smiled 
on." 

10. " From time to time, in my name, and for my use, buy land of 
them, where any justly pretend, for they will sell one another's if you 
be not careful ; that so, such as buy and come after these adventurers, 
may have land ready, but by no means sell any land till I come." * ^ ^ 

11. "Let no islands be disposed of to anybody, till I come." 

12. " Be sure to settle the figure of the town, so as that the streets 
hereafter may be uniform down to the water from the country bounds ; 
let the place of the storehouses be on the middle of the key, which will 
yet serve for market and state-houses too. This may be ordered when I 
come, only let the houses be built on a line, or upon a line as much as 
may be." 

13. " Pitch upon the very middle of the plat, where the town or line of 
houses is to be laid or run, facing the harbour and great river, for the 
situation of my house, and let it be, not the tenth part of the town as 
the conditions say, viz., that out of every hundred thousand acres, shall 
be reserved to me ten, but I shall be contented with less than a thirtieth 
part, to wit, three hundred acres, whereas several will have two, by pur- 
chasing two shares, that is, ten thousand acres, and it may be fitting for 
aae to exceed a little." 

14. " The distance of each house from the creek or harbour should be, 
in my judgment, a measured quarter of a mile, at least two hundred 
paces, because of building hereafter streets downward to the harbour." 

15. " Let every house be placed, if the person pleases, in the middle 



LETTER TO THE INDIANS. 179 

of its plat, as to" the breadth-way of it, that so there may be grotind on 
each side for gardens or orchards, or finlds, that it mmj U a ffrtm country 
town, which will never be burnt and always wholesome." • • • 

Lastly. "Be sure to keep the conditions hereunto affixed, and tm thai 
no vice or evil conversation go uncomplained of or unpunighod in anr, 
that God be not provoked to wrath against the country." • • • ' 

"WM. PKW. 

a * * * 30th of September, 1C81." 

The wisdom evinced in these instructions, with regard to the 
location and plan of the "great town" intended to be built on 
the Delaware, is very remarkable. IIow much it is to be re- 
gretted that liis design of " a green country town, that woul«l 
never be burnt, and always be wholesome," was not more fully 
realized. 

The letter to the Indians sent by the commissioners, and re- 
ferred to in the instructions, was as follows:* 

"London, 18th of 8th mo., 1681. 

" My Friends : — There is one great God and power that hath made 
the world and all things therein, to whom you, and I, and all i>oople owe 
their being and well-being, and to whom you and I must one day gir© 
an account for all that we have done in the world. 

" This great God has written his law in our hearts, by which we are 
taught and commanded to love, and to help, and to do good to one an- 
other. Now this great God hath been pleased to make me conc<»^n^d in 
your part of the world ; and the king of the country where I lite hath 
given me a great province therein ; but I desire to enjoy it with your 
love and consent, that we may always live together as !.• .iud 

friends ; else what would the great God do to us, who hati. :»ut 

to devour and destroy one another, but) to live 8<d>orly and kurliy to- 
gether in the world ? Now, I would have you well obserro, that I am rery 
sensible of the unkindness and injustice which have boon to,> much ex- 
ercised toward you by the people of these parts of the world, who hava 
sought themselves to make great advantages by you. rather than to ba 
examples of justice and goodness unto you. This I hear hath U»o a 
matter of trouble to you, and caused great grudgmg and aiumo.,tiea. 
sometimes to the shedding of blood, which hath made tho tn-at God anrj. 
But I am not such a man, as is well known in my own country. IharegrtiM 
love and regard toward you, and desire to win and gam v.ur lure ana 
friendship by a kind, just, and peaceable life ; and the pc.>pl.- I ^d •« 
of the same mind, and shall in all things behave them«.lves accordingly. 

* Clarkson's Life of Penn, 1C6. H.iiard-s .\d. 532. 



180 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN". 



and if in any thing any shall offend you or your people, you shall have a 
full and speedy satisfaction for the same, by an equal number of just 
men on both sides, that by no means you may have just occasion of being 
offended against them. 

" I shall shortly come to see you myself, at which time we may more 
largely and freely confer and discourse of these matters. In the mean 
time I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about land and a 
firm league of peace. Let me desire you to be kind to them and to the 
people, and receive the presents and tokens which I have sent you, aa a 
testimony of my good will to you, and of my resolution to live justly, 
peaceably, and friendly with you. I am, your loving friend, 

" WILLIAM PENN.^* 

The commissioners took passage in one of the two ships 
which sailed for the colony in the autumn of this year. 

One of these ships was called the John and Sarah of London, 
Capt. Henry Smith, which was the first that arrived with emi- 
grants after the cession to Penn. The other was the Bristol 
Factor, Roger Drew, master, which sailed from the city of 
Bristol, and arrived at Upland (now called Chester) on the 11th 
of December, when the passengers, seeing some houses, went 
ashore, and the river freezing over that night, they remained 
there all winter.* 

It is stated by the historians Proud, Gordon, and Clarkson, 
that another ship with passengers, the Amity of London, Capt. 
Dimon, sailed near the same time, and being blown off the 
coast, did not arrive till spring ; but it appears from the let- 
ters of James Claypole, quoted in Hazard's Annals, that "she 
did not leave England till April of the next year."t 

Although the emigrants arrived at an inclement season, they 
probably experienced but little inconvenience, most of them 
being well provided with stores, and the colonists, already 
there, treating them with kindness and hospitality. The popu- 
lation of the province, exclusive of Indians, was, at this time, 
about two thousand souls, consisting mostly of Swedes and 
English, whose habitations were scattered along the western 
bank of the Delaware. 

There were six houses erected for public worship ; three of 

* Hazard's An. f Ibid. 537 and 557. 



WILKINSON AM) SToKV's PAUTV. ]^\ 

them by the SAvedes ; one at ChrLstina, one at W .» 

Southwark,) and one at Tcnecum ; and three l.v ti,. i .. li: 
one at Chester, anotlier at Shackamaxon, (now Kcnaington,) 
and another at the Falls of the Dehnvaro.* 

Notwithstanding the engagements of Penn, while dii«p<wing 
of his lands and making arrangements for the supply and go- 
vernment of his colony, must have been numerous and prt-v-ning, 
he nevertheless found time to attend to his rehgiou.s dutiea, 
which with him were alwnys paramount. By his leltere wo 
have seen that he had just performed a journey to the west of 
England on a religious mission ; and there appears among his 
printed works a tract issued this year, called a " Brief Exami- 
nation of Liberty Spiritual, both with respect to Persons in 
their private capacity and in their Church Society and Com- 
munion." This work was called forth by a difference of sen- 
timent among Friends in England, in relation to tiie exercise 
of church discipline. 

A small party, led by John Wilkinson and John Story, having 
separated from the body, endeavoured to draw others afirr 
them, under the pretence of a higher spirituality and greater 
freedom from the prescriptions of men. They maintained that 
rules of discipline, by which the members were limited or con- 
trolled in their conduct and conversation, were an imp<»sition 
upon conscience, — that every Christian, having the li^dii of 
Divine truth in his own mind for a guide, should be left to its 
dictates, and that the church should do no more than advise 
its members, but in no case proceed to «lisowii them. 

These objections to the discipline of Friends were answered 
by William Penn, in his usual clear and vigorous style. 

About this time his sympathy was deeply moved by the suf- 
ferings of Friends in the city of Bristol, where the penal laws 
were put in force against them and executed with barUn»us 
cruelty ; breaking up their meetings, haling men, women, and 
even children, to prison, imposing heavy fines upon them, to 
the ruin of their estates. Having used every means in bii 

* Tr^ivi. i 205, note. 



182 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



power to arrest these unjust and cruel proceedings, but with- 
out success, he addressed them a letter of sympathy and 
encouragement, from which the following passages are quoted ; 

" My beloved brethren and sisters ! be not cast down at the 
rage of evil men, whose anger works not the righteousness of 
God, and whose cruelty the Lord will limit. 

" Nothing strange or unusual is come to pass ; it makes well 
for them that eye the Lord, in and through these sufferings. 
There is food in affliction, and though the instruments of it 
cannot see it, all shall work together for good to them that 
fear the Lord. Keep your ground in the truth, that was and 
is the saints' victory." ***** " The Lord God, by 
his power, keep your hearts living to him, that it may be your 
delight to wait upon him and receive the bounty of his love ; 
that being fed with daily bread, and drinking of his cup of 
blessing, you may be raised above the fear or trouble of earthly 
things, and grow strong in him who is your crown of rejoicing ; 
that having answered his requirings and walked faithfully be- 
fore him, you may receive in the end of your days the welcome 
sentence of gladness. Eternal riches are before you, an in- 
heritance incorruptible. Press after the glorious mark, let 
your minds be set on things that are above, and when Christ, 
that is the glory of his poor people, shall appear, they shall 
appear with him in glory, when all tears shall be wiped away, 
and there shall be no more sorrow or sighing, but they that 
overcome shall be as Mount Zion, that shall never be moved."* 

Soon after the date of this letter he had a narrow escape 
from arrest and imprisonment. On going to the meeting at 
Grace Church street, he found the yard crowded with soldiers. 
He entered the house, and after sitting a while, rose and began 
to preach ; upon this a constable, with his staff, came forward 
and bade him desist and come down ; he paid no attention to 
the order, but went on and finished his discourse. George Fox, 
who preached after liim, was assailed in the same manner ; but 
the constable, who was a feeling man, v/as so affected by their 

* Life prefixed to works. 



dp:atu of his mothkk. 183 



discourses, and by the solemnity which covered the meeting, 
that he was completely disarmed. lie liad been sent with a 
warrant, and accompanied by an informer named Hilton, but 
finding the informer gone, the constable excused himself from 
the performance of his ungrateful office.* 

Among the letters of Penn written this year, was one to 
Robert Vickris, whose son had joined the society of Fricndfl. 
It is here inserted on account of its pious sentiments, happily 
expressed ; — 

" Dear Friend : — In my dear and hcavonly farowoll to the city of Bris- 
tol, thou wert often upon my spirit, and the wishes of my soul are, that 
the Lord would abundantly fill thee with the consolations of his Holy 
Spirit, and that the days thou hast to pass on this side of the grave thou 
mayest be fitting for his coming, that comes as a thief in the night, that 
at what watch of the night soever it be, thou mayest awake with his liko- 
ness, and enter the rest that is eternal. So the Lord more and raoro 
gather thee out of every visible, fading thing, and prepare thee for him- 
self. Dear friend, be faithful to that appearance of God and manifesta- 
tion of the love of the Lord to thy soul, that visits thee. The L.rd i« 
near thee, with thee, and in thee, to enlighten, melt, and refresh thee. 
'Tis his presence, not seen or felt of the wicked, that gathers and revives 
the soul that seeks him. So the Lord be with thee, and remember into 
thy bosom the sincere love thou hast shown to thy son and liis friends '. 

" I say no more, but in the Lord farewell. 

" Thy truly affectionate friend, AVM. PhNN. 

In the early part of the year 1G82, he was deeply afflicted 
by the death of his mother, to whom he was most tenderly at- 

tached. . 

She was an excellent woman, and had been to him a kmd 
and judicious parent, ever ready to sympathize with him, and 
to extend counsel and relief during the many trials he encoun 
tered for the sake of his religion. 

* Clarkson. 



184 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XIY. 

Penn's frame of goyernment —Compared with that of Locke — Preface 
to his constitution — Code of laws — Free Society of Traders — Slaves 
for a term of years — Letters to Emperor of Canada and to the Indians — 
Deeds from Duke of York — Letter of William Penn to his wife and 
children — Embarks for America — Letter to S. Crisp. 

1682. 

In the spring of this year William Penn was actively engaged 
in preparations for his voyage to America, and in drafting a 
frame of government for his infant colony. 

It must not be supposed, however, that the admirable con- 
stitution and code of laws, which have shed so much lustre on 
his name, were the unaided result of his single genius. Although 
there was probably no man then living whose mind was so free 
from prejudice, and so fully enlightened on the subject of go- 
vernment ; yet there were among his friends, concerned with 
him in the enterprise, several persons of enlarged minds and 
liberal ideas, who performed an important, though subordinate 
share, in that great work. They had frequent conferences 
together ; the proprietary's views were " overruled in many 
particulars,"* and the code they adopted was the result of 
their united labours. 

It must also be considered that the doctrines and discipline 
of the society of Friends, which were first promulgated by 
George Fox, had a controlling influence on the mind of Penn, 
and furnished him with views and principles, which, being en- 
grafted into his constitution and laws, gave rise to their most 
salutary and remarkable features. In order to illustrate this 
position, let us compare the circumstances that conspired to 
the training of his mind, and the results developed in his frame 
of government, with those of Locke, his great contemporary. 

As fellow-students at Oxford, they had both drunk deeply 

•^^ rir,HnTi's TTi=t. of Pa.. G5. 



LOCKE AND 1'KNN's CONSTITUTIONS. 1^.' 



from the same fountains of classic literature; as moimri.* ,,i 
the Rojal Society and compeers of Newton, tlioy ha«l kept pace 
with the progress of modern philosophy ; having both travelled 
on the continent, they had observed the merits an«l defectii of 
foreign governments; and being on terms of familiar intrr- 
course with British statesmen, they had all the lighta that 
could be derived from their experience. 

Yet when they came to lay the foundations of government 
for American colonies, how different were the principles on 
which they built ! 

Locke, in the constitution he drafted f )r Carolina, endea- 
voured to perpetuate the distinctions of rank by creating an 
order of nobility. Penn, being desirous to promote general 
equality, abolished the laws of primogeniture. Locke, to pro- 
tect the rights of property, provided a council of hereditary 
Palatines, and none but large proprietors were eligible to the ^ 
legislature. Penn, to secure personal liberty, placed the legis- 
lative power in the hands of the people, and providetl for *" 
annual elections by ballot. " To the charter which Locke in- 
vented for Carolina, the Palatines voted an immutable immor- 
tality ; and it never gained more than a short partial existence. 
To the people of his province, Penn left it free to subvert or 
alter the frame of government, and its essential principles re- 
main to this day without change."* 

How shall we account for this remarkable disparity ? Both 
were possessed of talents and virtues of the high.-' "■ "■- 
combined with humane and tolerant feelings. 

Is not the superiority of Perm's frame of government lu be 
attributed to the peculiar influence of his religious as.oc.at,ons . 
He was united in fellowship with a people whose pnnc.ples and 
practice were essentially democratic; they acknowledged no 
distinction of clergy and laity ; they placed a low estunale on 
hereditary rank, and they laid the foundation of their church 
discipline on the supremacy of that divine principle m man 
which leads to equality of rights and universal fraternity. 

* Bancroft's U. S. ii. 3^2. 



186 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



The first constitution or frame of government agreed upon 
in England between the proprietary and others concerned in 
the first settlement, is dated the 25th of April, 1682. It was 
published in the following month, accompanied by a preface 
explanatory of the general principles of government. This 
admirable paper is here inserted entire. 

" The Preface. — "When the great and wise God had made the world, of 
all his creatures it pleased him to choose man his deputy to rule it ; and 
to fit him for so great a charge and trust, he did not only qualify him with 
skill and power, but with integrity to use them justly. This native good- 
ness was equally his honour and his happiness, and whilst he stood here, 
all went well ; there was no need of coercive or compulsive means ; the 
precept of divine love and truth in his bosom, was the guide and keeper 
of his innocency. But lust prevailing against duty, made a lamentable 
breach upon it ; and the law, that had before- no power over him, took 
place upon him and his disobedient posterity, that such as would not live 
conformably to the holy law within, should fall under the reproof and 
correction of the just law without, in a judicial administration. 

"This the Apostle teaches in divers of his epistles. 'The law,' says 
he, 'was added because of transgression.' In another place, 'knowing 
that the law was not made for the righteous man, but for the disobedient 
and ungodly, for sinners, for unholy and profane, for murderers,' * ^ * 
and others. But this is not all ; he opens and carries the matter of go- 
vernment a little further : 'Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, 
for there is no power but of God. The powers that be are ordained of 
God ; whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of 
God ; for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to evil. Wilt thou 
then not be afraid of the power ? Do that which is good, and thou shalt 
have praise of the same. — He is the minister of God to thee for good. — 
Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for con- 
science' sake.' 

" This settles the divine right of government beyond exception, and that 
for two ends : first, to terrify evil doers ; secondly, to cherish those that do 
well ; which gives government a life beyond corruption, and makes it as 
durable in the world as good men shall be. So that government seems to 
jne a part of religion itself, a thing sacred in its institution and end; for, 
if it does not directly remove the cause, it crushes the efibcts of evil, 
and is, as such, though a lower, yet an emanation of the same divine 
power that is both author and object of pure religion ; the difference lying 
here, that the one is more free and mental, the other more corporal and 
compulsive in its operation ; but that is only to evil doers, government 
itself being other^-iso as capable of kindness, goodness, and charity, as a 



PREFACE TO THE CONSTITUTION. 187 



more private society. They weakly en- who think there is no othor uw 
of government than correction, which is the coarsrst part of it. Daily 
experience tells us, that the care and ro^^ulation of many other afTaim, 
more soft and daily necessary, make up much the greatest part of govern- 
ment, and which must have followed the peopling of the world, had Adam 
never fallen, and will continue among men on earth under the highcnt 
attainments they may arrive at by the coming of the blessed second 
Adam, the Lord from heaven. Thus much of government in general, aa 
to its rise and end. 

" For })articular frames and modes, it will become me to say little, 
and, comparatively, I will say nothing. !My reasons are, first, that ih'» 
age is too nice and difficult for it, there being nothing the wits of men are 
more busy and divided upon. 'Tis true they seem to agree in the end, to 
wit, happiness, but in the means they differ, as to divine, so to this humao 
felicity ; and the cause is much the same, not always want of light and 
knowledge, but want of using them rightly. Men side with thoir pa*- 
sions against their reason: and their sinister interests have so strong a 
bias upon their minds, that they lean to them against the good of the 
things they know. 

" Secondly. I do not find a model in the world, that time, place, and 
some singular emergencies have not necessarily altered ; nor is it easj 
to frame a civil government that shall serve all places alike. 

" Thirdly. I know what is said by the several admirers of monarchy, 
aristocracy, and democracy, which are the rule of <»ne, of a few, and of 
many, and are the three common ideas of government when men discounw 
on that subject. But I choose to solve the controversy with this small 
distinction, and it belong*s to all three : any government is free to the 
people under it, whatever be the frame, where the laws rule and the peo- 
ple are a party to those laws ; and more than this is tyranny, oligan-hy, 
or confusion. 

" But lastly, when all is said, there is hardly one frame of government 
in the world so ill designed by its first founders, that in goo*! hands would 
not do well enough ; and story tells us, that the best in ill <.nes can do 
nothing that is great and good ; witness the Jewish and Kouian »taU««. 
Governments, like clocks, go from the motion men give them ; and a« 
governments are made and moved by men, so by them they are nimed 
too. Wherefore governments rather depend upon men than men upon 
governments. Let men be good, and the government cannot bo bad. If 
it be ill, they will cure it. But if men be bad, l.>t the government be 
ever so good, they will endeavour to warp and spoil it to their tuni. 

" I know some say. Let us have good laws, and no matter for the men 
that execute them. But let them consider, that though g.HKl laws d.> well 
good men do better: for good laws may want good men, and Iv* a»-.Iisb*Nl 
or evarlcd by ill men; but good men will never want good latr?, nor *nr 



188 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, 



fer ill ones. 'Tis true, good laws have some awe upon ill ministers, but 
that is where these have not power to escape or abolish them, and where 
the people are generally wise and good ; but a loose and depraved people 
(which is to the question) love laws and an administration like themselves. 
That, therefore, which makes a good constitution must keep it, namely, 
men of wisdom and virtue, qualities that, because they descend not with 
worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous educa- 
tion of youth, for which after ages will owe more to the care and prudence 
of founders and the successive magistracy, than to their parents for their 
private patrimonies. 

" These considerations of the weight of government, and the nice and 
various opinions about it, made it uneasy to me to think of publishing the 
ensuing Frame and Conditional Laws, foreseeing both the censures they 
will meet with from men of different humours and engagements, and the 
occasion they may give of discourse beyond my design. 

"But next to the power of necessity, which is a solicitor that will take 
no denial, this induced me to a compliance, that we have, with reverence 
to God and good conscience to men, to the best of our skill contrived and 
composed the frame and laws of this government to the great end of all 
government, viz. to support power in reverence with the people, and to 
secure the people from the abuse of power, that they may be free by their 
just obedience, and the magistrates honourable for their just administra- 
tion ; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without 
liberty is slavery. 

"To carry this evenness is partly owing to the constitution, and partly 
to the magistracy ; where either of these fail, government will be subject 
to convulsions ; but where both are wanting, it must be totally subverted ; 
then where both meet, the government is like to endure, which I humbly 
pray and hope God will please to make the lot of this of Pennsylvania. 
Amen. WILLIAM PENN." 

The frame or constitution consisted of twenty-four articles, 
and the following are some of the most important provisions. 
The government to consist of the governor and freemen of the 
province, in form of a Provincial Council and General Assem- 
bly, by whom all laws shall be made, courts erected, officers 
chosen, and public affairs transacted. The freemen to choose 
by ballot, at the first election, seventy-two persons for a Pro- 
vincial Council, one-third of them to serve three years, one- 
third two years, and one-third one year ; and at every succeed- 
ing annual election, to choose t^venty-four persons to serve 
three years, so that one-third should go out every year, and 



FRAME (il- (ii.VKHNMKNT. Ig9 



the body always remain sevenly-two in nmnbtT. Two-ihir.U 
of the council to constitute a quorum for the enactment of 
laws, establishment of courts, &c. ; but in cases of less mo- 
ment, twenty-four to constitute a quorum. In this council, 
the governor or his deputy to preside, and have a treble vote. 
All bills were to be prepared by the governor and council, and 
<' published thirty days before the meeting of the assembly in 
order to the passing of them into laws, or rejecting them, a^^ the 
assembly shall see meet." The governor and council to have 
the inspection and management of the public tre.-usury, to sec 
the laws faithfully executed, to act as a court of appeals, to erect 
and order all public schools, and encourage useful sciences and 
laudable inventions. The general assembly to consist of not 
exceeding two hundred persons, to be chosen annually by ballot, 
to meet at the capital of the province, and during eight days 
they may confer with each other, and if any of them see meet, 
with a committee of the council to be appointed for tliat purpose, 
in order that they may propose any alterations or amendments 
to the promulgated bills, and on the ninth day of their meeting, 
the bills being read to them by the clerk of the council, and the 
occasion or motives of them explained by the governor or bis 
deputy, the assembly "shall give their affirmation or negative, 
which to them seemeth best." For the better establishnifut of 
the government, and to the end that there may be a universal 
satisfaction in laying the fundamentals thereof, the general 
assembly shall or may for the first year consist of all the free- 
men of the province. In order that the government might be 
speedily settled, William Penn was to appoint the first judges, 
treasurers, sheriffs, &c., but then- successors were to be cbown 
by the governor and council. 

This frame of government was followed by a code of laws, 
forty in number, agreed upon in England, and intended to bo 
altered and amended by an assembly in rennsylvania, as wa« 
done the following year. These laws described the qualifica- 
tions of freemen entitled to vote or to be elected, which included 
not only land-holders, but "every inhabitant, artificer, or other 
resident, that pays scot and lot to the government." 



190 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



No taxes were to be collected but by law ; in the courts, all 
persons might appear in their own way, and plead their own 
cause ; all trials were to be by jury ; no oaths to be required ; 
all fines to be moderate ; all prisons to be work-houses ; all mar- 
riages to be published before solemnized, and to be solemnized 
by the parties taking one another as husband and wife, before 
witnesses, signing a certificate of the same and having it re- 
corded. The estates of felons were liable to make satisfaction 
to the family wronged to twice the value, and in default of such 
payment being made, the felons to be bondsmen in the work- 
house until the party injured be satisfied. All children of the 
age of twelve years to be taught some useful trade. Slander- 
ers to be punished as enemies of the public peace. 

Members of the council and assembly, and all judges, to be 
sucli as profess faith in Jesus Christ, and are not convicted of 
"unsober or dishonest conversation." All persons who con- 
fess one Almighty God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of 
the world, and hold themselves obliged to live peaceably and 
justly in civil society, shall in no ways be molested on account 
of their persuasion or practice in matters of faith and worship, 
nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship 
or ministry whatever. According to the good example of the 
primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation, every 
first day of the week, called the Lord's day, people shall ab- 
stain from their common daily labour, that they may the better 
dispose themselves to worship God, according to their under- 
standings. All offences against God, such as swearing, cursing, 
lying, profane talking, drunkenness, &c. ; all felonies, murders, 
duels, &c. ; and all stage-plays, cards, dice, and gambling, to be 
severely punished, according to the appointment of the governor 
and freemen, in provincial council and general assembly. This 
code of laws was enacted and signed in England by the governor 
and freemen, the 6th of May, 1682. 

This frame of government was afterward modified as to form, 
hut its distinctive principles are still found in the constitution 
of Pennsylvania, and have exercised a salutary influence on 
the legislation of other States, as well as in the formation of 



HIS I'KNAI, (DDK. 191 



the Federal Union. The great principle of religioua liberty 
had before been proclaimed in Rhode Island and in Maryland; 
it was reserved for Penn only to give it a clearer exprejM>ion 
and wider field of action. The privilege allowed to every 
man, of worshipping God according to the dictates of hia own 
conscience, is not placed on the ground of humane toleration, 
but established as an inherent riglit. 

In his penal code, the founder of Pennsylvania waa also far 
in advance of his age. Although ])y the charter his 1 
subject to repeal, when not consistent with the laws ot 1 ^ 
he ventured to abolish, almost entirely, her sanguinary code, 
reserving the penalty of death for wilful murder only. It must 
be admitted, that even in this case capital punishment was con- 
trary to the principles of Friends ; but perhaps the change they 
eJ0fected was as great as their dependent condition would allow. 
Penn " looked upon reformation as the great end of retributive 
justice." "In pursuance of this idea, he exempted from the 
infliction of death about 200 offences, which were capit:..';;.- 
punished by the English law."* The sentiment expressed :u 
his laws, that every prison should be a work-house, and the 
humane regulations established for jails, gave rise to a new 
mode of punitive justice, the penitentiary system, -" uV.h 
Pennsylvania has taken the lead. 

A mild code of laws vigorously executed is the true policy 
of nations ; for it is not the severity, but the certainty of pu- 
nishment, that deters from the commission of crime. It w 
justly observed by Penn, that " they weakly err, who think 
there is no other use of government than correction, which u 
the coarsest part of it." To provide the means of a good edu- 
cation for every child, and to see that all are taught some good 
trade or profession, would do more for the promotion of peace 
and happiness, than all the machinery of courts and prisons 

There was one great defect in the constitution of rennsyl- 
vania, which was beyond the power of Penn to avoid or rcme; y. 
He held the province as a fief from the crown : he wns a 

* J. R. Tyson's address on the 200th anniversary ct tnc r.:r;. ^ ^^ 



192 LIFE OF WILLIAM PKXX. 



* dal sovereign, acting as the executive of a democracy; and 

V these two elements were found incompatible. His sweetness 
of temper and weight of character enabled him while in the 
province to maintain the balance of power, but in his absence 
no deputy could be found to supply his place ; and to this cause 
may be attributed many of the dissensions that afterward arose. 
When we take into view, that his constitution was then un- 
paralleled for its excellence, and that he ever showed a will- 
ingness to alter it in accordance with the wants and capacities 
of the people, we shall find few, if any other, legislators in an- 
cient or modern times, who so richly merit the gratitude of 
posterity. To use the language of a modern observer,* "In 

^ the early constitutions of Pennsylvania are to be found the 
distinct annunciation of every great principle ; the germ, if 
not the development, of every valuable improvement in govern- 
ment or legislation, which have been introduced into the poli- 

*" tical systems of more modern epochs." 

While drafting the constitution and laws for his colony, Penn 
(Consulted not only those concerned with him in the enterprise, 
but other enlightened minds, as appears by the following letter : 



TO ALGERNON SIDNEY. 

''13th October, 1681. 

" There are many things make a man's life uneasy in the world, which 
are great abates to the pleasure of living, but scarcely one equal to that 
of the unkindness or injustice of friends. 

" I have been asked by several, since I came last to town, if Col. Sidney 
and I were fallen out, and when I denied it, and laughed at it, they told 
me I was mistaken, and to convince me, stated that he had used me very 
ill to several persons, if not companies, saying, I had a good country, but 
the basest laws in the world, not to be endured or lived under, and that 
the Turk was not more absolute than I. This made me remember the 
discourse we had together, at my house, about me drawing constitutions, 
not as proposals, but as if fixed to the hand. And that as my act, to which 
the rest were to comply if they would be concerned with me. But withal, 
I could not but call to mind, that the objections were presently complied 
with, both by raj verbal denial of all such constructions as the icords might 
h^.ar, as if they were imjyosed and not yet free for debate. And, also, that I 

^ T. I. Wharton: see Watson's Annals, i, 314. 



LETTER TO ALOEllXOX .SID.VEV. 103 

look my pen, and iramaUalcly aUered the (mns, so iw tl.ov corro.^fH.nad 
(and truly, I thought more properly) with thy ohjoction and ^onno. L>n 
this thou didst draAV a draft, as to the frame of povcrnmont, Ravo it m* to 
read, and we discourst it with a considerable argument; it wa« aftcnrard 
called for back by thee to finish and polish; and 1 8u»pcnded proceeding* 
in the business ever since, (that being to be done after other mattcrt,) 
instead of any further conference about it. 

" I meet with this sort of language in the mouths of several ; I shall n»l 
believe it; 'twere not well in me to an enemy, less so to a friend ; but if 
it be true, I shall be sorry wo ever were so well acf|uaintod, or that I hare 
given so much occasion to them that hate us, to laugh at me for more true 
friendship and steady kindness than I have been guilty of to any man I 
know living. It becomes not my pretensions to the things of another life 
to be much in pain about the uncertainties of this ; but be it as it will, I 
am yet worth a line; and I would pray one of the truth of the fact, for th^ 
injury it hath done me already is nothing to the trouble it will give me 
if I have deserved it; and if I have not, of losing a friend upon a oiistakv; 
not that I meanly creep for a friendship that is denied mo; I were until 
for it then. I can be but where I was before, not less in myself no.* mj 
own peace, which a steady virtue will make a sufficient comfort and sanc- 
tuary. Thy real friend, "WM. PE\X."» 

* In Dixon's Life of Penn, page 183, he says, " Ponn resolved, nt the in- 
stance of Sidney, to secure an essentially democratic basis for his scheme of 
government, and allow the minor details to be filled in as time, events, and 
the public good, should render them necessary." -Again, on p«gc \M, be 
says, the constitution "had been drawn up with great cure by Penn acl 
Sidney together," * * "So intricate and continuous was this mutual 
aid, that it is quite impossible to separate the exact share of one legislator 
from that of the other." The only authority he cites for these seutimentJ 
is the above letter of Penn to Sidney. (13th Oct. '81.) which, I think, will 
scarcely warrant the inferences he draws from it. Penn did, undoubtedly, 
consult his friend, Algernon Sidney, as well as many others, and after mak- 
ing "a verbal denial of all such constructions" as Sidney had put upon his lan- 
guage, he took his pen and " altered the terms" of his draft. It appears thai 
Sidney drew a draft which he took home to finish, but there is no evidence, 
in the letter, that Penn made any use of it. 

Dixon seems anxious to give credit to Sidney, but he says nothing of U»o«e 
sagacious but less eminent men, who were concerned with Penn in the en- 
terprise, and undoubtedly assisted in framing his constitution and lawa. 

In Professor Ebeling's History of Pennsylvania, translated by P. 8. D« 
ponceau, he says, "It is even certain, that some parts of this plan [of gor'lj 
were adopted by him, at the urgent request of the Friends, vno madt U »t^ 
dition of their taking a part in the settlement of the province - >■< 

ham's letter, in rhahners, p. 0;".0. 



194 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



A short time previous to the signing of the constitution and 
code of laws for Pennsylvania, the proprietary liad granted a 
charter for a company, to be called '^ the Free Society of Traders." 
They purchased 20,000 acres of land, and he granted them ex- 
tensive privileges and jurisdiction within their own territory, to 
be erected into a manor. They published, in the spring of this 
year, in London, their articles of settlement, with a description 
of the advantages they offered to subscribers, in which they say, 
"It is a very unusual society, for it is an absolute free one, and 
in a free country ; a society without oppression, wherein all may 
be concerned that will, and yet have the same liberty of private 
traffic as though there were no society at all ; so that this society 
is calculated to promote the public good, and to encourage the 
private." "This union of traffic prevents emulation, for every 
one is interested in every one's prosperity, and the profit must 
be greater and surer, and navigation, manufactures, and arts 
better encouraged than by force of private and divided stocks." 
Two of the most remarkable provisions in their constitution relate 
to black servants and Indians, viz. "Black servants to be free 
at fourteen years end, on giving to the society two-thirds of 
what they can produce on land allotted to them by the society, 
with stock and tools ; if they agree not to this, to be servants till 
they do." "Society to assist Indians settling in towns, with 
advice and artificers." Penn was a member of this company, 
and "besides his subscription, which was considerable, he gave 
them the quitrents on all their land."* 

This society appears to have been founded on nearly the same 
principles with some modern associations, projected with the 
design of giving to individual efforts the advantage of concerted 
action, of excluding the rivalry of adverse interests, and causing 
benevolence and traffic to walk hand in hand. It does not ap- 
pear to have answered the expectations of its founders, and it 
would be interesting to inquire into the causes of its failure, 
w^hich probably arose from the difficulty of finding suitable agents 
♦0 carry out its purposes, and from the keen competition of pri- 

* Claypole's letter, in Hazard's Annul?, i. p. 580. 



LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OP CANADA 



vate enterprise, which is generally conducted with more economy 
and sagacity than the affairs of large corporations. 

The provision in relation to black servants is remarkable, m 
one of the earliest instances in which the laudable purp^isc of 
manumission, after a term of servitude, was secured bv law; for 
in that day, some of the most enlightened minds did not perceive 
the wrong done to the African race by holding them in bondage, 
nor the great evil inflicted on the colonists by introducing the 
system of slavery. James Claypole, in writing this year to a 
friend in Pennsylvania, says, "we calculate there will go thither 
from hence, above one thousand Friends, this year, then William 
Penn and his family goes." "I have a great drawing on my 
mind to remove with my family thither, so that I am given up, 
if the Lord clears my way, to be gone next spring. Advi.sc me 
in thy next, what I might have two negroes fur ^ that might be 
fit for cutting down trees, building, ploughing, or any sort of 
labour that is required in the first planting of a country."* In 
another letter, dated July 24th, 1682, he says, *'I have 100 
acres where our capital city is to be, upon the river near Schuyl- 
kill and Peter Cook, there I intend to plant and build my first 
house."t From this it would appear, that the conuni."<sionerB 
sent out by Penn had then fixed upon the present site of Phiim- 
delphia, and communicated the fact to the proprietary or his 
friends in England. 

The Free Society of Traders being about to send a messenger 
to the Indian sachem, called " the Emperor of Canada," in order 
to explain their purposes and invite him to trade with them, 
Penn furnished them with the following introductory letter to 
"the Emperor:" 

" The great God that made thee, and mo.and all tho world. in.M.n-.ur 
hearts to love peace and justice, that wo may live friendly toeriher m 
becomes the workmanship of the great God. The Kin^ of ! ' ^ 

is a great prince, hath, for divers reasons, granted me a lur • m 

America, Avhich, however, I am willing to enjoy upon fnondiy irr«. 
with thee ; and this I will say. that the people who come with mc%XTM, 
just, plain and honest people, that ndiher wake irur uponotken, nar/tm 
wa-'-from others, because ihetj will be just. 

* Hazard's Annals, 557. t J^'*^- ^'^ 



196 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



" I have set up a society of traders in my province, to traffic with thee 
and thy people for your commodities ; that you may be furnished with 
that which is good at reasonable rates ; and that society hath ordered 
their president to treat with thee about a fur trade, and have joined with 
me to send this messenger to thee, with certain presents from us to tes- 
tify our willingness to have a fair correspondence with thee, and what 
this agent shall do in our names, we will agree unto. I hope thou wilt 
kindly receive him, and comply with his desires on our behalf, both with 
respect to land and trade. 

" The great God be with thee. Amen. 

"WILLIAM PENN. 

*' London, 21st day of the 4th month, called June, 1682." 

Thomas Holme, surveyor general, who went out this year, 
was also furnished with a letter from Penn to the Indians, which 
he read to them not long after his arrival. The place where 
they were convened is not certainly known ; some suppose it 
was at Shakamaxon. The letter was as follows : — 

" The great God who is the power and wisdom that made you and me, 
incline your hearts to righteousness, love, and peace. This I send to 
assure you of my love, and to desire you to love my friends ; and when 
the great God brings me among you, I intend to order all things in such 
a manner that we may all live in love and peace, one with another, which 
I hope the great God will incline both me and you to do. I seek nothing 
but the honour of his name, and that we, who are his workmanship, 
may do that which is well pleasing to Him. The man who delivers this 
to you is my especial friend — sober, wise, and loving — ^you may believe 
him. I have already taken care that none of my people vrrong you, by 
good laws I have provided for that purpose ; nor will I ever allow any 
of my people to sell rum to make you drunk. If any thing should be 
out of order, expect, when I come, it shall be mended ; and I will bring 
you some things of our country, that are useful and pleasing to you. So 
I rest in the love of God that made us. 

" I am your loving friend, W. PENN. 

"England, 21st of 2d month, 1682." 

As the province of Pennsylvania had been for some time 
under the jurisdiction of the Governor of New York, Penn 
thought it prudent to obtain from the Duke of York a deed of 
conveyance for it, Avhich was readily granted under date 21st 
of August, 1682. He also, after much negotiation, obtained 
from the duke Uyo deeds of feoffment, dated the 24th of the 
same month, bv one of which he convcvod the town of New 



LETTER TO HIS WIFE AND CIIILDUEX. 1U7 



Castle and the country lying within a circle of twelve milcJi 
about it, and by the other he conveyed all the land on Delaware 
Bay, from twelve miles south of New Castle to Cape Ilcniopcn. 
These territories, Avhich now form tlie State of Dchiware, were 
to be held "in free and common socage," and he was to pay 
to the duke for the first, the yearly rent of five shilling.s and for 
the second "one rose at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, 
yearly, if demanded," together with a moiety of all the rent* 
and profits thereof.* 

Having made his arrangements for a passage to Pennsyl- 
vania, in the ship Welcome, of 300 tons burthen, Robert Green- 
way, master, Penn addressed a beautiful and instructive letter 
to his wife and children, which is here inserted. Of this letter 
it has been said by a celebrated critic,! that "there is some- 
thing, we think, very touching and venerable in the affection- 
ateness of its w^hole strain, and the patriarchal simplicity in 
which it is conceived, wdiile the language appears to us to be 
one of the most beautiful specimens of that soft and mellow 
English, which, with all its cumbrous volume, has, to our ear, a 
far richer and more pathetic sweetness than the epigrams and 
apophthegms of modern times." 

"My dear Wife and Children:— My love, which neither sea, nor 
land, nor death itself, can extinguish or lessen toward you, most cndcar- 
edly visits you with eternal embraces, and will abide with you for ever; 
and may the God of my life watch over you and bless you, and do you good 
in this world and for ever!— Some things are upon my spirit to Icare 
with you in your respective capacities, as I am to one a husband, and to 
the rest a father, if I should never see you more in this world. 

"My dear wife ! remember thou wast the love of my youth, and much 
the joy of my life; the most beloved, as well as the most worthy of all 
my earthly comforts: and the reason of that love was more thy inward 
than thy outward excellencies, which yet were many. G(kI known, and 
thou knowest it, I can say it was a match of Providence's makinp;; and 
God's image in us both was the first thing, and the most amiable and 
engaging ornament in our eyes. Now I am to leave thee, and that with- 
out knowing whether I shall over see thee more in this world, take mr 
counsel into thy bosom, and let it dwell with thee in my 8te.id wlul« 
thou livest. 

* Hazard's Annals, 558. 

t Jeffrey's Review of Clarkson's Life of Penn, July. 1813. 
R* 



198 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



" First: Let the fear of the Lord, and a zeal and love to his glory, 
dwell richly in thy heart ; and thou wilt watch for good over thyself and 
thy dear children and family, that no rude, light, or bad thing be com- 
mitted: else God will be offended, and he will repent himself of the good 
he intends thee and thine. 

"Secondly: Be diligent in meetings for worship and business; stir up 
thyself and others therein ; it is thy duty and place : and let meetings 
be kept once a day in the family to wait upon the Lord, who has given 
us much time for ourselves: and, my dearest, to make thy family mat- 
ters easy to thee, divide thy time, and be regular: it is easy and sweet: 
thy retirement will afford thee to do it; as in the morning to view the 
business of the house, and fix it as thou desirest, seeing all be in order ; 
that by thy counsel all may move, and to thee render an account every 
evening. The time for work, for walking, for meals, may be certain, at 
least as near as may be : and grieve not thyself with careless servants ; 
they will disorder thee ; rather pay them, and let them go, if they will 
not be better by admonition : this is best to avoid many words, which I 
know wound the soul and offend the Lord. 

"Thirdly: Cast up thy income, and see what it daily amounts to: by 
which thou mayest be sure to have it in thy sight and power to keep 
within compass: and I beseech thee to live low and sparingly, till my 
debts are paid ; and then enlarge as thou seest it convenient. Remem- 
ber thy mother's example, when thy father's public-spiritedness had 
worsted his estate, (which is my case.) I know thou lovest plain things, 
and art averse to the pomps of the world — a nobility natural to thee. I 
write, not as doubtful, but to quicken thee, for my sake, to be more vigi- 
lant herein ; knowing that God will bless thy care, and thy poor children 
and thee for it. My mind is wrapt up in a saying of thy father's, 'I de- 
sire not riches, but to owe nothing ;' and truly that is wealth, and more 
than enough to live is a snare attended with many sorrows. I need not 
bid thee be humble, for thou art so ; nor meek and patient, for it is much 
of thy natural disposition: but I pray thee be oft in retirement with the 
Lord, and guard against encroaching friendships. Keep them at arms'- 
end; for it is giving away our power — ay, and self too, into the pos- 
session of another ; and that which might seem engaging in the begin- 
ning, may prove a yoke and burden too hard and heavy in the end. 
Wherefore keep dominion over thyself, and let thy children, good meet- 
ings, and Friends, be the pleasure of thy life. 

"Fourthly: And now, my dearest, let me recommend to thy care my 
dear children; abundantly beloved of me, as the Lord's blessings, and 
the sweet pledges of our mutual and endeared affection. Above all 
things, endeavour to breed them up in the lyve of virtue, and that holy, 
plain way of it which we have lived in, that the world in no part of it 
get into ni}' family. I had rather they were homely than finely bred as 



LETTER TO HIS WIFE AND CllILDKEN. 199 

to outward behaviour; yet I love sweetness, mixed with gTarilT, and 
cheerfulness tempered with sobriety. Religion in the heart Icadt into 
this true civility, teaching men and women t<, be mild and court«ou. in 
their behaviour— an accomplishment worthy ind.M-.l of praino. 

"Fifthly: Next breed them up in a love one of unoUier: tell them it U 
the charge I left behind me; and that it is the way to have the lure and 
blessing of God upon them ; also what his portion is, who haU«a, or c«iU 
his brother fool. Sometimes separate them, but not long ; and allow 
them to send and give each other small things to endear one auotW 
with. Once more I say, tell them it was my counsel they should U ten- 
der and affectionate one to another. Fur their learning be liberal. Sp«r« 
no cost ; for by such parsimony all is lost that is saved : but let it bo 
useful knowledge, such as is consistent with truth and g»KllincM, ooi 
cherishing a vain conversation or idle mind, but ingenuity mixed with 
industry is good for the body and mind to»>. I recommend the UM^ful 
parts of mathematics, as building houses or ships, measuring, ftunrej- 
ing, dialling, navigation; but agriculture is especially in my eye: let my 
children be husbandmen and housewives ; it is industriou.», healthy, Ij»»- 
nest, and of good example: like Abraham and the holy aucienti*, who 
pleased God, and obtained a good report. This leads to (insider the 
works of God and nature, of things that are good, and diverts the miud 
from being taken up with the vain arts and inventions of a luxuriuu4 
world. It is commendable in the princes of Germany and the Duties of 
that empire that they have all their children instructed in some useful 
occupation. Rather keep an ingenious person in tlie house to teach them 
than send them to schools, too many evil impressions being commonly 
received there. Be sure to observe their genius, and do not cross it a« 
to learning: let them not dwell too long on one thing: but let their 
change be agreeable, and all their diversions have some little bodiljr 
labour in them. When grown big, have most care f«»r them : for then 
there are more snares both within and without. When marriageable, 
see that they have worthy persons in their eye, of g<KMl life, and g^wd 
fame for piety and understanding. I need no wealth, but »uffioiency ; 
and be sure their love be dear, fervent, and mutual, that it nmy !-• happj 
for them. I choose not they should be married to earthly, cvelyus kin- 
dred; and of cities and towns of concourse beware; the world is apt to 
stick close to those who have lived and got wealth ihe-e: a country life 
and estate I like best for my children. I prefer a decent mansion, of 
an hundred pounds per annum, before ten thousand pounds in London. 
or such-like place, in a wav of trade. In fine, my dear, endeavour Ut 
breed them dutiful to the Lord, and his blessed light, truth, and grac« 
in their hearts, who is their Creator, and his fear wdl gn.w up with 
them. Teach a child (savs the wise man) the way thou w.lt have h.m 
to walk, and when he is old he will not forgot i' V-'tr, ol^.enee to 



200 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



thee, their dear mother ; and that not for wrath, but for conscience' sake ; 
liberal to the poor, pitiful to the miserable, humble and kind to all ; and 
may my God make thee a blessing, and give thee comfort in our dear 
children; and, in age, gather thee to the joy and blessedness of the just 
(where no death shall separate us) for ever! 

"And now, my dear children, that are the gifts and mercies of the 
God of your tender father, hear my counsel, and lay it up in your hearts ; 
love it more than treasure, and follow it, and you shall be blessed here, 
and happy hereafter. 

" In the first place, remember your Creator in the days of your youth. 
It was the glory of Israel, in the second of Jeremiah ; and how did God 
bless Josiah, because he feared him in his youth ! and so he did Jacob, 
Joseph, and Moses. my dear children, remember, and fear and serve 
Him who made you, and gave you to me and your dear mother ; that you 
may live to him and glorify him in your generations ! 

"To do this, in your youthful days seek after the Lord, that you may 
find him ; remembering his great love in creating you ; that you are not 
beasts, plants, or stones, but that he has kept you, and given you his 
grace within, and substance without, and provided plentifully for you. 
This remember in your youth, that vou may be kept from the evil of the 
world : for in age it will l)e harder to overcome the temptations of it. 

" Wherefore, my dear children, eschew the appearance of evil, and love 
and cleave to that in your hearts which shows you evil from good, and 
tells you when you do amiss, and reproves you for it. It is the light of 
Christ that he has given you for your salvation. If you do this, and fol- 
low my counsel, God will bless you in this world, and give you an in- 
heritance in that which shall never have an end. For the light of Jesus 
is of a purifying nature ; it seasons those who love it and take heed to it; 
and never leaves such, till it has brought them to the city of God, that 
has foundations. Oh that ye may be seasoned with the gracious nature 
of it ! hide it in your hearts, and flee, my dear children, from all youth- 
ful lusts ; the vain sports, pastimes, and pleasures of the world ; redeem- 
ing the time, because the days are evil ! — You are now beginning to live! 
What would some give for your time. Oh 1 I could have lived better, 
were I, as you, in the flower of youth. — Therefore love and fear the Lord, 
keep close to meetings, and delight to wait on the Lord God of your 
father and mother, among his despised people, as we have done ; and 
count it your honour to be members of that society, and heirs of that 
living fellowship which is enjoyed among them, for the experience of 
which your father's soul blesseth the Lord for ever. 

" Next, be obedient to your dear mother, a woman whose virtue and 
good name is an honour to you ; for she hath been exceeded by none in 
her time for her plainness, integrity, industry, humanity, virtue, and 
good understanding — qualities not usual among women of her worldly 



LETTER TO IIIS WIFE AND CIIILDUKN. 201 



condition and quality. Thorefore honour and obey her, my dear children, 
as your mother and your father's love and delight ; nay, love her too, fof 
she loved your father with a deep and upright love, choosing him bcfur« 
all her many suitors : and though she be of a delicate constitulion and 
noble spirit, yet she descended to the utmost tenderness and .::up r»r you, 
performing the painfulest acts of service to you in your ii'.f mrv, a."* a 
mother and a nurse too. I charge you, before the Lord, honour aiid obey, 
love and cherish your dear mother. 

'* Next : betake yourselves to some honest, industrious course of life, and 
tliat not of sordid covetousness, but for example and to avoid idlcncM. 
-'i.u(l if you change your condition and marry, choose, with the know- 
ledge and consent of your mother, if living, or of guardians, or tuone 
that have the charge of you. Mind neither beauty nor riches, but the 
fear of the Lord, and a sweet and amiable disposition, such aa you can 
love above all this world, and that may make your habitations ploaaant 
and desirable to you. 

"And being married, be tender, affectionate, patient, and mooV. Live 
in the fear of the Lord, and he will bless you and your offspring. Be 
sure to live within compass ; borrow not, neither be beholden to any. 
Kuin not yourselves by kindness to others ; for that exceeds the due 
bounds of friendship, neither will a true friend expect it. Small matters 
I heed not. 

" Let your industry and parsimony go no furthor than for a 5uff cicncy 
for life, and to make a provision for your children, and that in modera- 
tion, if the Lord gives you any. I charge you to help the poor and 
needy ; let the Lord have a voluntary share of your income for the ffmd 
of the poor, both in our society and others ; for we are all his creatures ; 
remembering that ' he that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord.' 

" Know well your in-comings, and your out-goings may be bettor rogti- 
lated. Love not money nor the world ; use thc:n only, and thoy will 
serve you ; but if you love them you serve them, which will deba^ your 
spirits as well as offend the Lord. 

" Pity the distressed, and hold out a hand to help them : it may be 
your case ; and as you mete to others God will mete to you again. 

" Be humble and gentle in your conversation ; of few words, I charge 
you ; but always pertinent when you speak, hearing out before you a*. 
tempt to answer, but then speaking as if you would persuade, not im- 

pose. ,^ 

"Affront none, neither revenge the affronts tiiat arc done to you; bat 

forgive, and you shall be forgiven of your heavenly father. 

"In making friends, consider well first; and when you are fixed bo 

true, not wavering by reports nor deserting in afflieUon. for that be.-ome- 

not the good and virtuous. ^ unken 

" Watch against anger, neither speak nor act ;n ;t ; for. like a 



202 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



ness, it makes a man a beast, and throws people into desperate inconve» 
niences. 

"Avoid flatterers, for they are thieves in disguise; their praise 
costly ; designing to get by those they bespeak ; they are the worst of 
creatures ; they lie to flatter, and flatter to cheat ; and, which is worse, 
if you believe them you cheat yourselves most dangerously. But the 
virtuous, though poor, love, cherish, and prefer. Remember David, who, 
asking the Lord, * Who shall abide in thy tabernacle ? who shall dwell 
upon thy holy hill V answers, * He that walketh uprightly, worketh 
righteousness, and speaketh the truth in his heart ; in whose eye the vile 
person is contemned, but honoureth them who fear the Lord.' 

" Next, my children, be temperate in all things ; in your diet, for that 
is physic by prevention ; it keeps, nay, it makes people healthy, and 
their generation sound. This is exclusive of the spiritual advantage it 
brings. Be also plain in your apparel ; keep out that lust which reigns 
too much over some ; let your virtues be your ornament, remembering 
life is more than food, and the body than raiment. Let your furniture 
be simple and cheap. Avoid pride, avarice, and luxury. Read my ' No 
Cross no Crown.' There is instruction. Make your conversation with 
the most eminent for wisdom and piety, and shun all wicked men as you 
hope for the blessing of God and the comfort of your father's living and 
dying prayers. Be sure you speak no evil of any — no, not of the mean- 
est; much less of your superiors, as magistrates, guardians, tutors, 
teachers, and elders in Christ. 

" Be no busy bodies ; meddle not with other folk's matters, but when 
in conscience and duty prest ; for it procures trouble, and is ill manners, 
and very unseemly to wise men. 

" In your families, remember Abraham, Moses, and Joshua, their in- 
tegrity to the Lord ; and do as you have them for your examples. 

" Let the fear and service of the living God be encouraged in your 
houses, and that plainness, sobriety, and moderation in all things as be- 
cometh God's chosen people ; and as I advise you, my beloved children, 
do you counsel yours, if God should give you any. Yea, I counsel and 
command them as my posterity, that they love and serve the Lord God 
with an upright heart, that he may bless you and yours from generation 
to generation. 

" And as for you, who are likely to be concerned in the government of 
Pennsylvania and my parts of East Jersey, especially the first, I do 
charge you before the Lord God and his holy angels, that you be lowly, 
diligent, and tender, fearing God, loving the people, and hating covetous- 
ness. Let justice have its impartial course, and the law free passage. 
Though to your loss, protect no man against it ; for you are not above 
the law, but the law above you. Live, therefore, the lives yourselves you 
would have the people live, and then you have right and boldness to 



EMBAliKS AT I>i;\I.. o^g 

punish the transgressor. Keep upon the square, for C.oq m^ .«»• 
therefore do your duty, and be sure you .00 with your own «T«i\n4 
hear with your own ears. Entertain no lurcheni, chor .h no in- 
formers for gain or revenge; use no tricks; fly to no dcricw to «,p. 
port or cover injustice; but let your heart* bo upright before the UrtJ. 
trusting in him above the contrivances of men, and nunc Mhall b.^ abl« ui 
hurt or supplant. 

" Oh ! the Lord is a strong God, and ho can do whataocvor he pIcaiM-,; 
and though men consider it not, it is the Lord that rules and overrulr*' 
in the kingdoms of men, and he builds up and pulls down. I. your 
fatlier, am the man that can say, ' He that trusta in the Lord shall oot 
be confounded. But God, in due time, will make hia eDcmios be at 
peace with him.' 

"If you thus behave yourselves, and so Wconio a terror to evil doer* 
and a praise to them that do well, God, my God, will lie with vou in wi»- 
dom and a sound mind, and make you blessed instrumfi.ta in his band 
for the settlement of some of those desolate parUj of the world, which 
my soul desires above all worldly honours and riches, both for jou that 
go and you tliat stay ; you that govern and you that are governed ; tlial 
in the end you may be gathered with me to the rest of God. 

" Finally, my children, love one another with a true, endeared lore, 
and your dear relations on both sides, and take care to preserve tender 
affection in your children to each other, often marrying witiiin them- 
selves, 80 as it be without the bounds forbidden in God's laws, that so 
they may not, like the forgetting, unnatural world, grow out of kindred 
and as cold as strangers ; but, as becomes a truly natural and Christian 
stock, you, and yours after you, may live in the pure and fervent lore of 
God towards one another, as becometh brethren in the spiritual and na- 
tural relation. 

" So, my God, that hath blessed me with his alaindunt mercies, U-th of 
this and the other and better life, be with you all, guide you by his coun- 
sel, bless you, and bring you to his eternal glory ! that you may shine, mr 
dear children, in the firmament of God's power with tJie blessed spirit* 
of the just — that celestial family — praising and admiring him, tl»e G«hJ 
and Father of it, for ever. For there is no God like unto him ; the God 
of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, the God of the Prophets, lh« Apos- 
tles and Martyrs of Jesus, in whom I live for ever. 

" So farewell to my thrice dearly beloved wife and children !— Your., 
as God pleaseth, in that which no waters can quench, no time fur>rvt, not 
distance wear away, but remains for ever, ^\ ILLLVM PLNN. 

"Worminghurst, fourth of sixth month. 1G82." 

He embarked at Deal, in company with about 100 paawngers, 
mostly Friends from Sussex, vhere his house at Worminghum 



204 LIFE OF VriLLIAM PENI^-. 



was seated. On tlie SOtli of August, (then the 6th month,) he 
ficldressed, from the Downs, "a salutation to all faithful Friends 
in England," and near the time of his departure, he wrote as 
follows to his friend Stephen Crisp, an eminent minister of the 
gospel : — 

" Dear Stephen Crisp: — My dear and lasting love in the Lord's ever- 
lasting truth reaches to thee, with w^hom is my fellovrship in the Gospel 
of Peace, that is more dear and precious to my soul than all the trea- 
sures and pleasures of this world ; for, when a few years are passed, we 
shall all go the way whence we shall never return ; and that we may un- 
v/eariedly serve the Lord in our day and place, and, in the end, enjoy a 
portion with the blessed that are at rest, is the breathing of my soul ! 

*' Stephen ! we know one another, and I need not say much to thee ; 
but this I will say, thy parting dwells with me, or rather thy love at my 
yjarting. How innocent, how tender, how like the little child that has no 
guile ! The Lord will bless that ground, (Pennsylvania.) I have also a 
loiter fi-om thee, vrhich comforted me ; for many are my trials, yet not 
more than my supplies from my Heavenly Father, whose glory I seek, 
and the i-enown of his blessed name. And truly, Stephen, there is work 
enough, and here is room to work in. Surely God will come in for a 
share in this planting-Avork, and that leaven shall leaven the lump in 
time. I do not believe the Lord's providence had run this way towards 
me, but that he has an heavenly end and service in it ; so with him I 
leave all, and myself and thee, and his dear people, and blessed name on 
earth. 

" God Almighty, immortal and eternal, be with us, that in the body 
and out of the body we may be his for ever ! — I am, in the ancient dear 
fellowship, thy faithful friend and brother, WILLIAM PENN." 



CHAPTER XY. 

flis arrival at New Castle — Reception and speech — Landing at Chester — 
Goes to Philadelphia — Reception — Changes the names of the streets — 
Lots on the Delaware — Boundaries of the city — Journey to New 
York — " Great Treaty" with the Indians. 

1682. 
Aft er having been at sea about two months, which was then 
considered a "prosperous passage," William Penn and his 



AKRIVErf AT NEW CASTEE. 



friends in the sliip Welcome arrived within the capes it the 
Delaware. 

During the passage, the small-pox made its appearance with 
great virulence, and occasioned much distress. One of the 
passengers, in giving an account of the voyage, says, ''the good 
conversation of William Penn was very advantageous to all the 
company." 

"His singular care was manifested in contributing to the ne- 
cessities of many who were sick of the small- jjox then on board, 
of which about thirty died." During the passage, they had 
"many good meetings on board."* 

From a letter of Penn to the Board of Trade in England, it 
has been generally supposed that he landed at New Castle on 
the 24th of October, (then the 8th month,) which has been cele- 
brated as an anniversary, but he probably alluded to his arrival 
within the capes, for it appears by an official record in New 
Castle, that he arrived before that town on the 27th of October, 
1682. On the following day he produced his deeds from the 
Duke of York and received possession of the town and county 
adjoining, which was signified by "the delivery of turf, and 
twig, and water, and soyle of the river Delaware. "f 

He was joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, whom he called 
together at the court-house, when "he made a speech to the 
old magistrates, in wliicli he explained to them the desi^jn of 
his coming, the nature and end of government, and of that 
more particularly which he came to establish."]: 
• He next renewed the magistrates' commissions, and received 
from them and some of the otiier inhabitants, written pletlgrs 
of fidelity and obedience. 

This act has been considered by some as a stretch of power, 
inasmuch as the deeds from the Duke of York did not, like the 
charter for the province of Pennsylvania, in express te^n^ 
endow him with political authority. But there can be no doubt 
it was understood he was to be the governor of the territory on 

* Testimony of Richard TownsenJ; Proud's Ilistorj of PcnMjrlrania. 
i. 228. 

t Hazard's Annnls, -396. t Clarkson. 



206 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



behalf of the duke, to whom he was to pay, as stated in tho 
deeds, a moiety of all the rents and profits. 

The next day, being the 29th, he was at Upland, (Chester,) 
whence he addressed a summons to the justices and some of 
the inhabitants of the territory adjoining New Castle, to meet 
him in that town on the 2d of November, where he intended to 
hold a court.* 

At the time appointed, his first court was held at New Castle, 
"when the governor presided, there being "present Capt. Wm. 
Markham, Mayor Thos. Holme, Wm. Haigh, John Simcock, 
Thos. Brazie, of the Council; John Moll, John De Hads, Wm. 
Simpill, Arnoldus de la Grange, John Cann, justices. "f Go- 
vernor Penn made a speech to the justices and inhabitants pre- 
sent, stating that he had called this court chiefly "to settle their 
lands and possessions, and he therefore desired them to bring 
in to the next court to be held at New Castle, all their patents, 
surveys, grants, and claims, in order that he might confirm, not 
only those who had a sufficient title, but also, those who yet 
wanted a title, so far forth as equity, justice, and reason could 
require." He requested the magistrates to look over their 
town-plots, and see what vacant room may be found therein, 
for the accommodation of new settlers. He desired if any had 
requests or petitions to present to him, that they might now do 
it for an answer at the next court day; and, finally, as for 
want of an assembly, there were not yet sufficient laws provided 
for the country, he directed them to follow the laws of his royal 
highness, provided for the province of New York, so far as 
they were consistent with the laws of England. He assured 
the inhabitants that they should enjoy the same privileges with 
those of the province of Pennsylvania, and that for the future 
they should be governed by such laws as they themselves, by 
their representatives, should consent to, for which purpose he 
would call an assembly as soon as conveniently might be. 

A few days after this, William Markham, on behalf of the 
governor, received possession of the lower counties on Delaware 
Bay, conveyed by the Duke of York's second deed of feoffment. 

* Hazard's Annals. 599. t Hazard's Annals, 600. 



GOES TO PHILADELPHIA. 207 



Oil Penn's arrival at Upland, he chaiiired its name, u thuD 
related by Clarkson: "This was a memorable event, and to bo 
distinguished by some marked circumstance. He determined, 
therefore, to change the name of the phice. Turning round to 
his friend Pearson, one of his own society, who had accompa- 
nied him in the ship Welcome, he said, ' Providence has brought 
us here safe. Thou hast been the companion of my peril*. 
What wilt thou that I should call this place V Pearson said, 
* Chester,' in remembrance of the city from whence he came. 
William Penn replied that it should be called Chester, and that 
when he divided the land into counties, one of them sliould be 
called by the same name."* 

Tradition relates that from Chester to Philadelphia he went 
with some of his friends in an open boat or barge, and we can 
readily imagine how delighted he must have been, while pass- 
ing up the noble Delaware, beholding its banks shaded with 
majestic forests clad in all the variegated foliage of autumn, it« 
surface covered with wild fowl, and every thing around in<licat- 
ing a solitude and grandeur peculiar to the new world. 

After passing four miles above the mouth of the Schuylkill, 
they came to a place called Coaquannock, where there wan a 
high, bold shore, covered with lofty pines. Here the site of 
the infant city of Philadelphia had been established, and we 
may be assured his approach was hailed with joy by the whole 
population ; the old inhabitants, Swedes and Dutch, eager to 
catch a glimpse of their future governor, and the Friends who 
had gone before him anxiously waiting his arrival. 

How intensely interesting must have been the scene, espe- 
cially if enlivened, as it probably was, by the Indians in their 
canoes advancing to meet him. He had heard and read de- 
scriptions of their persons and manners ; he had written kmd 
letters to them, and had thought much upon the means of pro- 
moting their improvement ; but now, for the first time, he looked 
upon their athletic forms and striking features ; their robes of 
fur and waving plumes ; and while emotions of love and good- 

* Clarkson's Life of Penn. 



208 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



will arose in his heart, he felt that these too are the children 
of the Universal Parent. 

The high bank of the Delaware was at this place penetrated 
by a small stream called Dock Creek, which, being deep at its 
mouth, and having a low, sandy beach, offered a convenient 
place for landing. Here the proprietary and his companions 
went on shore near a house then being erected, which was called 
"Guest's New House," and afterwards known as the "Blue 
Anchor Tavern." Pennwas so pleased with the conveniences 
of this spot, that he made it a public landing-place in his ori- 
ginal city charter; and the little haven at the creek's mouth 
so pleased him as a fit harbour for vessels in the winter, and 
security from the driving ice, that he also appropriated so much 
of it as lay east of little Dock Creek to be a great dock for 
ever, to be deepened by digging when needful.* 

The time of his arrival is noted in the following minute of a 
Friends' meeting, held at Fairman's mansion, Shackamaxon, 
(Kensington) : 

"At a monthly meeting, the 8th of 9th month, (November,) 
1682. At this time, Governor Penn and a multitude of Friends 
arrived here and erected a city called Philadelphia, about half 
a mile from Shackamaxon, where meetings were esablished, 
&c. Thomas Fairman, at the request of the governor, removed 
himself and family to Tacony, where there was also a meeting 
appointed to be kept, and the ancient meeting of Shacka- 
maxon removed to Philadelphia. "j 

The date of his landing at Philadelphia must have been only 
a few days previous to this, for he was at New Castle, as we 
have seen, on the 2d of the same month. 

There is a tradition connected with his arrival, which is thus 
related by Watson : " The Indians, as well as the whites, had 
severally prepared the best entertainment the place and circum- 
stances could admit. William Penn made himself endeared to 
the Indians by his marked condescension and acquiescence in 

■^Watson's Annals, i. 132. 

f Ibid. 140. This date is old style, it being tlie 9ih month from the Isl 
of March, then the beginning of the year. 



ciiANUEs Tin: NAMi:s oi- the stiiekt?. 200 



their wishes. lie walked with tliem, sat with thciu . : •■ 
ground, and ate with them of tlicir roasted acorns and h... 
At this they expressed their great delight, and soon began to 
show how they could hop and jump; at whicli exhiLition, Wil- 
liam Penn, to cap the climax, sprang up and beat llicin all ! 
We are not prepared to credit such light gaycty in a sage go- 
vernor and religious chief; but Ave have the positiN- 
of a woman of truth, who says she saw it. Therr 
been very wise policy in the measure as an act of conciliation, 
worth more than a regiment of sharpshootci"S. lie wa-s then 
sufficiently young for any agility, and we rcniciolcr that one 
of the old journalists among the Friends incidentally speaks of 
him as having naturally an excess of levity of spirit for a grave 
minister.""^ 

The site of Philadelphia had been determined by the com- 
missioners, in conformity with the proprietary's instructions 
before his arrival, and it is probable some progress had been 
made in laying out the streets and building houses. 

Several changes were made in the location and names of the 
streets after Governor Penn's arrival. 

Broad street, which is parallel with the Delaware, and lies 
nearly midway between that river and the Schuylkill, had not 
been located on the highest ground, and the governor had it 
changed to the top of the ridge, though nearer the Schuylkill, 
so that the public buildings intended to be placed there should 
overlook the whole city. 

Many of the streets had been named after prominent indi- 
viduals among the colonists ; for instance, what is now Walnut, 
was first called Pool street. Mulberry was Holme's street. 
Chestnut was Union street, &c.,t which not being satisfactory 
to the proprietary, he gave the name of High street to the 
wide central avenue leading from river to river ; and the other 
main streets parallel with it he called after the names of furcst- 
trees found there. The cross streets were named accordiiig 
to their numbers, as Front, Second, Third, kc, bcgninmg at 
each river and counting to Broad street. He reserved, m the 

i Hazard's Annals, 591. 



^ Watson's Auua.s, i, oo. 

«7f Id 



^10 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



middle of the city, at the intersection of High and Broad street, 
a large square for public buildings, and for health and recrea- 
tion ; and in each of the four divisions of the city, was a square 
for public walks. 

It was his intention and original plan not to permit build- 
ings to be erected on the river banks, but to have there a wide 
promenade the whole length of the city. This beautiful and 
salutary arrangement was in after years allowed to be infringed, 
and hence the crowded and irregular streets that deform the 
eastern front of the city. 

The commissioners were instructed to lay oiF ten thousand 
acres " as the bounds and extent of the liberties of the said 
town," which Avould have included a large portion, if not all 
the suburbs now attached to it under different corporations ; but, 
this being thought too large he permitted the surveyor, at the in- 
stance of the colonists, to restrict the corporate limits to 
about one mile front on the Delaware, and extending back to 
the Schuylkill, embracing an area of about twelve hundred 
acres.* Subsequent experience has shown the wisdom of his 
orighial design, and while we admire his foresight, we Cvannot 
but lament that his plans were not more fully adopted. 

After viewing the site chosen for the city, giving such direc- 
tions for its building as he thought expedient, and attending 
some of the meetings of Friends, Penn went to New York to 
" pay his duty to the Duke of York by visiting his province. "f 
We have no particular account of this journey, but from one 
of his letters it appears that he was on Long Island, where 
there were some meetings of Friends, and in passing through 
East Jersey he visited others. He returned from this journey 
toward the end of November, (then the 9th month,) and there is 
reason to believe it was at this time he held the treaty of amity 
with the Indians, which has been so widely celebrated as the 
" Crreat Treaty j' under the elm-tree at Kensington, a trans- 
action which has been illustrated by the pencil of an eminent 
Jirtist, and has received the highest praise from historians. 

* J. R. Tyson's Discourse, delivered at Philadelphia in 1844, pp. 17, 18. 
t Penn's letter to Board of Trade, Proud, i. 268. 



TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. 'J I I 



It was of this treaty tliat Voltaire made the remark, now bo- 
come trite by frequent repetitions, tliat it was " tlic only league 
between those nations and the Christians which wai n«»vrr 
sworn to and never broken."* 

It is to be regretted that no circumstantial accouiii .^ • .iiid 
in any contemporary record concerning this treaty. The (Iq- 
scription given of it by Clarkson was derived chiefly from 
tradition, and has been shown to be erroneous in several pnr- 
ticulars. He was a writer of scrupulous fidelity, but in thi.*, 
as in some other instances, he has erred for want of havin<» 
access to documents only to be found in this country, which 
he never visited. 

An able and elaborate memoir, by Peter S. Duponceau and J. 
Francis Fisher, presented to the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, and published in their third volume, part ii., givc!? by 
far the best account of this transaction that is now extai;-. 

The time of the treaty is not precisely known, but, for rea- 
sons stated at large in that paper, it must have been soon after 
Penn's return from New York, and before the meeting of the 
Assembly at Chester, which took place on the 4th of Dccom- 
ber, 1682. The purpose of the treaty is erroneously stated by 
Clarkson to have been to ratify a purchase of lands made of 
the Indians by the commissioners, as well as to establish a loa-ue 
of friendship. The first of these objects could not have been 
intended, for such purchases were always secured by deeds, 
which were preserved and recorded, but no record exists of any 
such purchase. Pcnn made two purchases of land from the 
Indians the following spring, and Markham had purchased 
Pennsbury Manor before the governor's arrival, ^•^«';^;' ^^^^''"^ 
been paid for, needed no confirmation. Nor is it likely that 
the proprietary would so soon attempt to purchase their land.; 
it is altogether probable he would first seek their acquaintance, 
and establish a treaty of amity with them, winch ...nM f.-d.- 
tate their subsequent transacti.ms. _ _ 

The place of meeting has, with much unanmiity ainoui; iho.e 
who have examined the subject, been fixed at hh-v-l-.'-.x,.,., 

* Dictionnaire Philosophique, word Quaker. 



212 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



now called Kensington. It appears by ancient records, that 
the name of this place was then written Sachamaxing, which 
signifies the Place of Kings, being derived from Sakima, which, 
in the Delaware language, means a king or chief.* The treaty 
for the purchase of Pennsbury Manor, previously held with the 
Indians by Captain Markham, was at this place, and we have 
reason to believe it had long been resorted to by the Indians 
when holding their councils. From the time of Penn down to 
the present day, tradition among the Indians as well as the 
inhabitants of Philadelphia, has been uniform in designating 
the elm-tree at Kensington as the spot where the great treaty 
was held ; and so confidently was this believed during the 
American Revolution, that the British General Simcoe, when 
his troops occupied the town, placed a guard around the vene- 
rated tree to protect it from injury. f 

Having determined the time, the object, and the locality of 
the treaty, we come now to consider the persons concerned in 
it, and the attendant circumstances. From the best informa- 
tion that can now be gathered, it appears that at least three 
Indian tribes were present : the Lenni Lenape, living near the 
banks of the Delaware ; the Mingoes, a tribe sprung from the 
Iroquois and settled at Conestogo, and the Shawnees, a south- 
ern tribe that had removed to the Susquehanna. 

There is reason to suppose that Governor Penn would be ac- 
companied, as usual, by some members of his council, as well 
as his secretary and surveyor. Tradition relates that a number 
of prominent Friends were present, among whom was an an- 
cestor of Benjamin West, whose portrait is introduced by the 
artist into his celebrated painting of the treaty scene. 

We must not take our idea of Penn's appearance from "\Yest's 
picture, in which he is represented as a corpulent old man, for 
at that time he was in the prime of life, being only thirty-eight 
years of age, athletic and active, graceful in person, and pleas- 



* Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., iii. p. ii. 113. My friend George M. Justice of Phila- 
delphia has also in his possession ancient documents confirming this state- 
ment, f Watson, i. 136. 



TREATY WITH THK IXI)I.\X>. 213 

"His favourite mode of travelling wns l.y water; he kept a 
barge furnished ^vith a s.iil, and manned hy a boatswain, a 
cockswain, and six oarsmen."* 

His mansion at Pennsbury Manor was tlien being built ; it 
was near the Friends' settlement at the Falls, and oppo.sit6 
Bordentown. On his return from New York he would tako 
these settlements in his way, and from Pennsbury he would go 
to Shackamaxon in his usual manner by water. If on bis re- 
turn from New York he went first to Chester, then the seat of 
his government, he would nevertheless go in his barge to the 
place of treaty, for the roads at that time were few and difficult. 

Let us now, from the facts ascertained, and the circumatancoa 
reported by historians, endeavour to picture the scene, when 
the founder of Pennsylvania met in council the Indian chiefs 
surrounded by their tribes. 

It is near the close of November, — the lofty forest trees on the 
banks of the Delaware have shed their summer attire, the ground 
is strewed with leaves, and the council fire burns brightly, fanned 
by the autumnal breeze. Under the wide-branching elm tl.o 
Indian tribes are assembled, but all unarnuMl, for no warlike 
weapon is allow^ed to disturb the scene. In front are the cliicf-s 
with their counsellors and aged men on either hand. Behind 
them, in the form of a half moon, sit the young men, an<l some 
of the aged matrons ; while beyond, and disposed in still widen- 
ing circles, are seen the youth of both sexes. f Among the 
assembled chiefs there is one who holds a conspicuous rank : 
the Great Sachem Taminend, one of nature's noblemen, revered 
for his wisdom and beloved for his goodness.! But see ! a barge 
is approaching, bearing at its mast-head the broad pennant of 
the governor ; the oars are plied with measured strokes, and near 
the helm sits William Penn attended by his council. Among 
them are Markham, his secretary. Holme, surveyor-gencnil, 
Simcox, Haigue, Taylor, and Pearson. On the river bank, 
waiting with others to join them, is Lacy Cock, the hospitable 

* J. F. Fisher, private Life of W. Penn, in Mem. Hist. Soc Ta., vol. lii. p. ii. 

t Ter.r.'s '"ttcr to Free Society of Trarlers. 

: Diiponc.ui'^ itiua an I :it'C^:c'rcMor-s Ii;<tv-y of lalin-'. 



214 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Swede, whose dwelling is near the treaty ground. They are 
plainly dressed, and the proprietary is only distinguished from 
the rest by a sky-blue sash of silk network that encircles his 
waist.* They land and advance toward the council fire: the 
governor, having his cousin Markham on the right, and hia 
friend Pearson on the left, is preceded by some of his attend- 
ants, bearing presents, which they spread upon the ground. f 

They pause when they approach the council fire, — Taminend 
puts on his chaplet, surmounted by a small horn, the emblem of 
kingly power,J and then, through an interpreter, he announces 
to William Penn that the nations are ready to hear him. 

Being thus called upon, he begins his speech: "The Great 
Spirit," he says, "who made me and you, who rules the heavens 
and the earth, and who knows the innermost thoughts of men, 
knows that I and my friends have a hearty desire to live in 
peace and friendship with you, and to serve you to the utmost 
of our power. It is not our custom to use hostile weapons 
against our fellow creatures, for which reason we have come 
unarmed. Our object is not to do injury, and thus provoke 
the Great Spirit, but to do good. 

"We are met on the broad pathway of good faith and good 
will, so that no advantage is to be taken on either side, but all 
to be openness, brotherhood, and love." Here the governor 
unrolls a parchment containing stipulations for trade and pro- 
mises of friendship, which, by means of an interpreter, he ex- 
plains to them, article by article, and placing it on the ground, 
he observes that the ground shall be common to both people. 
lie then proceeds, "I will not do as the Marylanders did, that 
is, call you children or brothers only ; for parents are apt to 
whip their children too severely, and brothers sometimes will 
differ; neither will I compare the friendship between us to a 
chain, for the rain may rust it, or a tree may fall and break it ; 
but I will consider you as the same flesh and blood with the 
Christians, and the same as if one man's body were to be 
divided into two parts. "§ 

* riarkson. f Ibid. + \Y. P.'s letter to Free Society of Traders 

§ (J larks on. 



TIUCATV WITH TIIK IN MANS. JlJj 



This speech heing listened to by the Indians in perfect silence, 
and with much gravity, they take some time to deliberate, and 
then the king orders one of his cliiefs to speak to William I'enn. 

The Indian orator advances, and in tlir king's name Halutet 
him; then, taking him by the hand, be makes a speech, pledg- 
ing kindness and good neighbourhoo<l, and tliat the Indians and 
English must live in love as long as the sun and moon shall 
endure.* 

There is evidence to show that the stipulations of this treaty 
or league of amity were committed to writing, but the record 
has been sought for without success. We have, however, the 
principal items, or links of the chain, as mentioned by Governor 
Gordon, in a speech he made to the same tribes, the 26th of 
May, (then the 3d month, 1728.) He said : 

" My friends and brethren : — You are sensible that the p-eat 
William Penn, the father of this country, when he first brought 
the people with, him over the broad sea, took all the Indians, 
the old inhabitants, by the hand, and because he found them 
to be a sincere, honest people, he took them to his heart, and 
loved them as his own. He then made a strong league and 
chain of friendship with them, by which it was agreed that the 
Indians and the English, with all the Christians, should be as 
one people. Your friend and father, William Penn, still re- 
tained a warm affection for all the Indians, and strictly com- 
manded those whom he sent to govern this j)eople, to treat the 
Indians as his children, and continued in this love for them 
until his death." * * * 

" I am now to discourse with my brethren the Conestogoc«, 
Delawares, Ganawese, and Shawnese In<lians upon the Susque- 
hanna, and to speak to them. 

" My brethren :— You have been faithful to your haguwi 
with us, your hearts have been clean, and you have preserved 
the chain from spots or rust, or if there were any, you have 
been careful to wipe them away ; your leagues with your father, 
William Penn, and with his governors, are in writing on record, 
that our children and our children's children may have them 

* Clarkson ; and W. P.'s letter to " Free P.c of Tnider- " 



216 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PENX. 



in everlasting remenibrance. And we know that you preserve 
the memory of those things among you, by telling them to 
your children, and they again to the next generation, so that 
they remain stamped on your minds never to be forgot. 

"The chief heads or strongest links of this chain, I find, 
are these nine, viz : 

" 1st. That all Wm. Penn's people or Christians, and hll 
the Indians, should be brethren, as the children of one Father, 
joined together as with one heart, one head, and one body. 

" 2d. That all paths should be open and free to both Chris- 
tians and Indians. 

" 3d. That the doors of the Christians' houses should be 
open to the Indians, and the houses of the Indians open to the 
Christians, and that they should make each other welcome as 
their friends. 

" 4th. That the Christians should not believe any false ru- 
mours or reports of the Indians, nor the Indians believe any 
such rumours or reports of Christians, but should first come as 
brethren to inquire of each other ; and that both Christians 
and Indians, when they have any such false reports of their 
brethren, they should bury them as in a bottomless pit. 

" 5th. That if the Christians heard any ill news, that may 
be to the hurt of the Indians, or the Indians heard any such ill 
news, that may be to the injury of the Christians, they should 
acquaint each other with it speedily, as true friends and brethren. 

" 6th. That the Indians should do no manner of harm to the 
Christians, nor to their creatures, nor the Christians do any hurt 
to the Indians, but each treat the other as brethren. 

" 7th. But as there are wicked people in all nations, if either 
Indians or Christians should do any harm to each other, com- 
plaint should be made of it by the persons sufi*ering, that right 
may be done ; and when satisfaction is made, the injury or 
wrong should be forgot, and be buried as in a bottomless pit. 

"8th. That the Indians should in all things assist the Chris- 
tians, and the Christians assist the Indians, against all wicked 
people that would disturb them. 

" 9th. And lastlv, that both Christians and Indians should 



Tr.EATY TllKi: AT KI- NT^INGTOX. 



acquaint their children \\\t\\ this league and firm chain of 
friendship made between them, and that it shouM alwavR »>c 
made stronger and stronger, and he kept bright and clean, 
without rust or spot, between our chibh-en and chiblrcn'H child- 
ren, while the creeks and rivers run, and while the «un, mnnn. 
and stars endure." 

The elm tree at Kensington, under which the i...»,> ».,, 
ratified, called the Treaty Tree, was blown down in ISIO. It 
was 24 feet in girth, and believed to be about 280 yrarn old. 
A part of the trunk was sent to the Penn family in Knglaml, 
and of the remainder, many small articles of furniture were 
made, which are preserved as precious relics. On the site of tho 
treaty a small monument has been erected by the Penn Society 
at Philadelphia, with appropriate inscriptions, nnd a "c'^ort of 
the great elm is now" vigorously growing there. 

The legislature of Pennsylvania, at its session m i-i.-, .ip. 
propriated $5000 for the purchase of the treaty ground, and 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania has recently appointed 
a committee to aid in carrying this purpose into effect. 

Having given all the particulars, noAV extant, concerning tliis 
celebrated transaction, the inquiry presents itself, Why shouhl 
this treaty have inspired so much interest as to make " its fame 
co-extensive with the civilized world?" In all the North 
American colonies treaties were made with the Indians, and, 
doubtless, some of them were observed in good faith. It was 
not unusual to purchase their lands ; the Swedes had made 
such purchases on the banks of the Delaware long before the 
arrival of Penn. The pre-eminent importance of the "great 
treaty" consists in this, — it was the first time William Penn had 
met the Indian chiefs in council, to make with them the finn 
league of friendship, which was never violated ; and gave n!»c 
to a kindly intercourse between the Friends and the aborigines, 
that continues to this day. It was like laying the comer-stone 
of a great edifice, whose enduring strength and beautiful pro- 
portions have called forth the admirnti.>n of succeeding ages. 

The whole conduct of Penn toward the Indians was founde.1 
in justice and love : he not only paid thcui f-r their landS: but 



218 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



he employed every means in his power to promote their happi- 
ness and moral improvement. 

The Indians, on their part, treated the colonists in the most 
hospitable manner, supplying them frequently with venison, 
beans, and maize, and refusing compensation. For William 
Penn they felt, and often expressed, the utmost confidence and 
esteem. So great was the reverence inspired by his virtues, 
that his *name was embalmed in their affections, and handed 
down to successive generations. 

Heckewelder, in his history of the Indian nations, speaks of 
the care they took, by means of strings or belts of wampum, to 
preserve the memory of their treaties, and especially those they 
made with William Penn. He says, " They frequently assembled 
together in the woods, in some shady spot, as nearly as possible 
similar to those where they used to meet their brother Miquon^ 
and there lay all his words and speeches, with those of his de- 
scendants, on a blanket or clean piece of bark, and with great 
satisfaction go successively over the whole. This practice, 
which I have repeatedly witnessed, continued until the year 
1780, when the disturbances which took place put an end to it, 
probably for ever."* 

At a treaty held at Easton, in Pennsylvania, with the Indians, 
in 1756, in Governor Morris's administration, Teedyuscung, 
the Delaware chief, spoke as follows : " Brother Onas and the 
people of Pennsylvania, we rejoice to hear from you, that you 
are willing to renew the old good understanding, and that you 
call to mind the first treaties of friendship made by Onas, our 
great friend, deceased, with our forefathers, when himself and 
his people first came over here."t 

The name of Onas was given to William Penn by the 
Iroquois, whom the proprietary, and generally the English 
colonial governments, supported in their claim of superiority 
over the other Indian tribes; it seems that the Delawares 
adopted the name, at least in their public speeches ; among 



* Memoirs Hist. Soc. of Fa., vol. ill. partii. 148. 
•f Proud's Hist. Pa. i. 214. 



III? INFLUENCE OVER THE INIHANS. 219 



themselves they called liim, in their own language, Mitjuon. 
Both these words signify a quill or pcu.* 

It is certain that no other man ever uttaiiicd ro great an in- 
fluence over their minds ; and tlie affectionate intercounw be- 
tween them and the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, which con- 
tinued as long as the principles of the first colonists prewTTCMl 
their ascendency, is the most beautiful exemplification afforde^l 
by history, that the peaceable doctrines of Christ ar<p adaptiMi 
to promote the happiness of man. 

In the other colonies, the aborigines were considered a.** dan- 
gerous neighbours, inured to cruelty and delighting in blocnl. 
They had been rendered suspicious by the repeated injuries of 
the whites, and were undoubtedly brave and revengeful. Penn 
and his associates, relying on the purity of their motive« and 
the protection of Divine Providence, came among them un- 
armed, and professing the principle of non-resistance. The 
justice of his measures and the kindness of his deportment 
won their confidence and esteem: the blood-stained tomahawk 
was buried, the tokens of peace were exchanged, and the fero- 
city of their nature was subdued by the tender, cementmg m- 
fluence of Christian love. 

But nations are slow to learn the lessons of Divme wisdom. 
The intercourse so happily begun in love, and cent inue«l for 
successive generations, was eventually disturbed and broken 
by the violence of human passions. The red man, unable to 
cope with the grasping, aspiring Anglo-Saxon, was driven from 
his old hunting-grounds, and taking his course to the far north- 
west, he bade adieu, with an aching heart, to the graves of his 
fathers. But still, he has not forgotten the ^^ great treaty, 
and among the scattered remnants of those once powerful tnho. 

now seated by the clear lakes of ^-^^^'"7" "t"ltd .ll 
banks of the turbid Missouri, the name of the great and gocl 
Onas continues to be held in grateful remembrance. 



* Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., iii-, pnrt u 



319. 



220 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XYI. 

Assembly meets at Chester — Constitution and laws passed — Wm. Pcnn 
goes to Maryland to meet Lord Baltimore — Visits Friends' meetings — 
Letter to a friend — Letter to one who had censured him — Letter to Lord 
Culpepper — Letter to Lord Hyde — Assembly meets in Philadelphia — 
NeAv charter — Wm. Penn meets Lord Baltimore at New Castle — Treaty 
with Indians for land — Indian walk — Trial for coining false money — 
Trial for witchcraft — Letter to Col. Henry Sidney. 

1682-83. 

Within three weeks from tlie time of his landing at New 
Castle, William Penn issued writs for an election of representa- 
tives to a general assembly to be held at Chester. Agreeably 
to the summons, the assembty, consisting of members from the 
province of Pennsylvania and the three lower counties, called 
the territories, met at Chester the 4th of December, (then 10th 
month,) 1682, and chose Nicholas Moore for their speaker. 
They adopted rules for their government, among which was one 
requiring that "none speak but once before the question is put, 
nor after, but once, and that none fall from the matter to the 
person, and superfluous and tedious speeches may be stopped 
by the speaker." Under these salutary restrictions, we may 
readily suppose they proceeded rapidly with their business. 

A petition was presented from the inhabitants of the three 
lower counties, then called New Castle, Jones, and New Deal, 
"humbly desiring that they may be favoured with an act of 
union, by the governor and assembly, for their incorporation 
with the province of Pennsylvania, in order to the enjoyment 
of all the rights and privileges of that province." This petition 
was granted, and an act of union passed, which *also provided 
for the naturalization of foreigners already settled in the 
province and ten-itorlcs.* This act being approved by the 
governor, the Swedes deputed Lac}" Cock to acquaint him, that 

* Hazaru's An. Ul-j. 



CODE OF LAWS. 221 



tlicy would love, serve, and obey liiiu with all they had, de- 
claring "it was the best day they ever saw."* An act of 
settlement was passed at the same time, whicli states that, owing 
to the "fewness of the inhabitants, their inability in estate, an«l 
unskilfulness in matters of government," three persons out of 
each of the six counties shall serve for the provincial council, 
and nine from each county for members of the assembly, "in- 
stead of the number designated in the charter; and 'after the 
present, your six from each county shall compose the assembly." 
In the same act some other changes in the constitution are pro- 
vided for, but its main features and essential principles, as 
agreed upon in England, are preserved, and the humble ac- 
knowledgments of the assembly are expressed for it, with a 
promise that it shall be universally observed. 

At this session was passed the " Great Law," or code of laws, 
consisting of sixty-nine sections, which long formed the basis of 
jurisprudence in Pennsylvania.! It embraces most of the laws 
agreed upon in England, and some others afterward suggested. 
Among the latter is a clause, attributed to the proprietary, re- 
quiring the estates of intestates to go to the wife and children, 
which, by abrogating the English law of primogeniture, was 
instrumental in promoting that general equality of condition, 
and division of property, deemed so essential in a rei)u).!i.'an 
government. 

The first section of this code has been so much admired for 
its liberality and eloquence, that it may be inserted entire:— 

"Almighty God being only Lord of conscience, Father of light* and 
spirits, and the author as well as object of all Divine knowledge, faith. 
and worship; who only can enlighten the mind, and persuade and con- 
vince the understanding of people, in due reverence to his sovereignty 
over the souls of mankind: It is enacted by the authority aforesaid, thai 
no person now or at any time hereafter living in this province, who »hall 
confess and acknowledge one Almighty God to be the Creator, upholder, 
and ruler of the world, and that profosseth him or herself ohhtH '» ^"• 
science to live peaceably and justly under the civil government, .hall in 
anywise be molested or prejudiced for his or her conscientious per«ua..0D 
or "practice ; nor shall he or she at any time be compelled to frtiqueDt or 

* Clarkson. t Hazard's An. C31. Troud :;nd Gordon say CI chaptm. 



222 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever, contrary to 
his or her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or her Christian 
liberty in that respect, without any interruption or reflection ; and if any 
person shall abuse or deride any other for his or her different persuasion 
and practice in matter of religion, such shall be looked upon as a disturber 
of the peace, and be punished accordingly. 

"But to the end that looseness, irreligion, and atheism may not creep 
in under pretence of conscience, in this province: Be it further enacted by 
the authority aforesaid, that according to the good example of the primi- 
tive Christians, and for the ease of the creation, every first day of the 
week, called the Lord's Day, people shall abstain from their common toil 
and labour, that whether masters, parents, children, or servants, they may 
the better dispose themselves to read the Scriptures of truth at home, or 
to frequent such meetings of religious worship abroad as may best suit 
their respective persuasions." 

After a session of four days, (from the 4th to the 7th inclu- 
sive,) the assembly adjourned, affording an instance of unani- 
mity and despatch almost unexampled. On the 11th of Decem- 
ber, (10th month,) Penn set out for Maryland to meet Lord 
Baltimore, to whom he had previously sent a messenger to make 
arrangements for a negotiation in relation to boundaries. The 
time agreed on was the 19th, and the interview is thus related 
m a letter of Penn to "the Lords of the Committee of Planta- 
tions," in London : — 

"I came to West river, where I met the proprietor, attended suitable 
to his character, who took the occasion, by his civilities, to show me the 
greatness of his power. The next day we had conference about our busi- 
ness of the bounds, both at the same table, with our respective members 
of council. 

"The first thing I did was to present the king's letter, which consisted 
of two parts ; one, that the Lord Baltimore had but two degrees ; and the 
other, that beginning at Watkins' Point, he should admeasure his said 
degrees at 60 miles to a degree. This being read by him, first privately, 
then publicly, he told me the king was greatly mistaken, and that he 
would not leave his patent to follow the king's letter, nor could a letter 
void his patent ; and by that he would stand. 

" This was the substance of what he said from first to last, during the 
whole conference. To this I answered, the king might be misinformed 
rather than mistaken, and that I was afraid the mistake would fail on his 
tide ; for though his patent begins at Watkins' Point, and goes to the 
fortieth degree of north latitude, yet it presumed that to be in the thirty- 
eighth, else Virginia would be wronged, which should extend to that 



CONFERS WITH LORD BAI.TIMoUK. 22S 



degree; however, this I jissurod him, th:it when I iH'titionr.! thekinRf-.r 
five degrees north hitituck', and that petition wjw rpferrod to th<* Lnrdn.if 
the Committee of Phmtations; at that time it was urj^M hv mnn* prr««wt. 
that the Lord Baltimore hM but two degrees; upon which iho L.rti Vn»\- 
dent, turning his head to iW, at whose chair I st.jod, naid, • Mr. IVnn. wtU 
not three degrees aerce your hmif I answered, * I Huljmit »>4)th the wh*t, 
and how, to the honourable board.' 

" To this his uncle, and chancellor, returned, that to wnvinc* me bM 
father's grant was not by degrees, he had more of Virginia given him. 
but being planted, and the grant intending only land not planted, or pos- 
sessed, but of savage nations, he left it out, that it might nut f<»rf»-ii th« 
rest: of which the Lord Baltimore takes no notice, in his narrative, thai 
I remember. But, by that answer, he can pretend nothing to iPelattsirr; 
which was at, and before, the passing of that patent, lH)UKht and plantM 
by the Dutch; and so could not be given. But, if it were, it wius forf.-tted, 
for not reducing it, during twenty years, under the Bngltjih 8ov»»r«'igntT, 
of which he held it; but was at last reduced by the king, uihI tl,. r.r r.. 
his, to give as he pleaseth. 

" Perceiving that my pressing the king's letter was uneii--. . .'.-.. 
I had determined myself to dispose him with utmost softn'- : i / i 
compliance, I waived that of the two degrees, and pressed the admeii^ure- 
ment only, the next part of the letter. For though it were two degree* 
and a half from Watkins' Point to forty degrees, yet let it be measured 
at sixty miles to a degree, and I would begin at forty degrees, fall m it 
would. My design was, that every degree being seventy miles, I 9ht>uM 
get all that was over sixty, the proportion intended the I/ird Baltimorr, 
by the grant, and computation of a degree, at that time of the day. 

" Thus he had enjoyed the full favour intended him, and I had gained 
a door of great importance to the peopling and improving of his nmj.'>ty'i» 
province. But he this also rejected."* 

^ilthough this effort of Penn to obtain an adjustment of the 
boundaries was unsuccessful, he was entertained with much 
courtesy and hospitality by Lord Baltimore, and after the con- 
ference, he spent some days in visiting the meetings of Friends 
in Maryland. On the 29th of the same month he returned to 
Chester, where he wrote to a friend as follows :— 

" I bless the Lord I am very well, and much satisfied with my pl»o« 
and portion ; yet busy enough, having much to do to please all, and yet 
to have an eye to those that are not here to please themselves. 

" I have been at New York, Long Island, East Jersey, and Maryland, 
in which I have had good and eminent service for the Lord. 

* Proud'8 Hist., P. i. 268. 



224 ^^^^^ ^^ WILLIAM PENN. 



** I am now casting the country into townships for large lots of land. 
I have held an assembly, in which many good laws are passed. "VVe 
could not stay safely till the spring for a government. I have annexed 
the territories lately obtained to the province, and passed a general natu- 
ralization for strangers ; which hath much pleased the people. As to out- 
ward things, we are satisfied ; the land good, the air clear and SAveet, the 
springs plentiful, and provision good and easy to come at ; an innumerable 
quantity of wild fowl and fish : in fine, here is what an Abraham, Isaac, 
and Jacob would be well contented with ; and service enough for God, for 
the fields are here white for harvest. 0, how sweet is the quiet of these 
parts, freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, hurries, and 
perplexities of woeful Europe !" * * * 

"Blessed be the Lord, that of 23 ships none miscarried, only two or 
three had the small-pox, else healthy and swift passages generally, such 
as have not been known ; some but twenty-eight days, and few longer than 
six weeks. Blessed be God for it, who is good to us and follows us with 
his abundant kindness ; my soul fervently breathes, that in his heavenly 
guiding wisdom we may be kept, that we may serve him in our day, and 
la}^ down our heads in peace.'' 

It is probable that Penn remained in Chester, then the seat of 
his government, during the latter part of the winter of 1682-3. 
There are several of his letters extant, written at this time. One 
of them was addressed to a friend who had unduly reflected 
upon him, viz. :* 

"My old Friend : — I could speak largely of God's dealings with me in 
getting this thing: what an inward exercise of faith and patience it cost 
me, in passing. The travail was mine, as well as the debt and cost; 
through the envy of many, both professors, false friends, and profane; 
my God hath given it me, in the face of the world ; and it is to hold it in 
true judgment, as a reward of my sufferings: and that is seen here, what- 
ever some despisers may say or think. 

" The place God hath given me ; and I never felt judgment for the 
I ower I kept, but trouble for what I parted with. 

"It is more than a worldly title or patent, that hath cloathed me in this 
place. Keep thy place. I am in mine. I am not sitting down in a 
greatness which I have denied. I am day and night spending my life, 
my time, my money, and am not sixpence enriched by this greatness, 
(costs in getting, settling, transportation, and maintenance now, in a 
public manner, but at my own charge, duly considered,) to say nothing 
of my hazard, and the distance I am from a considerable estate, and, 
which is more, from my dear wife and poor children. 

* Proud. 



LETTER TO LORD CULPEPPER. 



"Well! the Lord is a God of righteous judp;mont. Had I ii . : ..^;.| 
greatness, I had stayed at home, whore the difforonce between what I am 
here and what was oifered, and I could have been there in power and 
wealth, is as wide as the places are. — No: I came for the lAird'n nake; 
and, therefore, have I stood to this day, well, and diligent, and »urcp«uiful: 
blessed be his power! Nor shall I trouble niysolf to tell tluH) wh.ii I am 
to the people of this place, in travails, watchings, spondingn, and to mj 
servants every way freely, not like a selfish man. I have manv witneaM*. 
To conclude : It is now in Friends' hands. Through my travail, faith, 
and patience, it came. If Friends here keep to Uod iu the justice, mercy, 
equity, and fear of the Lord, their enemies will be their footstool; ifnott 
their heirs, and my heirs too, will lose all, and desolation will f.»llow. 
But, blessed be the Lord, we are well, and live in the dear love of God, 
and the fellowship of his tender heavenly Spirit ; and our faith ih fur our- 
selves and one another, that the Lord will be with us a King and Coun> 
sellor for ever. Thy ancient, though grieved friend, 

•'WILLIAM I'KW.* 

" Chester, 5th of 12th mo., 1682." 

Another of his letters of same date is addressed to Lord Cul 
pepper. This nobleman was one of the proprietors of Virginia, 
under a charter of Charles II. to him and Lord Arlington, and 
he had just arrived as the governor of that colonv. In this 
letter Penn sajs : — 

"I am mightily taken with this part of the world: here is a great deal 
of nature, which is to be preferred to base art, and methinks that simpli- 
city with enough, is gold to lacker, compared with European cunning. 

" I like it so well, that a plentiful estate, and a great aoquaiutanco on 
the other side, have no charms to remove; my f\imily being once fixed 
with me, and if no other thing occur, I am like to be an adopted Ama- 
rican. 

"Our province thrives with people, our next increase will be the fnuv 
of their labour. Time, the maturer of things below, will give lh« best 
account of this country. Our heads are dull, what fineness transplanta. 
tion will give, I know not; but our hearts are good and .)ur hands strong. 

"I hear thou intendest a progress into Maryland this summer. If thia 
place deserve a share of it, all that I can command shaU bid U.ee wcU 
come. 

* The expression in this letter, ^' had I sought greatne,, I had ttnytA^ 
home:' probably alludes to the intention of King Charles H. to r«.»e Sir 
William Penn to a peerage, under the title of Lord Weymouth, wh.ch wM 
frustrated by his son and heir becoming a Friend. Sec Memorials of Sir 
W. Tenn, by Granville Penn, vol. ii. p. oiM. 

15 



226 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



'* I am, thou knowest, an unceremonious man, but I profess myself a man 
of Christian decency, and besides, a relation by my wife, whose great 
grandmother was thy great aunt. With all sincerity, &c. 

" WILLIAM PENN."* 

A third letter written at this time was addressed to " the 
Lord Hyde." This was Laurence Hyde, second son of the 
Earl of Clarendon, afterward Earl of Rochester. He occupied 
high offices under Charles, James, and Queen Anne ; was es- 
teemed an adroit courtier, but a sincere and honourable man, 
and seems always to have been the friend of Penn.f 

TO THE LORD HYDE. 

•* My noble Friend: — I humbly take this opportunity, by a gentleman 
of Virginia, Colonel Hill, (recommended in an interest he hath in this 
province, to my favour, by the Lord Culpepper,) to pay my sincere re- 
spects, beseeching God to remember and retaliate to thee and thine the 
many favours I am indebted to thee. I thank God, I am very well, and 
the province thrives. I hope the crown will sensibly receive honour, and 
credit, and profit by it. But, humanly speaking, it will much depend 
upon the benign influence of thy power and goodness ; and there I humbly 
leave it, as thence, in a great measure, (I must say,) I originally fetcht it. 

" In my last, per a Maryland conveyance, I sent a letter with one in it 
to the duke. I did therein enclose a natural boundary for the tract of 
land he so often pleased to promise a patent for, and which it is so much 
his own interest to quicken Sir J. Warden in, who I hear is too Spanish, 
and as he told me they call him in Spain, Don Juan del Ablo, for my 
agent can hardly make him understand the duke's commands, without a 
more powerful interpreter. The draught of the bounds is in my agent's 
hands. I most humbly pray thy favour in its despatch. The planters 
must resort to those two counties. The quitrent is a penny per acre, 
formerly little more than a farthing per acre. I have ordered two manors 
for the duke, of ten thousand acres apiece, and intend two more. 

" Their value, besides the quitrent, will be great in a few years. 

" I shall add only, that my good wishes are most sincere and fervent 
for thy true prosperity, as becomes one that by all gratitude is bound to 
approve himself, &c. W. P. 

" Pray let Pennsylvania furnish the king, the duke, and thyself, with 
beavers and otters for hats and muffs. I have sent some of each accord- 
ingly,— 

" 'Tis the heart, not the gift that gives acceptance. — Vale. 

"Chester, the 5th of the 12th mo., 1682." 

* Mem. Penna. Hist. So. iv. i. 173, and Penn papers in the possession of 
0..M. Justice. t I^^<^- 



CHARTER AMENDED. 



On the 10th of the first month, (March,) 1«;> , , 
Provincial Council at Philadelphia, and the Assembly two dmyt 
afterward. The council consisted of three mn:' " m etch 
of the six counties, and the assemhly of nine in. ■ .ine«ch 

county, agreeably to "the act of settlement," pawed at the 
hist session; but some doubts having arisen about the conMito- 
tionality of this mode of reducing the number of representativct, 
a member of the assembly moved, ** that the governor may b« 
desired that this alteration may not hinder the peoj.le from the 
benefit of the charter." The governor answered that, "ther 
might amend, alter, or add for the public good, and that he 
was ready to settle such foundations as might be fur their hap- 
piness and the good of their posteritv, according !<» th^ T"''»-r« 
vested in him." 

On the 20th, "the governor and council desired a coufcrence 
about the charter, and then, the question being asked by the 
governor, whether they would have the old churter or a new 
one ? they unanimously desired there might be a new one, with 
the amendment put into a law which is past."* The next day 
Griffith Jones and Thomas Fitzwater came with a written mes- 
sage from the House of Assembly, expressing " the thankful 
acknowledgments of the house to the governor, for his kind 
speech to them yesterday, and gratefully embracing his offers, 
proposing what they desired might be inserted in the charter."t 

A joint committee of the two houses was appointed to draft 
a new charter, which being done, it was read in council, the 
members of assembly being present ; and after some debate 
it was agreed to and signed by the governor, to whom the old 
charter was returned, with "the hearty thanks of the whole 
house." 

The second charter embraced the same prineiples as iIr- Ui.-i, 
and much of it was in the same language ; the number of dele- 
gates from each county was reduced to three for the councd, 
and six for the assembly, with the privilege of each house temg 
enlarged with the increase of inhabitants. 

* Minutes of Council, i. 7. Proud, i. 239. Colonial Bee L «. 
f Gordons Hist. Ta., 81. 



228 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



The governor's treble vote was abolished, but the privilege 
of originating bills was still confined to the governor and coun- 
cil, who were required to publish the proposed bills before the 
meeting of the assembly. This feature was well adapted to the 
circumstances of an infant colony, as it saved much time in 
legislation, but it was subsequently changed, with the consent 
of the proprietary, by giving to the assembly, at their request, 
power to originate all legislative measures. 

By one of the acts passed at this time, provision was made 
for the appointment, at every county court, of three peace- 
makers, in the nature of common arbitrators, to hear and de- 
termine all differences between individuals. 

In grateful acknowledgment of the governor's services, and 
in consideration of his expenses in establishing the colony, the 
assembly granted him an impost upon certain imports and ex- 
ports ; but he, with a generosity which he had afterward cause 
to repent, declined to avail himself of it for the present. 

After an harmonious session of twenty-one days, the assembly 
adjourned, having, in this brief time, not only amended the 
charter, and enacted many new laws, but revised and confirmed 
the whole civil and criminal code. 

A few weeks after the adjournment of the assembly, Penn 
was engaged in making a treaty with the Indians for the pur- 
chase of land, as stated in the following extract from his letter 
to " The Lords of the Committee of Plantations, in London :" 

" In the month called May, Lord Baltimore sent three gentlemen to 
let me know he would meet me at the head of the Bay of Chesapeake : I 
•was then in treaty with the kings of the natives for h\nd ; hut three days 
after we met ten miles from New Castle, which is thirty from the bay. 

" I invited him to the town, where, having entertained him as well aa 
the town could afford on so little notice, and finding him only desirous 
of speaking with me privately, I pressed that we might, at our distinct 
lodgings, sit severally with our councils, and treat by way of written 
memorials, which would prevent the mistakes or abuses that may follow 
from ill designs or ill memory ; but he avoided it, saying, ' He was not 
well, and the weather sultry, and would return with what speed he could, 
reserving any other treaty to another season.' Thus we parted at that 
time. I had been before told by divers, that the said Baltimore had 
Issued forth a proclamation to invite people by lower prices and greater 



CURIOUS TREATY STIPULATION" 

quantities of land, t.^ plant in the lower countien; i„ „:.:. „ ,,. 

goodness had interested me, as an inseimrablo Wnofit u. thi« til 

vince. I was not willing to believe it ; an-l l)oinj; in haMr. I 

to ask him. But I had not been lonp returnod bcfcirp two Ic'tt- 

from two judges of the county courts, that Hu.-h a pr-K-lainn-. 

abroad, that the people too hearken to it, but yet prayed nir dir 

I bade them keep their ground and not fear, for the kingwould b« ju(lg«."» 

On his return from New Castle, his negotiation with the In- 
dians was probably renewed, there being two deed:* on record 
for land purchased of them about this time. The first, dated 
June 23d, 1683, between William IVnn and King'* T^itmiHtn 
and Metameqiian, conveys their land near Ne.^^hemanah [Neshs- 
miny] creek, and thence to Pennapecka [Pennypack.]t The 
other, which bears date the 14th of July following, is for laDd« 
lying between the Schuylkill and Chester Rivers. J 

In one of the purchases of hind made from the Indians, it 
was stipulated that it should extend " as far back as a man 
could walk in three days." Tradition relates that William 
Penn himself, with several of his friends and a number of In- 
dian chiefs, "began to walk out this land at the mouth of the 
Neshaminy, and walked up the Delaware ; that in one day and 
a half, they got to a spruce tree near the mouth of Baker's 
Creek, when William concluding this would include as much 
land as he would want at present, a line was run and marked 
from the spruce tree to Neshaminy, and the remainder left to 
be walked out when it should be wanted for settlement." " It 
is said they walked leisurely, after the Indian manner, sitting 
down sometimes to smoke their pipes, to eat biscuit and cheese, 
and drink a bottle of wine. It is certain they arrived at the 
spruce tree in a day and a half, the whole distance rather less 
than thirty miles." The remainder of the line was not run till 
the 20th of September, 1733, when the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania employed three of the fastest walkers that could be found, 
one of whom, Edward Marshall, walked in a day and a half 
the astonishing distance of eighty-six miles. The name of Wd- 
liam Penn has, by some persons, been unjustly coupled iiiih 
this disgraceful transaction, which did not take place till many 

* Proud, i. 271. t Watson's An. i. 143. X ^I*^'" ^'^ Hi«t,Soc. Ui. IL IW 
U 



230 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



years after his death. The Indians felt themselves much ag- 
grieved by this unfair admeasurement of their lands ; it was 
the cause of the first dissatisfaction between them and the peo- 
ple of Pennsylvania ; and it is remarkable, that the first murder 
committed by them in the province, seventy-two years after 
the landing of Penn, was on this very ground, which had been 
taken from them by fraud.* 

During the year 1683, the Provincial Council held its meet- 
ings in Philadelphia : it was convened very frequently, and the 
minutes show that William Penn always presided. 

Among its judicial proceedings, only two cases are of suffi- 
cient interest to be cited. One was the trial of Charles Picker- 
ing and others, for coining " Spanish bitts and Boston money," 
alloyed with too large a proportion of copper. They were found 
guilty, and Pickering, being the principal in the fraud, was sen- 
tenced by the court to make full satisfaction, in good and cur- 
rent money, to every person that should, within a month, bring 
in any of this base and counterfeit coin, which was to be called 
in by proclamation, and the money brought in, melted down, 
and given to him. He was fined £40 toward building a court- 
house, and required to find security for his '^ good abearance.'* 
His accomplices having confessed their guilt, one of them was 
fined XI 0, and the other, a servant, was sentenced to sit an 
hour in the stocks. 

The other case was a trial for tvitchcraft, the only one on 
the records. This appears to have originated among the Swedes, 
who probably brought with them from their native land some 
of the Scandinavian superstitions. The persons accused were 
Margaret Mattson and Yeshro Hendrickson. Lacy Cock acted 
as interpreter between them and the governor. The following 
is a sample of the evidence : " Henry Dry street, attested, saith 
he was told, twenty years ago, that the prisoner at the bar was 
a witch, and that several cows were bewitched by her." *' An- 
naky Coolin, attested, saith that her husband took the heart of 
a- calf that had died, as they thought, by witchcraft, and boiled 

*See, in Hazard's Reg. vi. 209, a communication from John Watson, of 
Buckingham, to the Am. Phil. Soc. at Phil. 



A TRIAL FOR WITCHCRAFT. 231 

It, whereupon the prisoner at llio h-Av came in an.l Mkc<l tbea 
what they were doing; they said boiling of (Ic^h ; nhc mU 
they had better they had boiknl the bones, with sevornl nthcr 
unseemly expressions.'' 

The governor gave the jury their charge concernii.^ .... ■ .^, 
of which, it is to be regretted, there is no record. ** Tlie jury 
went forth, and upon their return brouglit her in guilty of the 
common fame of being a tvitch, but not* guilty in manner and 
form as she stands indicted." 

In the summer of 1683, Capt. Wm. Markham proceeded to 
England, probably on business for Penn, by whom he wm fur- 
nished with the following letter to Col. Henry Sidney, who wm 
the third son of the Earl of Leicester, and brother to the cele- 
brated Algernon Sidney. 

" My OLD WORTHY Friexd : — The great parts »>f fricndj'hip are h»»i% 
truth, and constancy, and from the time it pleased thee to receive mine, 
it hath not wandered in any one respect, but I still love and honour lhc«, 
and would be glad I could be of any service to thee ; at this distance, to 
be sure, I cannot, but neither can distance wear out th*- irapre««ioD« a 
long and kind acquaintance hath made upon my mind. 

*"Tis with this familiar talk I begin to entertain thee, though a jjreai 
man, now in government, and long deserving to have been so in thyself, 
nor shall I ask any excuse for this freedom with a person whose good 
nature will not be offended, and whose good sense loveth little ceremony 
in writing. 

" I writ from sea a begging letter, for a few fruit trees of the I^nrd 
Sunderland's gardener's raising out of his rare collection, that hy giving 
them a better climate, we may share with you the pleasure of excellent 
fruit, the success of which I hear nothing of. 

"I have been here about nine months, and have hail my health. I thank 
God, very well ; I find the country wholesome ; land, air, and water p^hI : 
divers good sorts of wood and fruits that grow wild, of which plum-. 
peaches, and grapes are three ; also, cedar, cyprus, chestnut, and black 
walnut and poplar, with five sorts of oak, black and white. Spani.h-re.| 
and swamp oak, the most durable of all, the leaf like the English willun. 

"We have laid out a town a mile long and two miles deep. On Mcb 
fiidc of the town runs a navigable river, the least as broad a. th.> Thame* 
at Woolwich, the other about a mile over. I think we have near aboat 
eighty houses built, and about three hundred farms settled round Ibj, 
town. I fancy it already pleasauter than the Weald of Kent, -ur .ml 
* Colonial Rec. i. 41- 



232 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



being clearer, and the country not much closer ; a coach might be driven 
twenty miles end-ways. 

"We have had fifty sail of ships and small vessels, since the last sum- 
mer, in our river, which shows a good beginning. And though I hope 
God will prosper our honest care and industry, yet a friend at court is a 
good thing, and I flatter myself to believe I shall never want one while 
thou art there. 

" Wherefore give me leave to recommend the bearer, my agent and 
kinsman, Captain William Markham, to thy faroiir and power. I hear 
the Lord Sunderland is Secretary of State again ; I also remember his 
kind promises, and the mighty influences thou deservedly hast upon him ; 
pray use it in my afiair, that not only I and my family, but the province 
may owe a singular acknowledgment to thy kindness. 

" That in which I so earnestly solicit thy assistance, he will better 
communicate than I can write it ; and I would not make my letter trou- 
blesome. 

" The business is just, and honourable, and prudent for the croAvn to 
hear me in, and that I hope will make it easy to my noble friends to 
favour me. I have written to the Lord Sunderland about it, for it belongs 
to his station, and since no man can better welcome it to him than thy- 
self, let me throw myself upon thee, and beg both thy introduction of him 
and countenance of the business to the Lord. God will reward thee, and 
we here shall rest the debtors of thy goodness with much thankfulness. 

" I have only to ask pardon for a poor present I send, of the growth of 
our country. Remember that the offerings of old were valued by the 
hearts of them that made them • which gives me assurance it will be 
accepted. 

"I hear little news, and am not very careful of it; but a line of thy 
health, and success of thy affairs, will be very pleasant ; nobody interest- 
ing himself with more affection and sincerity in thy prosperity than, my 
worthy friend. Thy very faithful friend, 

"WILLIAM PENN.* 

"Philadelphia, the 24th of the 5th month, (July,) 1683. 

" I know not if your brothers are on so good terms or alliance with me, 
that I may remember myself to them. — Vale. 
"For Colonel Henry Sidney, in Leichesterfield." 

* Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. 



EARLY UISTORY OF PEXXSYLVANM. •) i-^ 



CHAPTER XVI I. 

Early history of Pennsylvania— Rapi.l in.pruvemcnt— Cbarmct«r of Um 
colonists— Their labours in bnildinpj and planting— William Penn'i 
interest in their progress— Meetings ..f Friends— A noodoto* of U».- • . ' •• 
settlers— Richard Townsend's testimony— William IVnn'» joun 
the interior of Pennsylvania— His acrf.unt of the country and ihc In- 
dians, in a letter to the Free Society of Traders. 

1683. 

In tracing the progress of nations, as well as individiulA, 
who have attained to greatness and renown, we love to go back 
to their earliest history ; and Avhilc we observe the drveloproent 
of character resulting from their trials and struggles, we can 
excuse the mistakes of inexperience, and rejoice in the triuroplia 
of genius and perseverance. 

The origin of European nations, as well as the most re- 
nowned empires of antiquity, is involved in obscurity, and 
blended with fable ; but from the foundation of the American 
colonies, we have the advantage of contemporary records, wliich, 
as time advances, become more and more precious, for every 
fact and incident, however trivial, of those primitive times, 
possesses an interest to the philosophic inquirer. 

The early history of Pennsylvania has peculiar attractions 
for the moralist and the student of political economy. The 
entire absence of military defences, the long period of unintt-r- 
rui)ted peace, the freedom and liberality of her institutions, the 
patriarchal simplicity of manners united with moral refine- 
ment, and the unexampled rapidity of her growth, arc featurrH 
that cannot be found, so happily blended, in the history of any 
other people. 

In the year of Penn's arrival, and during the two years neit 

succeeding, ships with emigrants arrived from London, Bristol, 

Ireland, Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire, Holland, Germany, Ac. 

to the number of fifty sail.* 

* Proud's Hist. Pa. i. 219. 
C* 



234 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



The colonists, in their native hind, had been mostly husband- 
men, tradesmen, and mechanies ; among them -were some good 
scholars, but generally their education was limited, and their 
manners were simple, hearty, and unceremonious. Many of 
them had good estates, and were well provided with all the com- 
forts that could be had in a new country. Some brought with 
them the frames of houses ready to be set up, others built cabins 
of logs, and covered them with clap-boards. Huts covered with 
bark and tm-f were constructed, to shelter them while building 
their houses ; and excavations made in the bank of the Dela- 
ware at Philadelphia, called caves, served for temporary dwell- 
ings for the poorer class. 

Penn manifested great interest in the progress of the infant 
city ; his personal attention and cordial manners afforded en- 
couragement to the builders, and, it is said, he furnished a plan 
for the construction of their dwellings, which combined economy 
with comfort. 

A large proportion of the colonists being members of the 
society of Friends, who had come with the view of enjoying 
religious liberty, their first care was to establish meetings for 
worship and discipline. In a letter from Friends in Pennsyl- 
vania to their brethren in Great Britain, dated 17th of 1st 
month, (March,) 16S3, they gave the following account of their 
meetings : — 

" In Pennsylvania, there is one at Falls, one at the governor's house, 
[Pennsbury,] one at Colchester River, all in the county of Bucks : one at 
Tawcony, one at Philadelphia, both in that county: one at Darby, at 
John Blunston's, one at Chester, one at Ridley, at J. Simcock's, and one 
at "\Vm. "Ruse's, at Chichester, in Cheshire. [?] There be three monthly 
meetings of men and vromen, for truth's service : in the county of Ches- 
ter one, in the county of Philadelphia another, and in the county of 
Bucks another. And [we] intend a yearly meeting in the third montli 
next. Here our care is, as it was in our native land, that we may serve 
the Lord's truth and people. * * * * And for our outward condi- 
tion as men, blessed be God, we are satisfied ; the countries are good — 
the land, the water, the air — room enough for many thousands to live 
plentifully, and the back lands much the best : good increase of labour, 
all sorts of grain, promising sufficient, and by reason of many giving 
themselves to husbandrv, there is like to be great fruitfulness in some 



LETTER TO FIUEND.S IX OUKAT UIUTAIN. 



•f 



time. But they that come upon a mere outward a^^ccuni munt w..rk 
be able to maintain [themsolves]. Fowl, fish, and vonitw.i. arr idmufui, 
and of pork and beef is no want, considering that about two tlKiuaat)4 
people came into this river last year. 

" Dear friends and brethren, we have no cause to murmur, oar lot i« 
fallen, every way, in a goodly place, and the love of God i§, and KTowin^. 
among us, and we are a family at peace within ouruelvea, and Uulr grrai 
is our joy therefor." * * * * 

Signed by William Penn, S. Jennings, Christ. Taylor, Jm. IlarriMm, 
and others.* 

In addition to the moans of subsistence mcntiuncl in tli.- f-.-.-- 
going letter, " the wild pigeons came in such nuinher.H, th.it •:..• 
air was sometimes darkened by their flight ; and flying low, 
those that had no other means to take them, sometinu-s xupjilifd 
themselves by throwing at them as they flew, and sallin;: u|> 
what they could not eat, they served them for bread and me»l 
in one. They were thus supplied, at times, for the first tw'» 
or three years, by which time they had raised suflicient out of 
the ground by their own labour ; those settlers had, at thid 
time, neither horses nor plough, but tilled the ground with hoe?*. 
The natives were remarkably kind to them, in supplying ihfui 
with such provisions as they could spare, and were otherwi.Ho 
serviceable in many respects." 

"John Chapman having settled in the woods, the farthest hacV. of any 
English inhabitants, found the Indians very kind to his family, m well 
as to the other settlers that came after him, often supplying them with 
corn and other provisions, which here, as in other placoj*. were many 
times very scarce, and hard to be procured. In one of those marc* 
times. Chapman's eldest daughter, Mara, supplied his family by an uu- 
expected incident. Being near Xashamony creek, she heard an un.i.in- 
mon noise, like the bleating of something in distress, and g..in« forwar I 
to see the occasion, found a large buck on which a wolf had just l^^f.-r.. 
seized, and it having got from him, had fled for safety into the crw-k. 
just under a high bank, and being somewhat hurt, but in a prcatrr 
fright, it stood still till she alighted, took the halter fr..m the boa^t ^hM 
rode, and with a stick put it over his horns, and secure<l him till mor« 
help came, on which the wolf retired ; the buck being larg,> and fat, wm 
serviceable to the family. Abraham and Joseph Chapman, bemg then 
boys, about nine or ten years old, one evening going to hunt thnr c-attlc. 
came across an Indian in the woods, who tohl them to p» b«.k -r tl>oy 
* MSS. Am. Phil. Sec. at Philadelphia. 



.236 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



would be lost ; in a little time, taking his advice, they went back, but it 
was within night before they got home, where they found the Indian, 
who, careful lest they should have lost themselves, had repaired thither 
in the night to see. And their parents, about that time, going to the 
yearly meeting, and leaving a young family at home, the Indians would 
come every day to see that nothing was amiss among them. Such, in 
many instances, was the treatment of the natives of the country, in the 
original settlement of it.''* 

A further account of their mode of living and the progress 
of the colony is given in a letter of Richard Townsend, who 
came from England in the same ship with William Penn : — 

" At our arrival," he says, " we found it a wilderness ; the chief in- 
habitants were Indians, and some Swedes, who received us in a friendly 
manner ; and although there was a great number of us, the good hand 
of Providence was seen in a particular manner, in that provisions were 
found for us by the Swedes and Indians at very reasonable rates, as well 
as brought from divers other parts, that were inhabited before 

" Our first concern was to keep up and maintain our religious wor- 
ship, and in order thereto, we had several meetings in the houses of the 
inhabitants ; and one boarded meeting-house was set up, where the city 
was to be, (near the Delaware ;) and as we had nothing but love and 
good-will in our hearts, one to another, we had very comfortable meet- 
ings from time to time, and after our meeting was over, we assisted each 
other in building little houses for our shelter 

*' After some time I set up a mill, on Chester creek, which I brought, 
ready framed, with me from London, which served for grinding of corn 
and sawing of boards, and was of great use to us. Besides, I, with Joshua 
Tittery, made a net, and caught great quantities of fish, which supplied 
ourselves and many others ; so that notwithstanding it was thought near 
three thousand persons came in the first year, we were so providentially 
provided for, that we could buy a deer for about tAvo shillings, and a 
large turkey for about one shilling, and Indian corn for about two shil- 
lings and sixpence per bushel. And as our worthy proprietor treated 
the Indians with extraordinary humanity, they became very civil and 
loving to us, and brought in abundance of venison. As in other coun- 
tries the Indians were exasperated by hard treatment, which hath been 
the foundation of much bloodshed, the contrary treatment here hath pro- 
duced their love and afiection. 

"About a year after our arrival, there came in about twenty families 
from High and Low Germany, of religious, good people, and settled 
about six miles from Philadelphia, and called the place Germantown. 
The country continually increasing, people began to spread themselves 

* Smith's Hist, Pa. in Hazard's Reg. Proud's Hist. Pa. 



RICHARD TOWNSEND's LETTER. JJ7 

furtlier back. And also a place called North W'nlos wiw w*(tIod by m«ny 
of the ancient Britons, an honest inolinfd pooplo, although th^T hA<l utA 
generally then made profession of the truth, an h.-ld hy us'; trt in • 
little time, a large convinccmcnt w.os among thorn, and diTert in4<«tinK. 
houses built. 

" About the time Germantown was laid out, 1 Hcttled upon mr trmrf 
of land which I had purchased of the proprietor in Kn^land, nU>ut « 
mile from thence, where I set up a house and a corn-mill, which wm« 
Aery useful to the country for several miles round. But thero not » ■ • 
plenty of horses, people generally brought their com on their I i . ^ 
many miles. I remember one man had a bull so gentle that he u-ul \-< 
bring his corn on him instead of a horse. 

" Being now settled about six or seven miles from Phila<lelphia, where, 
leaving the chief body of Friends, together with the chief place for pro- 
visions as before mentioned, flesh meat was very scarce with me for *>me 
time, of which I found the want. I remember I was once supplied by a 
particular instance of Providence, in the following manner : being io 
my meadow, mowing grass, a young deer came and Iwjked on me : I 
went on mowing for some time, and he still continued to look U|X)n me ; 
upon which I laid down my scythe and went towards him : when I came 
pretty near, he ran off a small circuit ; I went to my work again ; be 
continued looking on me, so that at several times I left work to go 
towards him, but he still kept at a little distance ; at last going towards 
him, and he, looking upon me, did not mind his steps, but ran forcibly 
against the body of a great tree and stunned himself, so that he fell; 
>ipon which I ran forward, and getting upon him, held him by the legis 
ind a great struggle we had, until I had tired him out ; being then in a 
manner lifeless, I took him by the legs, threw him on my shoulders, and 
carried him about a quarter of a mile to my house ; he grew more alive, 
and struggled hard before I got home ; but with much ado I secured 
him, and got disengaged from my load by a nelghlx)ur, who, hnp|>ening 
to be at ray house, killed him for me. The carcas.> proved very si-rvice- 
a))le to my family. I could relate several other acts of Providence of 
this kind, but omit them for brevity. 

" As people began to spread and improve their lamh, the country ht^ 
came more fruitful, so that those which came in after us were plentifully 
supplied, and with what we abounded began a small trade abn.a*!; and 
as Philadelphia increased, vessels wore built, and many emploved. B^.th 
country and trade have been wonderfully increasing to this day ; so thai 
from a wilderness, the Lord, by his good hand of providence, hath made it a 
fruitful field; on which to look back and observe all the steps, would ex- 
ceed my present purpose ; yet being now in the eighty-fourth year of my 
age, and having been in this country near forty-six years, and my memory 
pretty clear concerning the rise anvl progress of the province. I can do no 
less than return praises to the Almighty, when I look back, and consider 



238 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



his bountiful hand, not only in temporals, but in the great increase of our 
meetings, wherein he hath many times manifested his great loving kind- 
ness, in reaching to, and convincing many of the principles of Iruth; and 
those that were already convinced, and continued faithful, were not only 
blessed with plenty of the fruits of the earth, but also with the dew of 
heaven. I am engaged in my spirit to supplicate the continuance thereof 
to the present rising generation ; that as they increase, so Truth may 
increase in their hearts ; that as God hath blessed their parents, the same 
blessing may remain on their offspring, to the end of time ; that it may 
be 60, is the hearty desire and prayer of 

*' Their ancient and loving friend, RICHARD TOWNSEND."* 

In the spring or summer of 1683, William Penn made a 
■journey to the interior of his province, during which, he made 
himself more fully acquainted with its surface, soil, and natural 
productions, and visited the Indians in their wigwams, with 
whom he learned to converse in their own language. The 
result of his observations is communicated in the following 
interesting letter to the Free Society of Traders : — 

" My kind Friends: — The kindness of yours by the ship Thomas and 
Ann, doth much oblige me; for by it I perceive the interest you take in 
my health and reputation, and in the prosperous beginning of this pro- 
vince, which you are so kind as to think may much depend upon them. 
In return of which I have sent you a long letter, and yet containing as 
brief an account of myself and the affairs of this province as I have been 
able to make. 

" In the first place, I take notice of the news you sent me, whereby I 
find some persons have had so little wit, and so much malice, as to report 
my death; and, to mend the matter, dead a Je-niii too. One might have 
reasonably hoped that this distance, like death, would have been a pro- 
tection against spite and envy ; and indeed absence, being a kind of death, 
ought alike to secure the name of the absent as of the dead, because they 
are equally unable as such to defend themselves ; but they who intend 
mischief do not use to follow good rules to effect it. However, to the great 
sorrow and shame of the inventors, I am still alive and no Jesuit; and, I 
thank God, very well. And without injustice to the authors of this, I 
may venture to infer, that they who wulfully and falsely report would 
have been glad had it been so. But I perceive many frivolous and idle 
stories have been invented since my departure from England, which per- 
haps at this time are no more alive than I am dead. 

" But if I have been unkindly used by some I left behind me, I found 
love and respect enough where I came ; an universal kind welcome, every 

* Smith's Hist. Pa. and Proud's Hist. 



LETTER TO COMPANY OF FREE TRADERS. 

sort in their way. Fcr hero are some of several nation., m w^Um .11, er, 
judgments: nor wore tho natives wantinjz; in thin; fur th«ir 
queens, and great men, both visited and pre»cnl«-d i...'- t.. »)...., ! ... , , 
suitable returns. 

"For the province, the general condition of it Ihk- ;m i u - . 

"1. The country itself, its soil, air, water, soasonw. and |.r i.i . . -h 
natural and artificial, are not to be despised. The land oni • 
sorts of earth, as sand, yellow and bhu-k, poor and ri.-h ; aU<. 
loamy and dusty ; and in some places a fast, fat earth, like Uiai of our b«l 
vales in England, especially by inland brooks and rivers : (iud in hi* wU- 
dom having ordered it so, that the advantages of the country are dirided ; 
the back lands being generally three to one richer than thow. that lie by 
navigable rivers. We have much of another soil, and that is a black 
hazel mould upon a stony or rocky bottom. 

"2. The air is sweet and clear, and the heavens serene, like the aooth 
parts of France, rarely overcast ; and as the woods come by numbera of 
people to be more cleared, that itself will refine. 

"3. The waters are generally good ; for the rivers and brooks have mo«tij 
gravel and stony bottoms, and in numbers hardly credible. We have 
also mineral waters, which operate in the same manner with tboM of 
Barnet and North Hall, not two miles from Philadelphia. 

"4. For the seasons of the year, having by God's goodness now lired 
over the coldest and hottest that the oldest liver in the province can re- 
member, I can say something to an English understanding. 

*' First of the fall, for then I came in. I found it from the twentT-f«»urth 
of October to the beginning of December, as we have it usually in Enj^- 
land in September, or rather like an English mild spring. From Docem- 
ber to the beginning of the month called March, we ha<l sharp, froaty 
weather ; not foul, thick, black weather, as our north-east winds bring 
with them in England, but a sky as clear as in the summer, and the air 
dry, cold, piercing, and hungry ; yet I remem])er not that I wore more 
clothes than in England. The reason of this cold is given from the great 
lakes, which are fed by the fountains of Canada. The winter before waj 
as mild, scarce any ice at all, while this for a few days froze up our great 
river Delaware. From that month to the month called June, wo ei^oyed a 
sweet spring ; no gusts, but gentle showers and a fine sky. Yet this I 
ol>serve, that the winds here, as there, are more inconstant, spring and 
fall, upon that turn of nature, than in summer or winter. From thenc* 
to this present month, August, which endeth the summer, commonly 
speaking, we have had extraordinary heats, yet mitigated sometimes by 
cool breezes. The wind that ruleth the summer season is the south-west ; 
but spring, fiill, and winter, it is rare to want the north-western seven 
days together. And Avhatever mists, fogs, or vapours foul the heavens by 
easterly or southerly winds, in two hours time are ])lown away: the one is 
followed by the other; a remedy that seems to have a peculiar providence 



240 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



in it to the inhabitants, the multitude of trees yet standing being liable to 
retain mists and vapours, and yet not one quarter so thick as I expected. 

"5. The natural produce of the country, of vegetables, is trees, fruits, 
plants, flowers. The trees of most note are the black vralnut, cedar, 
cypress, chestnut, poplar, gum-wood, hickory, sassafras, ash, beech, and 
oak of divers sort, as red, white, and black ; Spanish chestnut, and 
swamp, the most durable of all ; of all which there is plenty for the use 
of man. 

" The fruits I find in the woods are the white and black mulberry, 
chestnut, walnut, plums, strawberries, cranben-ies, hurtleberries, and 
grapes of divers sorts. The great red grape, now ripe, called by igno- 
rance the fox-grape, because of the relish it hath with unskilful palates, 
is in itself an extraordinary grape ; and by art, doubtless, may be culti- 
vated to an excellent wine, if not so sweet, yet little inferior to the Fron- 
tiniac, as it is not much unlike it in taste, ruddiness set aside; which, in 
such things, as well as mankind, differs the case much. There is a white 
kind of muscadel, and a little black grape, like the cluster grape of Eng- 
land, not yet so ripe as the other ; but, they tell me, when ripe, sweeter, 
and that they only want skilful vinerons to make good use of them. I 
intend to venture on it with my Frenchman this season, who shows some 
knowledge in those things. Here are also peaches very good, and in 
great quantities, not an Indian plantation without them ; but whether 
naturally here at first I know not. However, one may have them by 
bushels for little. They make a pleasant drink, and I think not inferior 
to any peach you have in England, except the true Newington. It is 
disputable with me, whether it be best to fall to fining the fruits of the 
country, especially the grape, by the care and skill of art, or send for 
foreign stems and sets already good and approved. It seems most rea- 
sonable to believe, that not only a thing groweth best where it naturally 
grows, but will hardly be equalled by another species of the same kind, 
that doth not naturally grow there. But to solve the doubt, I intend, if 
God give me life, to try both, and hope the consequence will be as good 
wine as any European countries of the same latitude do yield. 

" 6. The artificial produce of the country is wheat, barley,* oats, rye, 
peas, beans, squashes, pumkins, water melons, musk-melons, and all 
herbs and roots that our gardens in England usually bring forth. 

"7. Of living creatures, fish, fowl, and the beasts of the wood, here are 
divers sorts, some for food and profit, and some for profit only : for fe'- '' 
as well as profit, the elk, as big as a small ox ; deer, bigger than ours ; 
beaver, raccoon, rabbits, squirrels ; and some eat young bear and com- 
mend it. Of fowl of the land there is the turkey, (forty and fifty pounds 
weight,) which is very great, pheasants, heath-birds, pigeons, and par- 

* Edward Jones had for one grain of English barley seventy stalks and 
ears of barley ; and it is common for one bushel sown to reap forty, often 
fifty, and sometimes sixty. Three pecks of wheat sow an acre here. 



LETTER TO COMPANY OF FREE TRADERS. 211 

tridges in abundance. Of the water, the swan, roow. (white and Kr«T ) 
brands, ducks, teal, also the snipe and curloe, and that in Rr««t numb*^ • 
but the duck and teal excel, nor so good have I ever eau.n in other coqd! 
tries. Of lish there is the sturgeon, herring, rock, shad, caiVheiMl, the^V 
head, eel, smelt, perch, roach; and in inland rivers tnmt, ii«>m« naj mimon 
above the Falls. Of shell-tish, we have oystern, cral.t., r.H'kl*>^ ooodw, 
and muscles; some oysters six inches lonjr, and one sort of anVU^ m Ut 
as the stewing oysters: thoy make a rich broth. The croaturmi for pro6l 
onlj' by skin or fur, and which are natural to these part**, are ih« wiW 
cat, panther, otter, wolf, fox, tisher, minx, musk-rat; and of the wat^. 
the whale for oil, of which we have a giK)d store ; and two companie* of 
whalers, whose boats are built, will soon begin tlieir work, which haih 
the appearance of considerable improvement; to say nothing of our rea. 
sonable hopes of good cod in the bay. 

"8. We have no want of horses, and some are very good and Rhapolj 
enough. Two ships have been freighted to Barbadoes, with hornca and 
pipe-staves, since my coming in. Here is also plenty of cow-cat t!.- i.ti.i 
some sheep. The people plough mostly with oxen. 

" 9. There are divers plants, which not only the Indians t»dl w. lut ww 
have had occasion to prove, by swellings, Ijurnings, and cuts, that th^y 
are of great virtue, suddenly curing the patient ; and for smell, 1 hare 
observed several, especially one, the wild myrtlr*, the other I know not 
what to call, but they are most fragrant. 

"10. The woods are adorned with lovely flowers for colour, grmtncaa, 
figure, and variety. I have seen the gardens of London best stored with 
that sort of beauty, but think they may be improved by our vntodn. I 
have sent a few to a person of quality this year for a trial. Thus much 
of the country: next, of the natives or aborigines. 

"11. The natives I shall consider in their persons, language, manners, 
religion, and government, with my sense of their original. For their per- 
sons, they are generally tall, straight, well built, and of singular proper^ 
tion ; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin. 
Of complexion black, but by design, as the gipsies in England. Thoj 
grease themselves with bear's fat clarified ; and using no defence against 
sun and weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Thoir eye is litllo 
and black, not unlike a straight-looked Jew. The thick lip and flat nose, 
Ro frequent with the East Indians and blacks, are not common to them ; 
for I have seen as comely European-like faces among them, of both soxea, 
as on your side the sea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not much 
more of the white; and the noses of several of them have as much of Uie 
Roman. 

" 12. Their language is lofty, yet narrow; but, like the H.d.rew in ftigni 
fication, full. Like short-hand in writing, one word serveth in the plac« 
of three, and the rest are supplied by the understan.ling of the hearer, 
imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adv^'jU, 

'^ .r 16 



i:42 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



conjunctions, interjections. I have made it my business to understand 
it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion ; and I must say 
that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath words of more 
sweetness or greatness, in accent and emphasis, than theirs: for instance, 
Octocockon, Rancocas, Oricton, Shak, Marian, Poquesian, all which are 
names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, 
anna is mother ; issimus, a brother ; neteap, friend ; usqueoret, very good ; 
payie, bread ; metsa, eat ; matia, no ; haita, to have ; pai/o, to come ; Sepas- 
sju, Passijon, the names of places; Tamane, Secane, Menanse, Secatareus, 
are the names of persons. If one ask them for any thing they have not, 
they will answer, matta ne haita, which, to translate, is, ' Not I have,' 
instead of, ' I have not.' 

"13. Of their customs and manners there is much to be said. I will 
begin with the children. So soon as they are born they wash them in 
water, and while very young, and in cold weather to choose, they plunge 
them in the rivers to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them 
in a clout, they lay them on a strait thin board a little more than the 
length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the board to 
make it straight ; wherefore all Indians have flat heads ; and thus they 
carry them at their backs. The children will go very young, at nine 
months commonly. They wear only a small clout round their waist till 
they are big. If boys, they go a-fishing till ripe for the woods, which is 
about fifteen. Then they hunt; and, having given some proofs of their 
manhood by a good return of skins, they may marry ; else it is a shame 
to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help to hoe 
the ground, plant corn, and carry burthens ; and they do well to use 
I hem to that, while young, which they must do when they are old ; for 
the wives are the true servants of the husbands : otherwise the men are 
very affectionate to them. 

"14. When the young women are fit for marriage, they wear some- 
thing upon their heads for an advertisement, but so as their faces are 
hardly to be seen but when they please. The age they marry at, if 
women, is about thirteen and fourteen ; if men, seventeen and eighteen. 
They are rarely older. 

"15. Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles in the fashion 
of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for they are hardly 
higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. In travel they lodge in 
the Avoods about a great fire, with the mantle of duffils they wear by day 
wrapt about them, and a few boughs stuck round them. 

"Id. Their diet is maize or Indian corn divers ways prepared, some- 
times roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, which 
they call homine. They also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They 
have likewise several sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment : 
and the woods and rivers are their larder. 

" 17. If any European comes to see them, or calls for lodgings at their 



LETTER TO COMPANY OF FKKK TRADKR?. 24% 

-.use or wigwam, thej give him tl... l,ost place and fin.t rnt. If ih*.y 
come to visit us, they salute us with an Hah, which \n iw much m to mj 
'Good be to you!' and set them duwn, which is montlr on th*. grmin'dl 
close to their heels, their legs upright: it may be they wponk not % wrml. 
but observe all passages. If you give them any thing to n\t or drink*. 
well, for they will not ask ; and, be it littlo or much, if it l,o with kin-C 
ness, they are well pleased: else they go away sullen, but wit n • 

"18. They are great concealers of their f»\vn rosentincntM. brou- 
I believe, by the revenge that hath been practise<l among thom. In oithor 
of these they are not exceeded l»y tho Italians. A trngical instance frll 
out since I came into the country. A king's daughter, thinking; herwif 
slighted by her husband in suffering another woman to lie down hHwwn 
them, rose up, went out, plucked a root out of the ground. an«l ato it, upon 
which she immediately died; and for whicli, last week, he ma-ie an offer- 
ing to her kindred for atonement and lilterty of marriage, a.^ two othom 
did to the kindred of their wives who died a natural death : for till widow- 
ers have done so, they must not marry again. S<»me of the young women 
are said to take undue liberty before marriage for a portion ; but when 
married, chaste. * * * 

"19. But in liberality they excel. Nothing is too good for their friend. 
Give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass twenty hands bo- 
fore it sticks: light of heart, strong affections, but soon sjK'nt : the mp^t 
merry creatures that live: they feast and dance perpetually ; they never 
have much, nor want much. Wealth circulateth like the blood. All 
parts partake ; and though none shall want what another hath, yet exai-t 
observers of property. Some kings have sold, others presente<i mo with 
several parcels of land. The pay or presents I made them were not 
hoarded by the particular owners ; but the neighlx)uring kings and their 
clans being present when the goods were brought out, the panies chiefly 
concerned consulted what, and to whom they should give them. To every 
king, then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed, is a pro- 
portion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that gravity whii-h is tu\m\- 
rable. Then that king subdivided it in like manner among his dep.'nd- 
ants, they hardly leaving themselves an equal share with «.ne of their 
subjects ; and be it on such occasions as festivals, or at their common 
meals, the kings distribute, and to themselves last. They care for littlo. 
because they want but little: and the reason is. a little contents them. In 
this they are sufficiently revenged on us. If they are ignorant of our 
pleasures, they are also free from our pains. Thi-y are not disquietea 
with bills of lading and exchange, nor perplexed with chancery suits and 
exchequer reckonings. We sweat and toil to live. Their pleasure feedi 
them; I mean their hunting, fishing, and fowling, and this table ,s spread 
everywhere. They eat twice a day, morning and evening. Their te^t^ 
and table are the ground. Since the Europeans came into the^ pans. 
they are grown great lovers of strong liquors, rum especially ; and lor it 



244 LIFE OF WILLIAiM PENN. 



exchange the richest of their skins and furs. If thej are heated with 
liquor, they are restless till they have enough to sleep. That is their cry, 
* Some more, and I will go to sleep ;' but, when drunk, one of the most 
wretched spectacles in the world. 

" 20. In sickness, impatient to be cured, and for it give any thing, espe- 
cially for their children, to whom they are extremely natural. They drink 
at those times a teran, or decoction of some roots in spring water; and if 
they eat any flesh, it must be of the female of any creature. If they die, 
they bury them with their apparel, be they man or woman, and the near- 
est of kin fling in something precious with them, as a token of their love ; 
their mourning is blacking of their faces, which they continue for a year. 
They are choice of the graves of their dead : lest they should be lost by 
time, and fall to common use, they pick off the grass that grows upon 
them, and heap up the fallen earth with great care and exactness. 

"21. These poor people are under a dark night in things relating to 
religion, to be sure the tradition of it : yet they believe a God and immor- 
tality, without the help of metaphysics : for they say there is a great 
King, that made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward 
of them ; and that the souls of the good shall go thither, where they shall 
live again. Their Avorship consists of two parts, sacrifice and cantico. 
Their sacrifice is their first fruits. The first and fattest buck they kill 
goeth to the fire, where he is all burnt, with a mournful ditty of him who 
performeth the ceremony, but with such marvellous fervency and labour of 
body, that he will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their cantico, per- 
formed by round dances, sometimes words, sometimes songs, then shouts ; 
two being in the middle who begin, and by singing and drumming on a 
board, direct the chorus. Their postures in the dance are very antic and 
differing, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnestness and 
labour, but great appearance of joy. In the fall, when the corn cometh 
in, they begin to feast one another. There have been two great festivals 
already, to which come all that will. I was at one myself. Their enter- 
tainment was a great seat by a spring under some shady trees, and twenty 
bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and beans, which they 
make up in a square form, in the leaves of the stem, and bake them in 
the ashes, and after that they fall to dance. But they who go must carry 
a small present in their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made of the 
bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold ; the white silver ; they 
call it wampum.. 

"22. Their government is by kings, which they call sachama, and those 
by succession ; but always of the mother's side. For instance, the chil- 
dren of him who is now king will not succeed, but his brother by the 
mother, or the children of his sister, whose sons (and after them the chil- 
dren of her daughters) will reign, for no woman inherits. The reason they 
render for this way of descent is, that their issue may not be spurious. 

•* 23. Every king hath his council ; and that consists of all the old and 



LETTER TO COMPANY OF FUF.K UlADKn.. •; r 

wise men of his nation, -which perhaps is two huihlr.-,! ^,u\,. \ 
of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, soiling .,f lun.I. or 
without advising with them, and, which is moro, with tl.r vn., 
It is admirable to consider how powerful the kings arr. un.i . 
move by the breath of their people. I have had ..cca.Mi,'.n U. U in .v..mc.l 
with them upon treaties for land, and to adjust the tcrmn of trndc. THr ir 
order is thus : The king sits in the middle of an half-moon, and Km bit 
council, the old and wise, on each hand. Behind thcni, or at a Utile di». 
tance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. Having con»ult<Hl ai>d nv 
solved their business, the king ordered one of them to 8j)oak to mc. II« 
stood up, came to me, and in the name of the king salutod mo, then trw»k 
me by the hand, and told me that he was ordered by his king U) nj^nk to 
me, and that noAV it was not he but the king who spuke, bccau!«e what he 
should say was the king's mind. He first prayed me to cxcu.ie thoni. that 
they had not complied with me the last time. He feared there might U 
some fault in the interpreter, being neither Indian nor English. Beside*. 
it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council 
before they resolved ; and that, if the young people and owners of the land 
had been as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay. Having tlniH 
jitroduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land thoy had ngrin-*! t.» 
iispose of, and the price; w^hich now is little and doar, that which wnuM 
have bought twenty miles not buying now two. During the time that this 
person spoke, not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile — the 
old grave, the young reverent, in their deportment. They speak little, but 
fervently, and with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, 
considering them without the help (I was going to say the sjMjil) of tradi- 
tion: and he will deserve the name of wise who outwits them in any treaty 
about a thing they understand. "When the purchase was agreed, great 
promises passed between us of kindness and good neighbourho«jd, and that 
the English and Indians must live in love as long as the sun gave light : 
which done, another made a speech to the Indians, in the name of all the 
sachamakers or kings ; first, to tell them what was done ; next, to charge 
and command them to love the Christians, and particularly to live in i>caco 
with mc and the people under my government ; that many governors hail 
been in the river ; but that no governor had come himself to live and slay 
here before: and having now such an one, who had treated theuj wrll, 
they should never do him or his any wrong; at every sentence of which 
they shouted, and said Amen in their way. 

•• 24. The justice the^y have is pecuniary. In ease ».f any wrong or evii 
fact, be it murder itself, they atone by feasts and presents of tlieir wam- 
pum, which is proportioned to the quality of the offence or person iu- 
iured, or of the sex they are of. For, in case they kill a woman, they p.ny 
double; and the reason they render is, .'that she breedeth children, which 
m'^n cannot do/ It is rare that they fall out if sober; and if dri«nk they 
forir-vo, sa--in;i, 'It was the drink, and not the man. th:it al ti«-d th m ' 



246 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



"25. We have agreed, that in all differences between us, six of each 
side shall end the matter. Do not abuse them, but Ic^- them have justice, 
arid you win them. The worst is, that they are the worse for the Chris- 
tians, who have propagated their vices, and yielded them tradition for ill 
and not for good things. But as low an ebb as these people are at, and 
as inglorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived 
their sight with all their pretensions to an higher manifestation. What 
good then might not a good people graft, where there is so distinct a know- 
ledge left between good and evil ? I beseech God to incline the hearts of all 
that come into these parts to outlive the knowledge of the natives by a fixt 
obedience to their greater knowledge of the will of God ; for it were miser- 
able indeed for us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indian con- 
science, while we make profession of things so far transcending. 

*' 26. For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race, 
I mean of the stock of the ten tribes, and that for the following reasons : 
first, they were to go to a land not planted nor known, which to be sure 
Asia and Africa were, if not Europe ; and He who intended that extraor- 
dinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy to them, 
as it is not impossible in itself, from the easternmost parts of Asia to the 
westernmost of America."'^ In the next place, I find them of the like coun- 
tenance, and their children of so lively resemblance, that a man would 
think himself in Duke's Place or Berry Street, in London, when he seeth 
them. But this is not all : they agree in rites ; they reckon by moons ; 
they offer their first fruits ; they have a kind of feast of tabernacles ; they 
are said to lay their altar upon twelve stones ; their mourning a year ; cus- 
toms of women ; with many other things that do not now occur. So much 
for the natives. Next, the old planters will be considered in this relation, 
before I come to our colony and the concerns of it. 

"27. The first planters in these parts were the Dutch, and soon after 
them the Swedes and Finns. The Dutch applied themselves to trafiic, the 
Swedes and Finns to husbandry. There were some disputes between them 
for some years ; the Dutch looking upon them as intruders upon their 
purchase and possession, which was finally ended in the surrender made 
l)y John Rizeing, the Swedish governor, to Peter Stuyvesant, governor 
for the States of Holland, anno 1G55. 

"28. The Dutch inhabit mostly those parts of the province that lie upon 
or near the bay, and the Swedes the freshes of the river Delaware. 
There is no need of giving any description of them, who are better kno\\n 
there than here ; but they are a plain, strong, industrious people, yet have 
made no great progress in culture, or propagation of fruit-trees; as if Ihey 
desired rather to have enough than plenty or traffic. But I presume the 
Indians made them the more careless by furnishing them with the means 
of profit, to wit, skins and furs for rum and such strong liquors. They 

* This bold conjecture, though thought ridiculous at the time, has since 
Icon verified by the discoveries of Captain Cook and later navigators. 



LETTER TO COMPANY OF FREE TRADKK^. •>!? 

kindly received me as well as the English, ntIio wore few l^ef^.r^ ih. r-„j.i. 
concerned with me came among them. I muHt n^n cnmmcnd xMr 
respect to aathority, and kind behaviour to the KnjrliHh. Th<»t • 
degenerate from the old friendship between Ix.th kinplnm*. A« • 
people proper and strong of body, so thoy have lino cliildrfn. an<l 
every house full : rare to iind one of them witliout three .,r f.-ur »- 
as many girls; some six, seven, and eight sons. And I must do them thm 
right, I see few young men more sober and laborious. 

" 29. The Dutch have a meeting-place for religious womhip at Neww 
;astle; and the Swedes three ; one at Christina, one at Tenooum, aod ufM 
at Wicoco, -within half a mile of this town. 

" 30. There rests that I speak of the condition we are in, and what i>M- 
tlement we have made ; in which I will be as short as I can ; fi>r I fear, 
and not without reason, that I have tried your patiem-e with thin long 
story. The country lieth bounded on the east by the river and fxiT »f 
Delaware and Eastern Sea. It hath the advantage of many crwks, »»r 
rivers rather, that run into the main river or bay, some navipible fur p^mt 
ships, some for small craft. Those of most eminency are Christina, Br»n- 
dywine, Skilpot, and Sculkil, any one of which has room to lay up the 
royal navy of England, there being from four to eight fathom water. 

"31. The lesser creeks or rivers, yet convenient for shmps and ketrhe« 
of good burthen, are Lewis, Mespillion, Cedar, Dover, Cranbr<M)k. F<'ver- 
sham, and Georges below; and Chichester, Chester, Toacawny, Pamma- 
pecka, Portquessin, Neshimenck, and Pennberry in the freshes : many 
lesser, that admit boats and shallops. Our people are mostly settled up«»n 
the upper rivers, which are pleasant and sweet, and generally ln)un«le<l 
with good land. The planted part of the province and territories i« i-Mt 
into six counties : Philadelphia, Buckingham, Chester, Xcwca>»tle, Kent, 
and Sussex, containing about four thousand souls. Two general a.««»eni- 
blies have been held, and with such concord and despatch that they nat 
but three weeks, and at least seventy laws were passed without one diajM^nt 
in any material thing. But of this more hereafter, being yet raw and new 
in our gear. However, I cannot forget their singular respect to me in thin 
inftmcy of things, who, by their own private expenses, so ejirly c«n»ider*Nl 
mine for the public, as to present me with an impost upn certain p«hU 
imported and exported, which, after my acknowledgment of their aff.-c- 
tion, I did as freely remit to the province and the traders to it. And for 
the well-government of the said counties, courts of justice are e«tablii.he.i 
in every county, with proper officers, as justices, sheriffs, clerks, consta- 
bles ; which courts are held every two months. But, to prevent lawfuit.^ 
there are three peacemakers chosen by every county court, in the nature 
of common arbitrators, to hear and end differences l)etweon man and man. 
And spring and fall there is an orphans' court in each county, to in»p«rt 
and regulate the affairs of orphans and widows. 

"32. Philadelphia: the expectation of those who are concerned »a thii 



248 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



province is at last laid out, to the great content of those here who are any 
ways interested therein. The situation is a neck of land, and lieth between 
two navigable rivers, Delaware and Sculkill, whereby it hath two fronta 
upon the water, each a mile, and two from river to river. Delaware is a 
glorious river ; but the Sculkill, being an hundred miles boatable above 
the falls, and its course north-east toward the fountain of Susquehannah, 
(that tends to the heart of the province, and both sides our own,) it is like 
to be a great part of the settlement of this age. I say little of the town 
itself, because a platform will be shown you by my agent, in which thosio 
who are purchasers of me, will hnd their names and interests. But this I 
will say, for the good providence of God, that of all the many places I have 
seen in the world, I remember not one better seated ; so that it seems to me 
to have been appointed for a town, whether we regard the rivers, or the 
conveniency of the coves, docks, and springs, the loftiness and soundness 
of the land, and the air, held by the people of those parts to be very good. 
It is advanced within less than a year, to about fourscore houses and cot- 
tages, such as they are, where merchants and handicrafts are following 
their vocations as fast as they can ; while the countrymen are close at their 
farms. Some of them got a little winter corn in the ground last season ; 
and the generality have had a handsome summer-crop, and are preparing 
for their winter corn. They reaped their barley this year, in the month 
called May, the wheat in the month following ; so that there is time in 
these parts for another crop of divers things before the winter season. 
We are daily in hopes of shipping to aiid to our number ; for, blessed be 
God! here is both room and accommodation for them: the stories of our 
necessity being either the fear of our friends, or the scarecrows of om- 
enemies ; for the greatest hardship we have sufiered hath been salt meat, 
which, by fowl in winter and fish in summer, together with some poultry, 
lamb, mutton, veal, and plenty of venison, the best part of the year, hath 
been made very passable. I bless God I am fully satisfied with the coun- 
try and entertainment I got in it ; for I find that particular content, which 
hath always attended me, where God in his providence hath made it my 
place and service to reside. You cannot imagine my station can be at 
present free of more than ordinary business ; and, as such, I may say it 
is a troublesome work. But the method things are putting in will facili- 
tate the charge, and give an easier motion to the administration of afiairs. 
However, as it is some men's duty to plough, some to sow, some to water, 
and some to reap, so it is the wisdom as well as the duty of a man to yield 
to the mind of providence, and cheerfully as well as carefully embrace 
and follow the guidance of it. 

"33. For your particular concern I might entirely refer you to the let- 
ters of the president of the society ; but this I will venture to say, your 
provincial settlement, both within and without the town, for situation and 
soil, are without exception. Your city lot is a whole street, and one side 
^f a stTP^t, from river to river, containing near one hundred acre? not 



LETTER TO COMPANY OF FRKK TRAI.jr^ 'l^ 



easily valued; which is, besides your tour hundmi a.r.-^ „, „.- •,. 
liberties, part of your twenty thousand ooroH in the cnunlry. Your \*. ■ 
nery hath plenty of bark. The saw-mill for timWr nnd' tl 
the glass-house are so conveniently jmstod for \vat«'r-carrift;»»- 
for a dock, and the whalery for a souii.l and fniitful bank, n 
Lewis by it to help your people, that by (tnd's blc!*f«inj» thf .i" 
society will naturally grow in their reputation and profit. I am •an* I 
have not turned my back upon any offer that tended to itii prfM{)rnM . 
and though I am ill at projects, I have sometimes put in for a nlmr^ with 
her officers to countenance and advance her interest. You am n' 
informed what is fit for you further to do. Whatsoever tendu to tl. 
motion of wine and to the manufacture of linen in thene part*. I rAiin..t 
but wish you to promote ; and the French pe<»plc aro mo«i likrly in U.th 
respects to answer that design. To th;it end I would odvinc yoa U> i»«»nd 
for some thousands of plants out of France, with some able vincrx^n*. 
and people of the other vocation. But because I believe you hare been 
entertained with this and some other profitable subject.^ by yonr pr< ' ' 
Nicholas Moore, 1 shall add no more, but to assure you that I am I; 
inclined to advance your just iuterc.><t, and that you will alwayn fiuJ luc 

your kind and cordial friend, 

"WlMdAM PKXX.* 

"Phila. 16th of Gth month, (August,) 1683." 



CHAPTER XVllI. 

Lord Baltimi»re's denian«I— His aggrt^ssive measure— History of the mn- 
trovcrsy with him— Karly settlements on the H.daware by iho Dutrh 
and Swedes— William P.>nn's letter to Duke of Y'ork—Xegt.tiation with 
New Jersey— William Penn's letter to Friends in Pu.— Sufferinu-* "f 
Friends in Englan.l— lleasons for Williani P.'un's return th.T. 
missions the Provincial Council to act in his stead— Coini. 
iudges— Population of Pa. and Inlinn tril)es— Letter from S. Cn^p— 
Letter of William Peon to inha])itants of Pa.-His arrival in Kn.'lxnd 
—Letter to J. Harrison— Fragment of his autobiography. 

1084. 
The controversy Avith Lord Baltimore concerning boundaries 
was the greatest, if not the only, source of disfiuictude to ^^ll- 
liam Penn, during the first two years of l>is administration. To 
* Proud's Hist Pa. i. 2o. 



250 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



obtain an amicable adjustment of the matter in dispute, He bad 
made two efforts, which being unsuccessful, there was no alter- 
native but to refer the whole subject to the legal tribunals in 
England. In the mean time, Lord Baltimore sent an agent to 
make a formal demand of all the country south of the fortieth 
degree of north latitude, .both in the province of Pennsylvania 
and the territories annexed; and this not being acceded to, a 
party from Maryland, under the command of Col. George Tal- 
bott, in the spring of 1684, came and made forcibly entry on 
several plantations in the lower counties. Upon this, the go- 
vernor and council at Philadelphia sent a copy of Penn's answer 
to Lord Baltimore's demand, showing the grounds of their re- 
fusal, and at the same time took legal measures to reinstate 
the persons who had been dispossessed, and, if necessary, to 
have the invaders prosecuted according to law. 

This controversy embraced interests of great importance to 
William Penn, and as he has been unjustly censured, by some 
writers, for the course he pursued, it appears requisite to examine 
the grounds of his claim, and that of Lord Baltimore, to the ter- 
ritory in dispute. It has been stated in a preceding chapter, 
that on Penn's application to the king for the grant of his 
province, the agents of Lord Baltimore and of the Duke of 
York, proprietaries of the adjoining territories, were consulted, 
and great care was taken to prevent any encroachment on their 
domains. 

The patent for Maryland, called for the fortieth degree of 
north latitude for its northern boundary, which is described 
as lying on the Bay of Delaware^ but owing to the imperfec- 
tion of instruments, or the unskilfulness of those who took the 
observations, there was an error in the latitude assigned to the 
boundaries of all the colonies, from North Carolina to Connec- 
ticut. This error was not discovered till after the date of Penn's 
patent, but it appears from a letter of Sir John Werden, agent 
of the Duke of York, that very little reliance was placed on the 
latitude,* and twelve miles north of New Castle was named in the 
charter as the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, which was 
* Hazard's Annals, 



CONrilOVERSY WITH LORD BALTIMORK. 



^ I 



supposed to be in the beginning of the fortieth .h-jr. . 
latitude. 

It was intended that Lord Baltimore's patent ^ho^la r, 

two degrees of latitude, and at that time a degree wa.n ^ - 

puted at sixty miles. It was also intended that Penn'a bound.- 
ries should include three degrees of latitude, a« expre»»e<l in 
the charter, from " the beginning of tlie fortietli to the btyinntnfi 
of the forty-third degree." But the northern boundary of 
Pennsylvania is under the forty-second d<'gree, wluch app<-ar« 
to have been considered equivalent to the beginning of the 
forty-third ; and in order to include three degrees, the southern 
boundary must have been at the end of the thirty-ninth or U- 
ginning of the fortieth degree of north latitude. 

There were no correct maps of the British territorie* in 
America at the time these charters were granted. The bounda- 
ries of Maryland appear to have been founded on Smith's map 
contained in his history of Virginia. " In that map the latitude 
of forty degrees north appears near where the division line be- 
tween the provinces was eventually settled,"* which gave to 
Penn a considerable part of what he claimed on tlie south, bul 
did not allow him the three degrees intended to he granted. 

The colony of Maryland was founded in 1034. 

The royal patent to Lord Baltimore, dated in 1032, containe<l 
a restriction of the grant, to lands not planted or in po8$fsti"n 
ofang Christian people. Previous to this Jatey the Dutch, under 
Cornelius May, had sailed up the Delaware and asserted a claim 
to its western shore. They planted a colony in 1023 at Fort 
Nassau, where Timber Creek enters the Delaware, a few milea 
from the mouth of the Schuylkill ; and in 1031, they made an- 
other settlement on Lewis Creek, near Cape Ilenlopen. They 
made two purchases of land from the natives, one of which ex- 
tended from Cape Ilenlopen to the mouth of the river Delaware. 

In 1638, a colony of Swedes arrived under Governor Minuii, 
and erected a fort at the mouth of the Mincpias River, now ealletl 
the Christeen. The Dutch governor of the New Netherlands 
[now New York] protested against this settlement, aa an en- 

* Life of Peun. Fricn<ls' Library, cli!«i». xxii. 



252 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



croachment on the rights of the Dutch West India Company, 
but he took no effectual measures to resist it. In 1643, the 
Swedish government sent two ships of war and an armed trans- 
port with emigrants, under the command of John Printz, who 
was appointed governor of the colony, with instructions to 
assert, by force of arms, the Swedish claim to the whole western 
shore of the Delaware River and Bay. The Swedes built three 
forts, all below the Dutch fort Nassau. 

After some years of altercation between the rival colonists, 
Peter Stuy vesant, the Dutch governor of the New Netherlands, 
appeared, in 1655, with a naval force before Fort Christiana, 
and obliged the Swedes to capitulate, which put an end to their 
dominion on the Delaware. The Dutch retained possession 
until 1664, when the New Netherlands being conquered by the 
English, they also took possession of the Dutch settlements on 
the Delaware River and Bay.* This territory was granted by 
Charles II. to his brother, the Duke of York, and never was 
in possession of Lord Baltimore ; who had indeed claimed it of 
the Dutch, but they resisted his claim, and he did not assert 
any title to it during eighteen years — or from the time it was 
conquered by the English, until it was granted to William Penn 
by the king and the Duke of York. 

In his answer to Lord Baltimore's demand, Penn very justly 
observes, " If the Lord Baltimore's patent were title good 
enough for what was another's before, and which he never en- 
joyed since, Connecticut colony might put in for New York as 
reasonably as the Lord Baltimore can for Delaware, their 
patent having that part of the Dutch territories within its 
bounds, on the same mistake." In conclusion he says, " I 
must take leave to refer the Lord Baltimore to his royal high- 
ness, who is a prince, doubtless, of too much honour to keep 
any man's right, and of too much resolution to deliver up his 
own ; whose example I am resolved to follow." 

When we consider that the claim set up by Lord Baltimore, if 

successful, would have taken all the lands on the western side 

of the Delaware, from the city of Philadelphia to the capes, 

* Original settlements on the Delaware, by B. Ferris ; Bancroft, U. S. ii. 280. 



LETTER TO TllK Dl KK OF YOhK. 268 

that it would have given to Mar;\ land the command of DeUwar. 
Bay, and would have deprived IVnn of several vo\uaW.. m»- 
ports; wc cannot be surprised tliat he sliould r. - 
firmness; convinced as he was, that it was not foui, 
tice. The mildness of his measures, and the courte«y of hii 
defence, stand out in bold relief when contrasted with the pro- 
ceedings of his antagonist. 

A letter he wrote to the Duke of York, throws further light 
upon the subject : 

"Great Prince: — It is some security to mo. and an happiiM*^ I mn»t 
own and honour, that in these my humble and plain ad(lr*»»xr<. I hare to 
do with a prince of so great justice and resolution : one that will not b« 
baffled by crafts nor blinded by affection ; and such a prinro, with hu- 
mility be it spoken, becometh the just cause I have to lay l>cf<>re him. 

" Since my last, by which I gave the duke to understand that the I>«rJ 
Baltimore had sent agents to offer terms to the people, to draw them 
from their obedience of this government, where his royal hi;^hneM bad 
placed them, and that without having any special order fur the name, it 
hath pleased that lord to commissionate Colonel George Tulbot to come, 
ivith armed men, within five miles of New Castle town, there upon a spot 
of ground belonging to one Ogle, that came with Captain Carr, to reduce 
that place by force, erected a fort of the bodies of trees, raised a breaal- 
work, and palisaded the same, and settled armed men therein. The 
president of that town and county, together with the sheriff and ditcre 
magistrates and inhabitants of the same, went to the said f<»rt. demanded 
of Colonel George Talbot the reason of such actions, being a warlike in- 
vasion of the right of his majesty's subjects, never in his pussoKMun. 
He answered them, after having bid them stand off, (presenting guns and 
muskets at their breasts,) that he had the Lord Baltimore's commiwion 
Uv what he did. The president being an old experienced man, adviwHl 
him to depart, and take heed how he ol)eyed such commands ae theiie 
were, since acting in such a way of hostility against the right of hie 
majesty's subjects not in rebellion, and not by his commission, might cort 
him and his lord dear in the issue. He still refused. up..n which proclap 
mations were made in the king's name, that they should d.-part. hut he. 
with some more, would not depart but in the name of I^.rd Baltimore, 
refusing to go in the king's name : and there the garrison is kept, the 
commander and soldiers threatening to fire upon and kill all 8uch aa 
shall endeavour to demolish the block-house, and say they have txittm 
commands so to do from that lord. 

" How far these practices will please the king or duke, .s not fit for 
me to say ; but if not mistaken. I shall be able to make evident by law, 
W 



^54 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



he hath almost cancelled his allegiance to the king herein, and exposed 
himself to his mercy for all he hath in the world. 

" I hear he is gone for England, and was so just as to invite me, by a 
letter in March, delivered in the end of April, informing me that towards 
the end of March, he intended for England. This was contrived that he 
might get the start of me, that making an interest before I arrived, he 
might block up my way, and carry the point. But such arts will never 
do, where there is no matter to work upon, which I am abundantly satis- 
fied they will not, they cannot find in the duke, with whom I know he 
hath great reason to ingratiate his cause and malconduct, if he could. 

" I am following him as fast as I can, though Colonel Talbot, since his 
departure, threatened to turn such out by violence, as would not submit 
to him, and drive their stock for arrears : believing that the worse the 
better, I mean, the more illegal and disrespectful he and his agents are 
to his majesty and royal highness, and humble and patient I am, they 
will the more favour my so much abused interest. 

" I add no more, but to pray that a perfect stop be put to all his pro- 
ceedings till I come, who hope to show myself the king's dutiful, and 
(in reference to his American empire) not unuseful subject, as well as 
the duke's most faithful friend, to serve him to my power, 

" WILLIAM PENN.* 

''Philadelphia, the 8th of the 4th month, (June,) 1684." 

In the spring of this year Gov. Penn sent his friend, Robert 
Turner, on an embassy to New Jersey, in order to negotiate 
with the general assembly of that province, for the passage of 
laws to reclaim fugitives from justice, and to lay an impost on 
^' strong spirits and liquors." This method of raising a revenue, 
he says, "seemeth the most insensible of any to supply the 
wants of our governments, for the rich and the drunkard will 
be most concerned in it." A bill was prepared for such a law 
in Pennsylvania, but without similar legislation in the adjoin- 
ing province it would have been ineffectual. 

During this time, Penn was engaged, not only in administer- 
ing the civil affairs of the colony, but in assisting the Friends 
to improve their system of church government, and to organize 
their meetings for discipline.! 

The following letter, written this year, was addressed to the 
members of his own religious society in Pennsylvania, viz : 

* Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. i. 178. And Penn papers in possession of G. M. 
Justice. 

f Clarkson, 151. 



li:ttkk t(. tiik friends. 



"Dear Friends: * ^ * It is upon me. and i.,> . 

the God of truth and righteousness, to communicati* to^ynu a 

of counsel and advice. God hath brought u. hithor.'and w, aiJT^ 
among the hvmg. He hath a >york for us to do her*., ihou,fh th^ mmTi 
and envious will not believe us. 01 that wo mar Ik. faithful u> tU 
measure of grace received, that the evil-mindod nmv h* di^pjioiniM. 
Friends, keep in the sense of that which firHt visite*! vou and k^p* to^ 
and He that was with you to bless you in your native country, will U 
Avith you and bless you and yours, and make you a bl.-*.inK' to themtbal 
you are come among, who know him not, in this wild.TnwMi, aljio. TU 
earth is the Lord's, and his presence fills it, and his power upholds it, 
and it is a precious thing to enjoy and use it in the sense and fMtling of 
the same ; truly this honour have all the saints, to whom he will p?« it 
for a quiet habitation. Have a care of cumber, and the lore and cmr« of 
the world. It is the temptation that lieth nearest to thoee who mn f^ 
deemed from looseness, or not addicted to it. The nwHin. the figv* of 
the changeable world, is under the foot of the true woman, whoM aoed 
we ought to approve ourselves — God hath ordained it for a footstuol, and 
we must not make a throne of it, nor doth it become them who wek 
heavenly places in Christ Jesus. Show forth a blessed example, for the 
Lord's sake : and truly blessed is that man and woman who, in the in- 
visible power, rule their affections about the visible things, and who uim 
the world as true travellers and pilgrims, whose home is not hnn* lir'low ; 
such do not extort, grind, or oppress thoir neighbours in their dealing", 
but are content with moderate gain, looking to the blessing that follows; 
knowing right well, that they who overvalue and overcare, fall into dirers 
snares and sorrows, that hurt and pierce the sours peace. And in like 
manner, dear friends, have a care of looseness, for it bocomoth us to b« 
watchful, and to gird up the loins of our minds, and be soljor and hope 
to the end. Are we from under outward sufllV*rings and trials that we 
once knew, and that carry an humiliation witii them uik.u th.' spirit* of 
people? Let us be more circumspect, that we forget not the l^ord nor 
his tender mercies toward us I for he is God, and he can find us out, and 
trouble, and vex, and plague the disobedient and earelowi here, as well 
as in other lands. Be zealous therefore for the Lord, for 'he is a jealous 
God,' and especially over those that have Ijotrothcil themselves unto him 
by the profession of his holy truth ! yea, he will l)0 avenged of the hy- 
pocrite and rebellious, but the obedient he will bless, which my »oul 
prayeth you may be, that so I may never have an oeca-sion to exercise 
any other power than that of love and brotherly kindness. And. dear 
friends, remember who it was that said to his children and followers, 
' Ye are brethren,' and have a care of naturalness in the profession of 
the truth. To be without natural affection to one another in the truth, 
is a mark of apostasy ! Wherefore, love one another, and help, and 
assist, and comfort one another. This was the new and living command 



256 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



ment of our blessed Lord and Master, which, if you keep, then can you 
not fall out, backbite, slander, go to law, or hate one another, in the 
sight of the world, and that for the things that perish ! verily, if any do 
these things, the wrath of God will overtake them. 

" 0, friends, let us call to mind the day that hath dawned upon us, 
and what manner of persons we ought to be. 

" Besides, you know that the eyes of the inhabitants of the lands, and 
those of neighbouring countries, yea, the people of remote regions, are 
upon us and our doings : how we live, how we rule, and how we obey ; 
and joy would it be to some to see us halt, hear evil tidings of our pro- 
ceedings, as it would be a heavy and an unspeakable grief to those that 
wish well to our Zion. Friends, God requireth great watchfulness from 
you, especially elders and teachers in the church of Christ, that they watch 
over their own and other families, that whatever appears in any contrary 
to the testimony and mind of Truth, may be brought to judgment and 
disowned, thai the camp of the Lord may be kept clean of the uncircum- 
cised who resist the Spirit. 

" My friends, remember that the Lord hath brought you upon the 
stage, he hath now tried you with liberty, yea, and with power too ; he 
hath now put precious opportunities into your hands : have a care of a 
perverse spirit, and do not provoke the Lord by doing those things by 
which the inhabitants of the land grieved his Spirit, that were before 
you : but sanctify God, the living -God, in your hearts, that his blessings 
may fall and rest as the dew of heaven upon you and your offspring I 
then shall it be seen by the nations, that there is no enchantment against 
Jacob, nor divination against Israel, but your tents shall he goodly, and 
your dwellings glorious ; which is the daily humble supplication of my 
soul to my God and your God, and to my Father and your Father ; who 
am with unfeigned love, in that lasting relation, 

" Your tender, faithful friend and brother, WILLIAM PENN." 

While the colonists of Pennsylvania were busily and happily 
engaged in clearing their grounds, erecting their habitations 
and houses for worship, establishing meetings, and enjoying all 
the blessings of civil and religious liberty ; their sympathies 
were awakened by the sufferings of their brethren in Great 
Britain, who were subjected to the severest persecution. 

The laws against non-conformists continued to be enforced 
with rigour, persons who met peaceably for the performance of 
divine worship were prosecuted as rioters, their meetings were 
broken up by armed troops, and many hundreds of men and 
sy^omen, separated from their families, were confined in noisome 



rop.LATiox OF Tin: puoviNrK. 257 

prisons, where some hud romaincl f..r years, anU uthcn wm 
released only by deatli. 

The feelings of William Penn, always alive to the 8uffmnjr» 
of others, were deeply moved at hearinir those roportn. An th« 
Duke of York had always been his friend, and waa then sup. 
posed to have great influence with the kinp, he had reason to 
believe that his personal influence and exertions, mi|»ht be in- 
strumental to mitigate the sufl'erings of his friends. 

The controversy respecting the boundaries of Pennsylvtni* 
and Maryland was soon to be brounrht before *'the Lonls of 
the Committee of Trade and riantutions." Lord Baltimore 
had already gone over to urge his claim; it was, therefore, 
highly important that Penn should be present to protect his 
own interests and those of the province. In addition to these 
considerations, we may reasonably conclude, that his desire to 
join his family, from which he had now been separated nearlj 
two years, was not least among the motives that determined 
him to return to England. 

As the time of his departure drew nigh, there were many im- 
portant arrangements to be made, in order to secure the pros- 
perity of the colony during his absence ; these he proceeded to 
accomplish with his usual activity and diligence. One of the 
first was, to improve and secure the friendly intercourse, so 
happily begun, with the Indians. For this purpose, he had fre- 
quent conferences with them. It is stated by Oldmixon, a con- 
temporary historian, that "he laid out some thousands of pounds 
to instruct, support, and oblige them." "There are," he says, 
"ten Indian nations within the limits of his province, and the 
number of souls of these barbarians is computed at about six 
thousand. The number of inhabitants of Swedish or Dutch ex 
traction maybe about three thousand souls." He "made a 
league of amity with nineteen Indian nations, between them 
and all the English in America ; he established good laws, and 
saw his capital so well inhabited, that there were then near 300 
houses and 2500 souls in it, besides twenty other townships."' 

* Oldmixon, quoted by Proud, i. 287, and Clarkson.lol. 
W» 17 



258 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



The whole white population of his dominions, at this time, "was 
"about seven thousand."* 

Before he left the province, he was called upon to settle a 
question of some interest to the citizens of Philadelphia, in rela- 
tion to the front lots near the river Delaware. He had reserved 
the river bank for the common use of all, and to promote the 
health of the city. Those who owned lots adjoining this bank, 
claimed the right to build vaults or stores on it, opposite their 
property, but he decided that they had no more right to do so 
than those who held lots further back. They might build stairs 
or construct wharves at the termination of the streets, but the 
bank was intended for a common exchange or public walk. 

At this time the ketch Endeavour arrived from England with 
letters and passengers. She brought Penn a letter from his 
old friend, Stephen Crisp, from which the following extracts 
are taken, viz: 

" Dear William : — I have had a great exercise of spirit concerning 
thee, which none knows but the Lord ; for my spirit has been much 
bowed into thy concern, and difficulty of thy present circumstances ; and 
I have had a sense of the various spirits, and intricate cares, and multi- 
plicity of affairs, and these of various kinds, which daily attend thee, 
enough to drink up thy spirit, and tire thy soul ; and which, if it be not 
kept to the inexhaustible fountain, may be dried up. And this I must 
tell thee, which also thou knowest, that the highest capacity of natural 
wit and parts will not and cannot perform what thou hast to do, viz. to 
propagate and advance the interest and profit of the government and 
plantations, and at the same time to give the interest of truth, and testi- 
mony of the holy name of God, its due preference in all things : for to 
make the wilderness sing forth the praise of God, is a skill beyond the 
wisdom of this world. It is greatly in man's power to make a wilder- 
ness into fruitful fields, according to the common course of God's provi- 
dence, who gives wisdom and strength to be industrious ; but then, how 
he who is the Creator may have his due honour and service thereby, is 
(mly taught by his spirit, in them who singly wait upon him. 

" There is a wisdom in government that hath respect to its own pre- 
servation, by setting up what is profitable to it, and suppressing what 
may be a detriment ; and this is the image of the true wisdom ; but the 
nuhstance is the birth that is heavenly, which reigns in the Father's 
kingdom till all is subdued, and then gives it up to him whose it is. 

* Clarkson, 152. 



LETTER TO THOMAS LLOYD, ETC. 

There is a power on earth, that is of God. by which pnn.. . 
tice, thi^ is the image, and there is a power whi.-h in ho^vr, 
the Prince of Peace, the Lord of Lords, doth r.-i^n in an '. 

kingdom, and this is the substance By this p<,wor in i; ,; 

Avickedness in high phioes brought down ; 'ho that in the tn.o .|rl^.tr » 
this power, can do great things for (lod's elory, and shall hmre hi. r» 
ward, and shall be a judge of the tribos ; and whoiooror qIm pn-Umd to 
judgment, will seek themselves: beware of them; the Umm m«> m- 
rih)us."* ^ 

Governor Penn, having determined to embark in the En- 
deavor, commissioned the provincial council to act in his - ' 
of which Thomas Llojd was president, to whom he inn 
the keeping of the Great Seal. Nicholas Moore, Wm. Welch, 
Wm. Wood, Robt. Turner, and John Ecklv, were comrai}»«»ionM 
as provincial judges for two years; his cousin, Colonel Mark- 
ham was secretary, and James Harrison his steward had charge 
of his house and manor at Pennsbury. 

Having completed his arrangements, he embarked the 12th 
of the 6th month (August,) greatly to the regret of the whole 
country, for he had, by his uniform justice and kindne«k«», en- 
deared himself to all. From on board the vessel he wrote the 
following letter: 
" To Thomas Lloyd, J. Clatpole, J. Simcotk, C. Taylor, and J. Ilmti- 

sox, to be communicated in meetings in Pennsylvania and the t^rrit'V 

ries thereunto belonging, among Friends, 

" My love and my life is to you, and with you, and no water can quench 
it, nor distance wear it out, or bring it to an end. I have been with you, 
cared over you, and served you with unfeigned love ; and you arc bolovrd 
of me, and near to me beyond utterance. I ])loss you in the nam<» and 
power of the Lord, and may God bless you with his right»N.u)»n»^s5. yctic*\ 
and plenty, all the land over ! that you would eye him in all, thn>ugh 
all, and above all the labour of your hands, and let it be your first car« 
how you may glorify him in your undertakings ; for to a blessed end ar« 
you brought hither ; and if you sec and keep but in the senw of that 
providence, your coming, staying, and improving, will be sanctified: but 
if any forget him, and call not upon his name in tri^h, ho will pour out 
his plagues upon them, and they shall know who it is that judgoth the 
children of men. 

" 0, you are now come to a quiet land ; provoke not the Lord to trou- 
ble it! And now that liberty and authority are with y.m and in yur 
* Crisp's Works, 385. 



260 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



hands, let the government be upon His shoulders in all your spirits, that 
you may rule for him under whom the princes of this world will one 
day esteem it their honour to govern and serve in their places. I cannot 
but say, when these things come mightily upon my mind, as the apostle 
said of old, 'What manner of persons ought we to be in all godly con- 
versation?' Truly the name and honour of the Lord are deeply con- 
cerned in you as to the discharge of yourselves in your present station, 
many eyes being upon you ; and remember that, as we have been belied 
about disowning the true religion, so, of all government, to behold us 
exemplary and Christian in the use of it will not only stop our enemies, 
but minister conviction to many on that account prejudiced. that you 
may see and know that service, and do it for the Lord in this your day I 

" And thou, Philadelphia, the virgin settlement of this province, named 
before thou wert born, what love, what care, what service, and what tra- 
vail has there been to bring thee forth and preserve thee from such as 
would abuse and defile thee! 

" that thou mayest be kept from the evil that would overwhelm thee : 
that, faithful to the God of thy mercies, in the life of righteousness, thou 
mayest be preserved to the end ! My soul prays to God for thee, that 
thou mayest stand in the day of trial, that thy children may be blessed 
of the Lord, and thy people saved by his power. My love to thee has 
been great, and the remembrance of thee affects my heart and mine eye. 
The God of eternal strength keep and preserve thee to his glory and thy 
peace ! 

" So, dear friends, my love again salutes you all, wishing that grace, 
mercy, and peace, with all temporal blessings, may abound richly amongst 
3^ou! so says, so prays your friend and lover in the truth, 

"WILLIAM PENN.'' 

After a passage of about seven weeks, he landed within 
seven miles of his own residence. His arrival is announced in 
the following letter to his steward at Pennsbury : 

" Worminghurst, 7th 8th, '84. 

" Dear James Harrison : — My dear love salutes thee and thine, my 
family and friends thereaway, the presence of the Lord be with you. Last 
sixth day, being the 3d inst., I got safe to my family, and found them 
well to my joy in the Lord. 

" Phil. Lemain has, most carelessly, left behind the York papers that 
Thomas Lloyd brought, and should have come as the ground and very 
strength of my coming : so that I am now here with my fingers in my 
mouth. He would not have done me a worse injury, nor balked a greater 
service, if he had had the bribe of £1000 to do it. Wherefore let him 
be quickened to send them by the first ship that ccmes out of Maryland 
or Yirginia. 



EXTRACT FROM "APOLOGY FOR IIIMSK! F Z' ^'] 

" Let Thomas Lloyd step to York and got fronh affidriN .t. 
men that can swear the Dutch possewsion of rivrr nn.l \,ix\ 
timore's patent, in the governor's prosonco, and under ih.- 
Drovince. 

" By East come wine and strong boor ; lot the l>eor lie mA,\ for m much 
profit as is reasonable, and some of the wine. Some in:»v i- v..., . . 
me, especially sack and such like, to be hotter for ago. 

"There are seeds for Ralph, [the gardener,] value h.-r.' t. nr \ 
and odd money. By an Irish ship comos value 150 pound* in pni\ 
butter, cheese, beer, shoes, &c. * ♦ ♦ ♦ 

" My love to Friends of your meeting, to those of Philndolphia and C'h.^- 
ter, especially J. Simcock, C. Taylor, T. Lloyd, T. Jannoy. T. II 
"W. Clayton, W. Yardly ; Friends of the othor sido, [Jorsoy.] and J 1 
hurst. Let Ralph follow his garden, and get the yards fonccd in, and doors 
to them. Expect ncAvs and further directions by the next nhip. Shipt 
come out of Maryland and Virginia the 10th, 11th, and 12th month*. 
Quicken T.Lloyd and P. Lemain as aforesaid. Farowoll in tho Invo of fifxi. 
" Thy true friend, WILLIAM PENN. 

** I have sent some walnuts for Ralph to set, and othor no^^da of our own 
that are rare and good." 

Soon after his arrival in England he waited on the king and 
Duke of York, as related in the following extract from frag- 
ments of an autobiography, called an "Apology for Himself.'"* 

" I arrived from America the 6th of October, '84, at Wonder, in Su»- 
sex, being within seven miles of my own house : whence, after »«»nie 
days of refreshment, I went to wait upon the king and duke, then lioth 
at New Market, who received me very graciously, as di<l the ministers 
very civilly. Yet I found things in general with another face than I left 
them : sour and stern, and resolved to hold the reins of power with a 
Btiffer hand than heretofore, especially over those that wore ohsenred f.. 
be state or church dissenters, conceiving that the opposition which mad* 
the government uneasy, came from that sort of pooplo. and. therofor*. 
they should either bow or break. 

"This made it hard for mo, a professed dissenter, to turn my^olf_f.,r 
that party having been my acquaintance, my inclination, and mr in- 
terest too : to shift them I would not, to serve thorn I saw I cuuld not. 
and to keep fair with a displeased and resolved government, that had 
weathered its point upon them, humbled and n.oriifiod them, and wa* 
daily improving all advantages against them, wjx^ a difficult t^k to 
perform. . , 

"Tinding myself narrowed in this manner, that one day I waa recei . .-u 
well at court as proprietor and governor of a province of the .-rown. and 
*Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iii., part ii. 235. 



2G2 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



the next taken up at a meeting by Hilton and CoUingwood, and the 
third smoakt (?) and informed of for meeting with the men of the whig 
stamp ; after informing myself of the state of things, I cast about in 
mind what way I might be helpful to the public, and as little hurtful to 
my concerns as I could, for I had then a cause depending about bounds 
of land in America with the Lord Baltimore, before the council, that was 
of importance to me. 

" Upon the whole matter, I found no point so plain, so honest, so sen- 
sible, that carried such weight, conviction, and compassion with it, and 
that would consequently find an easier reception and more friends, than 
liberty of conscience, my old post and province. I therefore sought out 
some bleeding cases, which was not hard to do, Bristol, Norwich, &c., 
being ready at hand in bloody letters — barbarities never used certainly 
in a Protestant country — especially at Bristol. The relations are in print. 
But finding them uneasy under generals, as too much to grant at once, 
I began with a particular case. It was that of Richard Vickris, an ho- 
nest, sober, and sensible man, of good reputation and estate in that city. 
He was under sentence of death upon the statute of the 35th of Queen 
Elizabeth, for not abjuring the realm as Dr. Cheny did, that was under 
sentence. His crime only worshipping of God his own way, but could 
not abjure because he could not SAvear at all. The heat had been great 
in that city, and an example they would make, and chose these two men 
as eminent in their persuasion, and as having something to lose. But the 
thing looked so like a snare, the fruit of private malice and avarice, and 
the said R. Vickris, being a meek and quiet person, upon my assuring 
them he was, and would live peaceably under the government, the duke 
promised to press the king in his favour, who grew harsh and very ten- 
der to be spoken to upon that head, though for the very Papists in the 
new case of the long writ set a-foot about that time. And the duke was 
as good as his word. He was pardoned. 

" That my design might succeed the better with the king, it came into 
my mind to write something of the true interest of the king and kingdom, 
have it transcribed fair, and present it in manuscript, the times being too 
set (?) and rough for print. In this I undertook to show that since it 
was so, that this kingdom was divided into such great bodies, opposite 
to each other, and near an equality in strength and value, all things con- 
sidered, though not perhaps in number, and that nothing would serve 
either party but the ruin of the other, and that it was too great a loss to 
his crown to gratify either so far, he was not to sufier his authority to 
humour their passions, but overrule both with justice, wisdom, and good- 
ness ; that he might be king, and have the benefit of his whole people. 

"Adding, that he might be easy if the uneasy are made so, and not 
sooner — and that the revenue was not as in old time, upon tenures and 
in lands, but upon trade, which lay much in the hands of the party he 



DEATH OF CHARLKS II. 



^as angry with ; however, that it w.mld di^coumj^o and . 
t^ be sure, if he changed the course ..f hi. govornmcnt », 
look upon past things as a king, and net a« a man. w,tl...n- 
not suffer his own resentment or hi« miniHt.TH* flait-ri.^ „a. 
revenges to carry him further than was g.>od for his intrr^, a 
upon the trial of a true liberty of conscience, he w.uld find [ill i 
advantage of the crown than any private man or panicuUr |mrt 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Death of Charles II.— Letter of William Penn concerning i( 

of James IL— He openly prufesses.the Roman Catholic rrligioo—Ind*- 
ence of the priests and imprudence of the king— Ilia regard fur WiJ. 
liam Penn — The King professes tolerant principles, and prvmiM* te 
protect the Church of England — Friends' petition for rvlief^l400 of 
their members in prison — William Penn uses his influent-** f»»r lihmy 
of conscience — Takes lodgings at Kensington — L«Mtor to. I. IIarruK>n— 
Monmouth's insurrection quelled — Cruelties of Jetfrevs — KxecuiiutM — 
Letter of William Penn to J. II, — Protestants perstvutod in France 
William Penn's position and services at Court — Interce<len fur J. Lock« 
— Unpopularity of the king — William Penn shares the t>diuui — Trart 
called "Fiction Found Out" — Correspondence with Tillotjwn — Tin* 
Boundary question — Order in Council relating to it — Affairs ia Penit- 
sylvania — William Penn's Letters. 

1685. 

In the winter of 1684-5, Kin^ Charles II. died of an ap<v 
plexy, and his brother, James, Duke of York, peaoeahly huc- 
ceeded to the throne under the title of James II. Although the 
late king had at one time been extremely popular, on account 
of his affability, generosity, and unequalled urbanity, ho h.id. 
by a long course of profligacy and extravagance in his privat.- 
life, as well as misgovernment and perfidy in his public aflfajn^, 
forfeited the affections and confidence of a loyal people. 

In a letter of William Penn to Thos. Lloyd, dated the 16lh 
of the first month, (March,) 1685, he gives some interesting 
particulars relating to this event, viz : 

" The king is dead : and the duke Pucceeds i>earoably. He was well 
on first-day night,— being the first of Februarv. (soHralled:) •hcmX «gkl 



264 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



next morning, as he sat down to shave, his head tvritched both -ways, or 
sides, and he gave a shriek, and fell as dead, and so remained some 
hours ; they opportunely blooded and cupped him, and plied his head 
with red-hot frying pans. He returned, (revived,) and continued till sixth 
day noon, but mostly in great tortures. He seemed very penitent, asking 
pardon of all, even the poorest subject he had wronged ; prayed for pardon, 
and to be delivered out of the world — the duke appearing mighty humble 
and sorrowful. * * * He was an able man for a divided and troubled 
kingdom. The present king was proclaimed about three o'clock that day. 
A proclamation followed, with the king's speech, to maintain the church 
and state as established, to keep property and use clemency. Tonnage 
and poundage, with the excise, are revived de bene esse, till the parlia- 
ment meet. One is now choosing. The people of Westminster just gone 
by to choose. It sits the 19th of the 3d month next. In Scotland one 
next month. Severities continue still, but some ease to us faintly pro- 
mised. . Be careful that no indecent speeches pass against the govern- 
ment, for the king, going with his queen publicly to mass at Whitehall, 
gives occasion. He declared he concealed himself to obey his brother, 
and that now he would be above-board ; which we like the better on 
many accounts. I was with him, and told him so ; but, withal, hoped 
we should come in for a share. He smiled, and said he desired not that 
peaceable people should be disturbed for their religion. And till his 
coronation, the 23d, when he and his consort are together to be crowned, 
no hopes of release ; and, till the parliament, no hopes of any fixed 
liberty. My business, I would hope, is better. The late king, the Pa- 
pists will have, died a Roman Catholic ; for he refused (after his usual 
way of evading uneasy things, with unpreparedness first, and then weak- 
ness,) the Church of England's communion. Bishop Ken, of Wells, press- 
ing him, that it would be to his comfort and that of his people, to see he 
died of that religion he had made profession of when living ; but it 
would not do. And once, all but the duke. Earl of Bath, and Lord Fe- 
versham, were turned out ; and one Huddlestone, a Romish priest, was 
seen about that time near the chamber. This is most of our news. The 
popish lords and gentry go to Whitehall to mass daily; and the tower, 
or royal chapel, is crammed by vying with the Protestant lords and 
gentry. The late king's children, even by the Duchess of Portsmouth, 
go thither. 

" Our king stands more upon his terms, than the other, with France : 
and though he has not his brother's abilities, he has great discipline and 
industry. Alas ! the world is running over to you : and great quanti- 
ties together is to put the sale of lands out of my own hands, ^ after I 

*This alludes to large purchases made hy speculafors at first prices, which 
prevented the proprietary from deriving any advantage from the enhanced 
Value of lands 



ACCESSION OF JA.MK 



have spent what I got by my own on tho puhlic noT\\<^, f.,r i 
worse in my estate than at first : I can «ay it hof.,r«» th*» Urd: 1 
only the comfort of having approved mysVlf a faithful Mrw»H, ^my 
understanding and ability ; an<l yet I Ao;v m,, chiUrtn ,haU rrrr,r* U i« 
the lov€ of yours when we are gone." ♦ ♦ ♦ .. Ko«.p up th^ p#r,pW, 
hearts and love," &c. "I hope to be with thorn nnxt fall, if thi» U.H m^ 
vent not. I long to be with you. No tcmptati«.n« protAil to fti meh«r«. 
'J'he Lord send us a good meeting. AnuMi, Ac" 

On the king's accession to tlie tlirone he waa received vitb 
favour by the nation, althoujrh liis profession of tho lioman (.'»- 
tholic religion was incompatible with a station in which, nr- -i 
ing to the British constitution, he was the head of the estab 
church. There was a powerful party who, in the late reign, had 
been opposed to his succession on this account, and were now 
watching with jealous eyes every measure of his cabinet. Under 
these circumstances, common prudence would have dictates! that 
he should enjoy his religion in his own private chapel, and pro- 
tect its members from persecution to the extent of his power, 
without offending the prejudices of the nation by an ostenta- 
tious display of its ceremonies. Instead of this conciliatonr 
course, the king, who was under the inlluence of his confessor, 
Father Petre, seemed to set public opinion at defiance ; he not 
only went openly with his fiimily to mass at Whitehall, but he 
suffered the Jesuits to build a college at the Savoy, in London, 
sent an ambassador to Rome, and received the Pope's nuncio 
with honours, even kneeling in his presence. 

James, while Duke of York, had, for many years, been the 
friend and patron of William Penn, whom he admitted to term* 
of familiar intercourse, not usual between a prince and a nuh- 
ject. This partiality on the part of the duke arose, in the fin»i 
place, from his great regard for Admiral Penn, and was, doabt- 
less, confirmed and augmented by the agreeable manners and 
excellent qualities of his son. After his accession to the throne 
he continued to manifest the same regard, which, as it gave 
Penn ready access to the royal closet, enabled him to u»e hi/ 
influence for the relief of many, both of his own and other 
religious persuasions, who were suffering for conscience' saVe- 

It will be renieuibered that in the yar 1073, in order to 
X 



268 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



obtain the liberation of George Fox, he waited on the duke, 
who received him in the most cordial manner, and asisured him 
*' that he was against all persecution for the sake of religion ; that 
it was true he had, in his younger time, been warm, especially 
when he thought people made it a pretence to disturb govern- 
ment, but that he had seen and considered things better, and 
he was for doing Jo others as he would have others do unto him, 
and he thought it would be happy for the world if all were of 
that mind, for he was sure, he said, that no man was willing to 
be persecuted himself, for his own conscience."* 

This declaration of sentiment being followed by a promise 
of aid in obtaining the release of his friend, and by an obliging 
deportment at the time he applied for his province, made an 
indelible impression upon the mind of Penn, who, believing 
James to be sincere in his professions, became attached to him 
from affection and gratitude. 

" The king universally passed for a man of great sincerity 
and great honour, "f and as he still continued to profess himself 
in favour of universal toleration, it is not surprising that his 
personal friends should have relied on the purity of his motives. 

On the first day of his reign, the king, in council assembled 
at Whitehall, made a speech disclaiming all arbitrary principles 
in government, and promising protection to the Church of Eng- 
land, which gave great satisfaction to the nation, and he soon 
received, from all parts of the kingdom, congratulatory ad- 
dresses, some of which were couched in terms of servile adula- 
tion. It does not appear that the Society of Friends at this 
time offered any congratulations, though there is a fictitious 
address attributed to them, and preserved in Hume's History 
of England, which must have been intended as a burlesque. 

Their first address, dated 2d of the first month, called 
March, 1685, was of a very different kind, being intended 
merely to bring before the king the suffering condition of their 
members left in prison at the death of King Charles II. 

This address being brief, is here inserted : — 

i «nn's Apology for himself, quoted in Chap. VIL f Hume. 



friends' PETITION' For REI.IKP. 267 

"TO KINO JAMES TIIK SKCOXH. 
" The humble application of the people called Quakom. 

"Whereas, it hath pleased Almin;l,ty God (hy whom king. rri>. u» 
take hence the late Kin;; Charles tin; Second, and to piT»rrT«» t)i4<* p*^c^ 
ably to succeed : we, thy subjects, heartily desire that the QWcr of all 
good and perfect gifts, may please to endue thee with wi»U<>m and xxmrry 
in the use of thy great power, to his glory, the king's honour. an<l ih« 
kingdom's good. And it being our sincere resolution, accrding t.. ,^r 
peaceable principles and conversation, (by the aiwi«tancp of AtmirMj 
God,) to live peaceably and honestly, as becomes truo ani • -.Y^ 

jects under the king's government, and a consciontiuus p«i.j jly 

fear and serve God, we do humbly hope that the king's tcndcrncM will 
appear and extend with his power to express the same, recomuirndtOK 
to his princely clemency the case of our present suffering frii»n»h h4<THo 
annexed/'* 

This address was accompanied by a statement, showing thmt 
upward of 1400 members of the society, of both sexes, were con- 
tinued prisoners in England and Wales, only for -v ' 'ng 
God according to their sense of duty, and for consci' _ re- 

fusing to swear. "Besides some hundreds had died prisoners, 
many by means of this long imprisonment, since tlie year 1080, 
thereby making widows and fatherless, and leaving poor inno- 
cent families desolate in distress and sorrow." The lihcration 
of these prisoners did not take place for a year after their cnM- 
was brought before the king, and there is reason to believe it 
was then done chiefly through the personal influence and inter- 
cession of William Penn. As his object in returning to Eng- 
land was to solicit the liberation of his friends, and to obtain a 
favourable settlement of the boundary question, it becaino 
necessary for him to appear frequently at court : he theref..re 
took lodgings for himself and family at Kensington. 

By the following extract from a letter to James HarrlHon. 
dated Kensington, llth of 5th month, (July,) H385, it api»ean» 
that he met with many delays in the prosecution of his pur- 
poses. "We are all well through the Lord's mercy, and long 
to be with you, especially the children; my business here ha* 
been thrown off, with other people's, first by the late king! 
death, then the coronation, next the Parliament, now thia m- 

* Gough's Hist. Quakers. 



268 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



surrection, almost over, for the Duke of Monmouth is defeated, 
and he and Grey taken, will be brought up to London next 
third day. I hope now I may be despatched." "We had a 
blessed quiet, though but a small General Meeting ; things are 
very well on Truth's account in this nation and Ireland. 

"Salute me to Friends generally, and to your meeting espe- 
cially. I beseech God to bless you with Joseph's portion. My 
love to my family.* 

" ! that they would, from the Lord, be sober and diligent, 
that they may have a good name and be my joy." 

The Duke of Monmouth's insurrection, alluded to above, 
having been a rash and ill-concerted enterprise, was quelled 
promptly by the king's troops, and was followed by a series of 
trials and executions the most atrocious that for many genera- 
tions had been witnessed by the British people. Jeffreys, who 
had been made Chief Justice by the late king, and was con- 
tinued in office by the present monarch, was noted for his arbi- 
trary and tyrannical disposition, which prompted him to overstep 
the bounds of decency as well as the forms of law, in order to 
wreak his vengeance, and that of his royal master on the un- 
happy victims who were brought before him. It had been 
usual in cases of insurrection, to punish s'^verely the leaders and 
mfluential men concerned in them, but after a few public execu- 
tions, to grant a general amnesty to those of inferior rank. 

Now a very different course was pursued : Monmouth and a 
few others of high rank were executed ; but generally the rich 
were allowed to purchase pardons at exorbitant rates, to gratify 
the avarice of the judge or enrich the favourites of the court; 
while hundreds of the poor and the ignorant, who had been 
deluded by their superiors, were condemned and executed with- 
out mercy. 

In a letter of Penn to James Harrison, dated 2d of 8th 
.<nonth (October,) 1685, alluding to these executions, he says : 
** About three hundred hanged in divers towns in the west, 
about one thousand to be transported. I begged twenty of the 
king. Col. Holmes, young Hays, the two Hewlings, Lark, and 

* His family, i. e. his workmen and servants at Pennsbury. 



LETTER TO JOSEIMI HARRIPO!!. 



Ilix, ministers, arc executed. Prepiiration« in W ■ 

Hall for trial of Lords Grey, Delamcre, Gcranl, 4c. Sir G. 

Gerard and Sir R. Cotton committed. 

" The keeper dead, and Lord Jeflfroys, Chief Jutiice and 

Baron of W , made Lord Chamberlain, and is, m laid, t«» 

be Earl of C ."* 

It must have been a happy relief to those prisonert whon 
Penn "begged of the king," when they found that instead of the 
hardships and bondage usually assigned to transport- ■ », 

they were to enjoy the privileges of civil an<l religion- .. . _ m 
Pennsylvania. Li another of his letters to his steward, near the 
same date, he thus refers to two executions which hrtd juf»t lakrn 
place. " There is daily inquisition for those engaged in the late 
plots, some die denying, as Alderman Cornish, others confeftsin;; 
but justifying. Cornish died last Gth day, in Cheap<*ide, for 
being at the meeting that Lord Russel died for, but «lenie<l it 
most vehemently to the last. A woman, one Gaunt of Wapp*-n, 
of Doct. Moore's acquaintance, was burned the same day at Ty 
burn for the high treason of hiding one of Monmouth's army, 
and the man saved came in [as witness] against her. She died 
composedly and fearless^ interpreting the cauMe of her death 
God's cause. Many more to be hanged, great and small. U 
is a day to he wise. I long to be with you, but the eternal God 
do as he pleases. 01 be watchful, fear and sanctify the Lord 
in your hearts."t In the same letter lie refers, in the following 
terms, to the cruelties then inflicted on the Huguenots in Franc*, 
on the revocation of the Edict of Nantz. ''In France, n..t a 
meeting of Protestants left ; they force all, by not suffering theio 
to sleep, to conform; they use drums or tling water on the 
drowsy till they submit or run mad. They pray to be killed, 
but the king has ordered his dragoons to do any thing but kill." 
* * * '' Such as fly and are caught, are executeti or j*ent to 
the galleys to row. Thus they use all qualiiit>s, from dukea 
and duchesses to the meanest of that way. Many [pomons] 
and much wealth will visit your parts. Be wise, weighty, and 
strict against looseness. Believe me it is an ertracrdtnary 

* Pemberton'9 MSS. t *^*- 

X« 



270 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



day such as has not been since generations ago. Read this to 
fveighty Friends and magistrates, in private, and gird up your 
loins and serve the Lord in this juncture. No matter in what 
part they settle in our country, let not temjwral interest sway, 
on my land or on theirs that have bought of me ; no matter, the 
j)ublic will [gain] in a while by their establishment."* 

It is worthy of note how careful he was that his friends in 
America should act with prudence in that ''■extraordinary 
day^"" advising his steward to read his letter to "weighty Friends 
and magistrates, in private." There is abundant evidence to 
show that Penn, at this time, though on intimate terms with his 
sovereign, abstained as much as possible from entering into 
the measures or imbibing the spirit of either of the great political 
parties then contending for power ; his objects in frequenting 
the court were, to obtain justice for his province in the boun- 
dary question ; to plead the cause of the innocent and suffering 
of all religious persuasions; to extend the hand of mercy to 
those who fell under the displeasure of the government ; and to 
advise the king to those measures of clemency and moderation, 
which would have established his throne. f 

One of the first persons whom he endeavoured to serve, by the 
use of his influence at coui't, was his old friend and fellow stu- 
dent, John Locke, then an exile in Holland on account of his 
*' opposition to Popery and arbitrary power." The king au- 
thorized him to inform Locke, that he should be pardoned : but 
rhe blameless philosopher replied, after expressing his sense of 
his friend's kindness, that "he had no occasion for a pardon 
when he had not been guilty of any crime. "J 

The following passage, from Gerard Croese, shows the stand- 
ing of Penn with the king, and the manner in which he used 
his influence. 

"William Penn was greatly in favour with the king— the Quaker's sole 
patron at court — on whom the hateful eyes of his enemies were intent. 
The king loved him as a singular and entire friend, and imparted to him 
many of his secrets and counsels. He often honoured him with his com- 

* Pemberton's MSS. f See Lawton's Memoir, quoted in chap. xxi. 

\ Clarkson. 



"FICTION FOUND OUT." 'j; I 

pany in private, discoursing with him of various affair., mudlhl^Mi.^ 
one, but many hours together, and delaying to hear Uio b^t ..f Ii». p^„ 
who at the same time were waiting for an audioncn.. One of xh^ U.^it 
envious, and impatient of delay, and taking it a. nn affn-ni UiM» th«> ..iK*r 
more regarded than himself, adventured to tuk.» tho fnHHlon t.. 
majesty, that when he mot with IVnn h.. th.mght liulo nf hi« i. 
The king made no other reply, than that 1\mu> ri/.niyf t.iJkni j miaif^, 
and he heard him wilUnybj. P.Min, being so highly fasuurrd. aff|ain4 
thereby a number of friends. Those also who formerly kurw htm, -hua 
they had any favour to ask at court, came to, courtril, and fntn>atc4 Pmm 
to promote their several requests, Penn refu(»ed none of hin frtea^ aoj 
reasonable office he could do for thom, but was read? u> norre th«m all, 
but more especially the (^lakl!rs, and these wherever tlieir rrltgioo wm 
concerned. It is usually thought, when you do mo one favour r««dilj. 
you thereby encourage me to expoct a second. Thua lh<'y ran to P«mi 
without intermission, as their only pillar and f*upj>ort, who alwaja e^ 
ressed and received them cheerfully, and effected their bujiincM by hit 
influence and eloquence. Hence his house and gates wcro dailv lhnMi|p4 
by a numerous train of clients and suppliants, desiring him U> prvMBl 
their addresses to his majesty. There were sometimes ih^re /iro kmmd rtd 
and more. When the carrying on of these affairs re<juir' • -r 

writings, such as drawing things out into form and cop \ . : -r 

fees and other charges which are usually made on such occasions. IVnn 
so discreetly managed matters, that out of his own, which h« h»d in 
abundance, he liberally discharged many emergent expenses." 

The zeal manifested by the kinrr in promoting the Catiiohc 
religion, the high tone he assumed with regard to tlie rojral pre- 
rogative, and the judicial murders perpetrated in hid name hy 
Jeffreys and others, were rapidly alienating the affoctionj* of the 
people. The odium of his proceedings attaclail to all who 
were known to enjoy his confidence, and, among other*, Penn 
was accused of favouring the Catholic religion an«i the arbitrary 
measures of the court. The old charge of his being bretl at St. 
Omer's and a Jesuit in disguise, was revived, an«l owing to the 
highly excited state of the public mind, v.a-s btdievetl by mmny. 

Soon after the king's accession, a copy of verses, full of flat- 
tery to the new sovereign and of popish predilection.s waa pub- 
lished, with the initials of his name, and supposed by many to 
be his production. In order to clear himself and dij»abu5e tho 
minds of his friends, he issued the following paper, addreMed 
to them, which he entitled ''Fiction Found Out." 



272 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



" Dear Friends : — I have written this for your satisfaction, and yet not 
for yours, as you will say, but to inform those many that importune you 
on my account, asking if I was the author of the condoling and congra- 
tulatory verses on the late and present King, printed (say they) in my 
name, concluding if I were the author I must have turned papisc, flat- 
terer, and what they please. * * * 

"For the verses — if it be considered, the two letters W. P. begin five 
hundred names besides mine ; and I that pretend not to poetry at any 
time, should hardly have done it then, when I must needs look to have 
such sad company as the dull flattery of all the suburbs of the town. 
But that I did not write them, the stuff itself shows ; and they must be 
bereaved of sense, as well as charity, that can think it. For to own my- 
self a Quaker and jeer the profession ; to use the phrases and profane 
them ; to promise as Quakers to live peaceably, and yet engage to be no 
more such ; to make ourselves loyal in one stanza, and ask pardon for 
not being so in another ; be now a mistaken and wilful rout, and pre- 
sently the loving and loyal friends of Charles and James ; make up ajar 
and a nonsense that I have not been used to be guilty of in prose ; and 
whenever I turn such a penny-poet, let such confusion be my judgment. 
However, it would look rude to be angry at them, for certainly they put 
a mighty compliment upon my name that thought two letters of it would 
make their drug sell. And because I am so known a friend to propert}", 
to the unknown hawker-wit that writ them, I leave them with the credit 
of all the fine and foolish fancy they are laboured with : contenting my- 
self against all defamations, that I have this defence for my religion and 
conduct in my conclusions : — 

"1st. That the grace of God within me, and the Scriptures without me, 
are the foundation and declaration of my faith and religion, and let any 
man get better if he can. 

" 2dly. That the profession I make of this religion, is in the same way 
and manner that I have used for almost these eighteen years last past. 

" 3dly. That my civil conduct, I humbly bless my God, has been with 
peace on earth, and good-will to all men, from the king on the throne to 
the beggar on the dung-hill. 

" I have ever loved England, and moderation to all parties in it, and 
long seen and foreseen the consequences of the want of it. I would yet 
heartily wish it might take place, and persuasion that of persecution, that 
we might not grow barbarous for Christianity, nor abuse and undo one 
another for God's sake. 

'' These have been, these are, and with God's strength shall be, through 
all the crooked and uneven paths of time, the principles and practices of 
" Your ancient and constant friend, WM. PENN. 

" Worminghurst-place, the last of the 2d month, called April, 1685." 

How strange soever it may seem to us, that any man ac- 



CORRESPONDENCE WITH DR. TILLOTSON. 278 

quainted with William Penn, RhouM think him a ? - 

Jesuit in disguise, it yet appears tliero wore manv 
believed it, and among others Doctor Tillotson/aftcrwardi 
Archbishop of Canterbury, expressed some m.^]' ' ' lum, 

which coming to the knowledge of our autliur, ><■ i tlte 

following correspondence, viz : — 

WILLIAM TEXN TO DR. TILL0T80N. 

" WoRTHV Friend : — Beino; often told tliat Dr. Tillotnon »h' 
me, and so report me, a papist, I think a Jesuit, and U>in(j . ! 
I take the liberty to ask thee, if any such rottoction f.dl from th*»«? If 
it did, I am sorry one I esteemed ever the first of his ro\)o nhouM so un- 
deservedly stain me, for so I call it ; and, if the story be falno, I am mtrrr 
they should so al)use Dr. Tillotson as well an myself, without a cauM*. f 
add no more, but that I abhor two principles in religion, and pity th«««e 
that own them. The first is obedience upon anthoriti/ wH/uint omrirti.'n, 
and the other Ihe destroyimj tlieni that differ from me fur (,'ifi'» aak<. Surh 
a religion is without judgment, thoujrli not without ti'i^th. I'nion i«« h^«t, 
if right ; else charity : and, as Hooker said, the tim« will como wh«'n a 
few words spoken with meekness, humility, and love, shall bo moro a<v 
ceptable than volumes of controversies, which commonly ilo«tn)y charity, 
the very best part of the true religion ; I moan not a charity that can 
change with all, but boar all, as I can Dr. Tillotson in what h«» di- ' 
from me, and in this reflection too, if said, which is not yot Ijoli.n. . . 
thy Christian and true friend, W.M. PENN. 

♦'Charing-Cross, 22d 11th mo., 1G8.3." 

DR. TILLOTSON TO WILLIAM TLNN. 

" Honoured Sir -.—The demand of your letter is very ju«t and rea»i>- 
able, and the manner of it very kind ; therefore, in answer to it, be piMMd 
to take the following account : — 

" The last time you did me the favour to sec me at my h 
according to the freedom I always use where I profess an> : 
acquaint you with something I had heard of a correspondi-ncc you ^ui 
with some at Rome, and particularly with some of the Jesuits therr. At 
which you seemed a little surprised ; and after some p»noral dis^-ourM 
about it, you said you would call on me some other timo. and sfxmk furtbw 
of it. Since that time I never saw you, but by accidi-nt and in passar*. 
where I thought you always declined mo, pnrti.-ularly at ^ - ^^ 
Jones's chamber, which was the last time. I think. I saw you : 
occasion I took notice to him of your strangeness to me. and t. . > -J 
thought might be the reason of it, and that I was sorry for it. \- 
had a particular esteem of your parts and temper. The laaie, I 

16 



beli«Tf, 



274 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



I have said to some others, but to whom I do not so particularly remem- 
ber. Since your going to Pennsylvania, I never thought more of it, till 
lately, being in some company, one of them pressed me to declare v^hether 
I had not heard something of you which had satisfied me that you were 
a Papist ? I answered. No ; by no means. I told him what I had heard, 
and what I said to you, and of the strangeness that ensued upon it ; but 
that this never went further with me than to make me suspect there was 
more in that report which I heard than I was at first willing to believe ; 
and that, if any made more of it, I should look upon them as very inju- 
rious both to Mr. Penn and myself. 

" This is the truth of that matter ; and whenever you will please to 
satisfy me that my suspicion of the truth of that report I had heard was 
groundless, I will heartily beg your pardon for it. I do fully concur 
with you ill the abhorrence of the two principles you mention, and in your 
approbation of that excellent saying of Mr. Hooker, for which I shall 
rfver highly esteem him. I have endeavoured to make it one of the go- 
cerning principles of my life, never to abate any thing of humanity or 
charity to any man for his difierence from me in opinion, and particu- 
larly to those of your persuasion, as several of them have had experi- 
ence, I have been ready upon all occasions to do them all offices of 
kindness, being truly sorry to see them so hardly used ; and though I 
thought them mistaken, yet in the main I believed them to be very ho- 
nest. I thank you for your letter, and have a just esteem of the Chris- 
tian temper of it, and rest your faithful friend, JO. TILLOTSON '' 

WILLIAM PENN TO DR. TILLOTSON. 

""Worthy Friend— Having a much less opinion of my own memory 
than of Dr. Tillotson's truth, I will allow the fact, though not the jea- 
lousy : for, besides that I cannot look strange where I am well used, I 
have ever treated the name of Dr. Tillotson with another regard. I might 
be grave, and full of my own business. I was also then disappointed by 
the doctor's ; but my nature is not harsh, my education less, and my 
principle least of all. It was the opinion I have had of the doctor's mo- 
deration, simplicity, and integrity, rather than his parts or post, that 
always made me set a value upon his friendship, of which, perhaps, I am 
better judge, leaving the latter to men of deeper talents. I blame him 
nothing, but leave it to his better thoughts, if in my afiair his jealousy 
was not too nimble for his charity. If he can believe me, I should hardly 
f>revail with myself to endure the same thought of Dr. Tillotson on the 
like occasion, and less to speak of it. For the Roman correspondence 1 
v\dll freely come to confession : I have not only no such thing with any 
Jesuit at Rome, (though Protestants may have without offence,) but I hold 
none with any Jesuit, priest, or regular in the world of that communion. 
And that the doctor may see what a novice I am in that business, I know not 



CORRESPOKUENti: UITII M;. TILLOT; 



one anywhere. And yet whon all this is »iud, I am .. •■ , w,..«-n 

not a Roman. I have bowels for mankind, and dan. duI droj n\km% 
what I crave for myself, I mean lil)crty for the cxorci»o of mi 
thinking faith, piety, and providence, a better Bocurity than f 
that, if truth cannot prevail with her own woap.inj«, all othfTn t< 

"Now, though I am not obligtMJ to this dcn-nce, ond tJiai it 
temporizing now to make it, yet, that Dr. Till»»t»<.n mnt »»•.•' I. 
value his good opinion, and dare own the trutli and mvM'lf ai ... 
let him be confident I am no Roman Cath<ilie, but a Christian, wboM 
creed is the scripture ; of the truth of which I hold a nobler etidcnc«tlifti> 
the best church authority in the world ; and yet I rufuH© nui u» beli«To 
the porter, though I cannot leave the sense t<» his discretion ; and wbcn I 
should, if he offends agaiust those plain methods of und«'n«tandinj» ii*Mi 
hath made us know things by, and which arc inseparable fn-in uj». I a)u«t 
beg his pardon, as I do the doctor's, for this length, u|>on the aMurancn 
he has given me of his doing the like upon lictter iufonuation ; which 
that he may fully have, I recommend him to my * Addrctuj to l^n^testaota,' 
from p. 133 to the end, and to the first four chapters of my * No CroM, 
no Crown,' to say nothing of our iiiost tinccremoniou^ and unttorljly iray 
of worship, and their pompous cult ; where at this time I shall b-are the 
business, with all due and sensible acknowledgments to ihv friendly 
temper, and assurance of the sincere wishes and re.«*pecta of thy ftfliBO> 
tionate, real friend, WILLIAM PKXX. 

" Charing-Cross, the 29th of llth month, IG^f)." 

WILLIAM PENN TO DR. TILLOTSON. 

Chiiring-Cross, 27th of 2d montb, 168C. 
"Worthy Friexd — This should have been a visit ; but, being of opinion 
that Dr. Tillotson is yet a deV)tor to mo in this way, I chose to protoka 
him to another letter by this, before I made him one; for though howaa 
very just and obliging when I last saw him, yet, certainly, no expr<*»ioo. 
however kindly spoken, will so easily and effectually purge me from tht 
unjust imputation some people cast upon me in his name a« hi» own letter 
will do. The need of this ho will better see when he haa read the en- 
closed, which, coming to hand since my last, is, I presume, enough to 
justify this address, if I had no former pretensions. And. therefore. I 
cannot be so wanting to myself, as not to press him to a letter in myjurt 
defence, nor so uncharitable to him as to think he should not franklj 
write what he has said, when it is to right a man's reputation and dia- 
base the too credulous world. For to me it seems fn»m a private friend- 
ship to become a moral duty to the public, which, with a pen«on of »> 
great morality, must give success to the reasonable dosire of thy rery 
real friend. WILLIAM PKNN" 



>^76 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



DR. TILLOTSON TO WILLIAM PENN. 

April 29th, 1686. 
" Sir — I am very sorry that the suspicion I had entertained concerning 
you, of which I gave you the true account in my former letter, hath occa- 
sioned so much trouble and inconvenience to you : and I do now declare, 
with great joy, that I am fully satisfied that there was no just ground for 
that suspicion, and, therefore, do heartily beg your pardon for it. And 
ever since you were pleased to give me that satisfaction, I have taken all 
occasions to vindicate you in this matter ; and shall be ready to do it to 
the person that sent you the enclosed, whenever he will please to come to 
me. I am very much in the country, but will seek the first opportunity to 
visit you at Charing-Cross, and renew our acquaintance, in which I took 
great pleasure.— I rest your faithful friend, JO. TILLOTSON." 

During Penn's residence at Kensington, he continued to press 
the settlement of the boundary question, but met with many 
delays. On the 2d of 8th month, [Oct.] he wrote to James 
Harrison, "Baltimore and I have had one hearing, and next 
week expect another. In that which we had, all went well on 
our side, he had time to examine our Holland proofs." These 
were, doubtless, the evidence of the territories having been in 
the possession of the Dutch. On the 25th of the same month, 
he wrote again; that "after a full hearing before the lords of 
the Committee of Trade and Plantations with the Lord Balti- 
more, he was cast, and the lands in dispute adjudged to be none 
of his right and not within his patent."* 

By an order of Council, dated 13th of November, '85, it ap- 
pears that, " the substance of the said lords' report was, that the 
said lands intended to be granted by the Lord Baltimore's patent 
were only cultivated and inhabited by savages, and that the part 
then in dispute, was inhabited and planted by Christians, at and 
before the date of the Lord Baltimore's patent, as it had been 
ever since to that time, and continued as a distinct colony from 
that of Maryland, so that the lords offered it as their opinion, 
that for avoiding further difference, the tract of land lying 
between the River and Bay of Delaware, and the Eastern Sea, 
on one side, and Chesapeake Bay on the other, be divided into 
two eaual parts by a line from the latitude of Cape Henlopen 
* Pemberton's MSS. 



MASON AND DIXON's US?.. 



to tlie fortieth degree of north latitude, (thf* j^rtutli t.- , 
Pennsylvania, by charter,) and that one-half th<T#H,f U- .i 
to his majesty, (viz. King James, who, vrhon Duko of York, 
granted it to William Penn,) and the other half remtin to tb« 
Lord Baltimore, as comprised in his charter."* 

The line designated in this order is the boundary hHi»«»n tk« 
States of Delaware and Maryland ; hut the line betwof-n pAf>n- 
sylvania and Maryland, notwithstanding the many efforts ma«j*» 
by Penu for its adjustment, continued in dispute tluring th« 
remainder of his life, and was not finally settled k ' ' v»^r 
1762, when it was run by "two ingenious maii Mt, ' 

Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, who came out from Eng- 
land for that purpose; and hence it is called Mason and Dixon't 

Line.f 

"While Penn was engaged in obtaining an adji«tment of boand- 
aries, and pleading the cause of religious liberty in V 
his friends in Pennsylvania were pushing forward their . , 
ments in building and planting, and performing their noviii»ie in 
legislation. The increase of population continued m ^ 
the colony was peaceful and prosperous, but some •! 
ensued, and they felt the want of the proprietary's prcjwncc ; vol 
were too unmindful of his expenses abroad. In a letter to Jamc« 
Harrison, dated 30th of 5th month, (July,) 'H.'), he say*, " 1 b*»« 
had two letters more with three bills of exchange. I «ra Borrr 
the public is so unmindful of me as not to prevent bill- 
that am come on their errand, and had rather have l''^' 
sand pounds than have stirred from PennsylvanU. The re- 
proaches that I hear daily of the conduct of thing*, bear. Uni 
upon my spirit too. 

" The Lord order things for his glory. Jam««, wnd no nior. 
bills, for I have enough to do to keep all even here, :•■ 
of returning with my family : that can't be [done] wi: :. '• 

charge.''^: In a letter, near the same date, to Thomas Uoj^ 
John Simcock, Chr. Taylor, J. Harrison, and Robert Tomer, h. 
3ays, "I am sorry at heart for your animosities. Cannot »ore 
friendly and private courses be taken, to set matters nghl in i. 

- rroud's Hist. ra. i. 293. f Ibi"l '• -1 ' ' Prmbcrto.', M^i* 



278 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



infant province, whose steps are numbered and watched ? For 
the love of God, me, and the poor country, be not so govern- 
mentish, so noisy and open in your dissatisfactions; some folks 
love huntmg in government itself." '' It is an abominable thing 
to have three warrants for one purchase; 'tis oppression that 
my soul loathes ; I do hereby require it, that P. L. be called to 
an account for requests and warrants^ &c., for town lot, liberty 
lotj and the rest of the purchase : why not one warrant for all , 
at least for liberty lot and the remainder f This is true ana 
right oppression, besides several things set down that are not in 
law nor in my regulations." 

About the same time, he received from the general assembly 
of Pennsylvania the following letter : viz. 

" Most Excellent Governor : — AVe, the freemen of the province of 
Pennsylvania and territories, do, with unfeigned love to your person and 
government, with all due respect acquaint you, that we have, this last 
day of our session, passed all such bills as we judged meet to pass into 
laws, and impeached Nicholas Moore, a member of the Assembly, of ten 
articles, containing divers high crimes and misdemeanours, and, in the 
presence of the President and Provincial Council, made very clear proof 
of the said articles. 

"We have had the person of Patrick Robinson under restraint for 
divers insolencies and affronts to the Assembly ; — but there was a right 
and good understanding betwixt the President, Council, and Assembly, 
and a happy and friendly farewell. 

" Dear and honoured Sir, the honour of God, the love of your person, 
and the preservation of the peace and welfare of the government, were, 
we hope, the only centre to which all our actions did tend. And, although 
the wisdom of the Assembly thought fit to humble that aspiring and cor- 
rupt minister of state, Nicholas Moore, yet to you, dear Sir, and to the 
happy success of your affairs, our hearts are open, and our hands ready 
at all times to subscribe ourselves, in the name of ourselves and all the 
freemen we represent, your obedient and faithful freemen, 

"JOHN WHITE, Speaker. 

" P. S. — Honoured Sir : — We know your wisdom and goodness will 
make a candid construction of all our actions, and that it shall be out of 
the power of malicious tongues to separate betwixt our governor and his 
freemen, who extremely long for your presence, and speedy arrival of 
vour person." 

Judge Moore was President of the Free Society of Traders, 
and was charged with "violence, partiality, and negligence," in 



HIS TRACT, "persuasive TO MODERATION. 



a case in which that society was intercHteci. Hv refuM.l to in- 
swer to the impeachment, and was suspen<le<l from hit juflioAl 
functions, as well as expelled from his neat in the ww^orohlv.* 

Penn believed that he had been too ripidly demll with, and 
afterward employed him as one of his conimiaHioncr* of jfoT.rn- 
ment, in which high office ''there appears no objectiun from 
party against his conduct."t The accoutjts reccired by lb** 
proprietary from the meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania »nd 
New^ Jersey were more satisfactory; they had endeavourinl !•• 
fulfil his wishes by preventing their members from wllinjj mm 
to the Indians, and had appointed meetings araon/f tbem *'l'» 
instruct them in the principles of Christianity and the pr»ctir« 
of a true Christian life." 



CHAPTER XX. 

Tract called " Persuasive to Moderation"— King pardon« all imprii 
for religion— Thirteen hundred Friends release*!— The infofinert 4i^ 
couraged— Letters to Ilarrisc.n— AVilliam Penn travoU to Holland and 
Germany— Mission to Prince of Oranj;.'— Burnet— fv«tch Rrfu^w'*- 
William Penn's aid to them— He appoints five rommi^Hionon. t.. rrt^m 
in Pennsylvania— His instructions t<. them— G..r.l.'n* .!r-»iir»* o«i 
these instructions, answered— Doctor Franklin'n II i i«^— 

Quit-rents considered— William Penn's l.'tt.^r t.. hU •<'f» »« 

government. 

1686-87. 

In order to allay the excitemont prcvailiiij; in tlio | • 
and to prepare the nation for a free toleration of rcl ,; ^^ 
and worship, William Penn published in the .pnnp of 16«> . 
valuable treatise entitled, "A Persuasive ." M-d.-rntmn. 

In the opening paragraph he says: - Moder.fon. the.uhjr,-t 
of this discourse, is, in plainer English, liberty of com"'"* «» 
church dissenters; a cause I have, with all hum.hty. ""•''^^ 
to plead against the prejudices of the times.' " IW con«.«.ce 
I understand the apprehension and persuas.on » m.n h- ol W. 

« Gordon's Hist. Pa., and Colonial Record,. t Pro.d L »• *» 



280 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



duty to God ; by liberty of conscience, I mean a free and open 
profession and exercise of that duty, especially in worship." 
"But I always premise this duty to keep within the bounds of 
morality, and that it be neither frantic nor mischievous, but a 
good subject, a good child, a good servant in all the affairs of 
life ; as exact to yield to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, as 
jealous of withholding from God the things that are God's. In 
brief, he that acknowledges the civil government under which 
he lives, and that maintains no principle hurtful to his neigh- 
bour in his civil property." 

The great benefits of religious liberty in promoting the hap- 
piness of the people and securing the safety of the state are 
ably stated in this vfork, and illustrated by numerous examples 
from the history of ancient and modern times. 

He thus refers to the success that had attended this policy in 
the dominions of the Prince of Orange : — " Holland, that bog of 
the world, neither sea nor dry land, now the rival of the tallest 
monarchs, not by conquests, marriage, or accession of royal 
blood, the usual way to empire, but by her own superlative 
clemency and industry, for the one was the effect of the other ; 
she cherished her people whatsoever were their opinions^ as the 
reasonable stock of the country, the heads and hands of her 
trade and wealth, and making them easy on the main point, 
their conscience, she became great by them ; this made her fill 
up with people, and they filled her with riches and strength." 

In allusion to the happy effects of the Declaration of Indul- 
gence issued by Charles II., during the brief period of its con- 
tinuance, he says, "All dissenters seemed then united in their 
affection to the government, and followed their affairs without 
fear or distraction. But when the loss of that indulgence made 
them uncertain, and that uneasy, their persons and estates 
being again exposed to pay the reckoning of their dissent, no 
doubt but every party shifted then as they could. Most grew 
selfish, at least jealous, fearing one should make bargains apart 
or exclusive of the other. 

*' This was the fatal part dissenters acted to their common 
i*uin : and I take this partiality to have had too great a share in 



THIRTEEN HUNDREI) KniKND.^ n 



ru: v-rr. 



our late animosities, which, by iVosh m. .urnt- 
swelled to a mighty deluge, such an erne an ha; 
our former civil concord and unity. And panion me if 1 My I 
cannot see that those waters are like to a».Huav'' ' " ' ' 
branch of indulgence be some way or other \ 
waves will still cover the earth, an<l a spot of ground will hftnllr 
be found in this glorious isle, for a great numlKT of UM>fal pro. 
pie to set a quiet foot upon. And, to pursue the ulleporr. what 
was the ark itself, but tlie most ample an«l lively etnbWm of 
toleration? A kind of natural teuij)h' of indulgence, in wbicb 
we find two of every living creature dwelling together."' 

Soon after the publication of this treatise, the king i«uic<i htf 
proclamation for a general pardon to all who were in pri.«»on »»n 
account of conscientious dissent. This was the mranit of hb«*- 
rating from the noisome jails of England and Walr«* thoiinantU 
of worthy citizens belonging to the various di- 
among them were upwards of thirteen hundre'i ; 
of whom had been separated during twelve or fifteen Tear* 
from their families and homes.* 

This signal act of justice and mercy was principally attnhiite«l 
to the efforts of Wdliam Penn, who omitted no opportunity to 
plead the cause of humanity by his public appe;i*- 
and his personal influence with the king and hi- 
althouo-h the king's proclamation released those who were in 
prison, the penal laws against dissenters were still m. 1 

during the present year many were grievously per>. I 

despoiled of their goods by greedy informers. This UMng repre- 
sented to the king, he directed that the judges and v 
should discountenance the informers and i-nt a s- r 

depredations. 

In the spring of this year, Penn wrote to his U ■- 
Harrison as follows :— " For my coming over (to IVu:. ... 
cheer up the people; I press what I can, hut the great under- 

* -It was a great consolation at their ensuing Annual Me^UnR in U^ 
to have the company of many valuable Fricn.ls. who5« fac- had aol U^ 
seen there for many years, having been immured in pn.oa, •^^•'*'^ 
tuelve or Hfeen years and upn-anU, for no crim« but en-l.-vroonng lo k.^ 
good consdence towards Gud/'-Gough-. Hist- Quaker.. Bock r. cb. W 



Y« 



282 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



takings that crowd me, and to raise money to get away, hinders 
me yet, but my heart is with you, and my soul and love is after 
you. The Lord keep us here in this dark day. Be wise, close, 
respectful to superiors. The king has discharged all Friends 
by a general pardon, and is courteous to us, though as to the 
Church of England things seem pinching. Several Roman 
Catholics get much into places in the army, navy, and court." 
" My 'Persuasive works much among all sorts, and is divers 
spoken of. I have been thrice taken at meetings, but got oif, 
blessed be the Lord."* 

About this time he took a journey into Holland and Ger- 
many, in order to visit the meetings of Friends there, and 
preach the gospel among them. 

The king, being acquainted with his intention, intrusted him 
with a commission to William, Prince of Orange, in order to 
obtain his concurrence in a general toleration of religious faith 
and worship and the removal of tests. This prince, having 
married Mary, the eldest daughter of James II., who was at 
this time considered the heir presumptive of the crown of Eng- 
land, his approbation was considered essential to the success 
and permanence of the proposed measures. 

Penn accordingly waited on William, who, in several inter- 
views, expressed himself in favour of toleration, so far as it 
regarded faith and worship, but he was opposed to the removal 
of the tests which excluded the dissenters from parliament, f 

At the Hague, he met with Burnet the historian, who was a 
favourite at that court. He also was opposed to the abolition 
of the tests, and Penn's arguments in favour of entire religious 
liberty, being distasteful to him, produced a prejudice on his 
part, which is manifest in the allusions he makes to Penn in his 
"History of his own Times." 

While at the Hague, Penn met wdth a number of English 
and Scotch refugees, who had left their country on account of 
religious dissent or political offences. To some of these he 
afterward rendered important services, as will appear by the 

* rembertou's MSS. f Clarkson, 173. 



THE SCOTCH REFUGEES IN HOLLAND. 283 



following extract from a work of the Earl of Buchan, entitled, 
"The Lives of Fletcher, of Saltoun, and Thompson." 

"In the year 1G86, when the business of the test was in agitation, 
"William Penn was employed at the Court of Holland to reconcile tlic 
stadtholder to the views of his father-in-law. Penn became acquainted 
with most of the Scotch fugitives, and, among the rest, with Sir Robert 
Stuart, of Coltness, and his brother James, who wrote the famous 'An- 
swer to Fagcl ;* and finding that the violence of their zeal reached little 
further than the enjoyment of their religious liberty, on his return to 
London he advised the measure of an indemnity and recall to the perse- 
cuted Presbyterians who had not been engaged in treasonable acts of op- 
position to the civil government. Sir Robert availed himself of this 
indemnity to return to his own country ; but found his estate, and only 
means of subsistence, in the possession of the Earl of Arran, afterwards 
Duke of Hamilton. Soon after his coming to London he met Penn, who 
congratulated him on his being just about to feel experimentally the 
pleasure so beautifully expressed by Horace of the mihi me reddentis 
agdli. Coltness sighed, and said, * Ah ! Mr. Penn, Arran has got my 
estate, and I fear my situation is about to be now worse than ever.' 
* What dost thou say ?' says Penn, * thou surprisest and grievest me ex- 
ceedingly. Come to my house to-morrow, and I will set matters to right 
for thee.' 

"Penn went immediately to Arran. 'What is this, friend James,' 
said he to him, ' that I hear of thee ? Thou hast taken possession of 
Coltness's estate. Thou knowest that it is not thiiie.' — ' That estate,' says 
Arran, ' I paid a great price for. I received no other reward for my 
expensive and troublesome embassy in France except this estate ; and I am 
certainly much out of pocket by the bargain.' 

" 'All very well, friend James,' said the Quaker ; 'but of this assure 
thyself, that if thou dost not give me this moment an order on thy cham- 
berlain for two hundred pounds to Coltness, to carry him down to his 
native country, and a hundred a year to subsist on till matters are ad- 
justed, I will make it as many thousands out of thy way with the king.' 
Arran instantly complied, and Penn sent for Sir Robert and gave him 
the security. After the revolution, Sir Robert, with the rest, had full 
restitution of his estate ; and Arran was obliged to account for all the 
rents he had received, against which this payment only was allowed to 
be stated. This authentic particular I received from my illustrious 
uncle, the late Sir James Stuart Uenham, ftither of the present worthy 
member for Clydesdale." 

From the Hague, Penn proceeded to Amsterdam on his reli- 
gious mission, where he met with William Sewell, a learned 



284 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 

man, who afterward wrote the " History of the Rise and Pro- 
gress of the People called Quakers." 

Sewell was then engaged in translating into Dutch Penn's 
"Account of the Province of Pennsylvania," and his "No 
Cross no Crown." An intimacy sprang up between them ; 
and a correspondence in Latin, commenced before this inter- 
view, was afterward continued, which furnished some of the 
materials used by Clarkson in his Life of Penn.* From Am- 
sterdam he continued his travels into Germany, where he was 
engaged in the work of the ministry ; but we have no account 
of his labours, except some allusions to them in letters to his 
friends, from which it appears that he was blessed with the 
evidence of Divine favour. 

The large expenditures of the proprietary in planting his 
province of Pennsylvania, the frequent drafts made upon him 
by his steward at Pennsbury Manor, together with the expenses 
of living at Kensington, and travelling abroad, now began to 
press heavily upon him, and the income of his estates in England 
and Ireland were found insufficient to meet the demands. His 
province being prosperous, he had reason to expect supplies 
from thence from sales of land and quit-rents, but in a letter 
to Thomas Lloyd, he complains that of five hundred pounds per 
annum of quit-rents then accruing, he could not get one penny. 

His letters written at this time to his steward, account for 
his continued stay in England, when his presence was so much 
needed and desired in the colony. 

FROM W. PENN TO J. HARRISON. 

"London, 23d 7th mo. 1686. 
" Dear J. Harrison : — * -^ * I have five letters from thee and several 
bills, that I found at my arrival from Holland. For my coming, what 
with the delays we have had at council, where New England business 
and Jamaica has lain these three years and but now ended : and what 
with the fresh packets, one after another from your side, that Baltimore 
complies not with the king's order ; I cannot come this fall ; for to leave 
that unfinished I came for, and so to return by his obstinacy when wife 
and faaiily are there, will not be advisable. Wherefore I think to see an 
end of that before I go. Besides that, the country think not upon my sup- 
ply, and I resolve never to act the governor and keep anotlier family and 
* Clarkscn, 175. 



LETTERS TO JAMES HARRISON. 285 



oapacity upon my private estate. If my table, cellar, and stable may be 
provided for, with a barge and yacht or sloop for the service of governor 
or government, I may try to get hence, for in the sight of God, I can sav , 
I am five thousand pounds and more behindhand, more than I ever re- 
ceived or saw^ for land in that province ; and to be so baffled by the mer- 
chants is discouraging, and not to be put up. Now I desire thee to draw 
no more upon me for one penny. Two hundred pounds came in East, as 
much by Jos. Massey, some by Fanner's ship, I suppose, and now more 
meat and other things from Ireland, and there is abijve five hundred a 
year in quit-rents and a small family, and a good farm for corn and 
stock, so that I beseech thee not to draw any more. * * * If I can- 
not be supplied, I resolve to turn over a new leaf. There is nothing my 
soul breathes more for in this world, next my dear family's life, than 
that I may see poor Pennsylvania again, and my wife is given up [to go], 
but I cannot force my way hence, and see nothing done on that side in- 
viting. ^Tis not that I will not come whatever they do there, but not the 
sooner to be sure. I refer thee to the passengers for news. The king 
[is] kind to me and Friends, and meetings open again. I have had a 
blessed service in Holland and Germany, and many incline with me. 
* * * My dear wife is well and salutes thee and thy honest wife. 
Give my dear love to T. J., P. P., and "VV. Y. and wives."* 

"10th of 8th mo., 1686. 
" This is my third by this ship, as things rise in my mind, for I have 
much on my hands for others as well as myself ; yea, I can say that for 
one hour I have served myself, I have served the public a day." 

" Worminghurst, 28th of 11th mo., 1686. 

*' Dear James Harrison : — The salutation of unfeigned love in the 
truth, which is felt to be a preserver of them that love it and keep in it, 
is unto thee and thy honest, careful wife, the children, and God's true 
friends in that country especially. I wish you the heavenly increase of 
life more than I am able to utter. 

" Know that after my journey into Holland and Germany, in which 
God blessed me with his glorious presence and power, I have visited the 
northern parts [of England], both going to my sister's into Cleaveland, 
and in the circuit I took in my return. Friends in Derbyshire, Nottingham- 
shire, Yorkshire, Westmoreland, Lancashire, Cheshire, Stafibrdshire, and 
Warwickshire, generally I visited, and blessed enjoyment wo had togethei. 

" To come to thy particular notice, I had a meeting at II. Baly's, at Man- 
chester, at J. Alcock's, the other house being too little, and there we were 
forced to stand in his court-yard, and the house was almost full besides. 
A mighty concourse everywhere — one thousand Friends at a meeting. I 

* Thomas Janney, Phineas Pemberton, and William Yardley, residents of 
Bucks county, and intimate friends of William Peun. 



286 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



was at Thos. Janney's sisters — all well. I saw many whose relations are 
with you ; another ship-load is like to go from Liverpool this summer. 

" Much love to J. Simcock, Thos. Janney, William Yardley, and thy- 
self especially." ^ * * « Being come home, I found thine from 
Philadelphia of the 3d of 8th month past, by which I am both gladdened 
and troubled. 

" Glad that three such honest friends, whom I love in my heart, are in 
that station of service, as your being the provincial judges. I know also 
that you are men of a good understanding, and friends to me and my 
honest interest, but I could have wished you easier and better work. * * 

" Next I am sorry at heart that my letters to the council are so slightly 
regarded." * ^ * 

" I have with a religious mind consecrated my pains in a prudent 
frame [of government] , but I see it is not valued, understood, or kept to, 
80 that the charter is over and over again forfeited if I would take advan- 
tage of it. Nay, I hear my name is really not mentioned in public acis 
of state, nor the king's, which is of dangerous consequence to the persons 
and things they have transacted, since they have no power but what is 
derived from me, as mine is from the king. 

" Next, I do desire thee to let no more mention be made of the supply, 
though 'tis a debt, since a plain contract in the face of authority for a 
supply. I will sell my shirt off my back, before I will trouble them any 
more. I shall keep the power and privileges I have left to the pitch, and 
recover the rest as their misbehaviour shall forfeit them back into my 
hands ; for I see I am to let them know, that 'tis yet in my power to make 
them need me, as much as I do their supply : though the disappointment 
of me in that, with above £1000 bills I paid since my return, have kept 
me from Pennsylvania above all other things, and yet may do. Nor will 
I ever come into that province with my family to spend my private estate, ' 
to fill up and discharge a public station, and so add more wrongs to my 
children. This is no anger, though I am grieved, but a cool and resolved 
thought. [As] for my private matters ; first, I did entreat thee to have 
no more bills, though every season some come. I have sent goods in 
East, in Massey, and in some others, [ships,] paid divers bills, have la.^a 
rents, am not there to eat them, — sent beef twice lately, (enough for my 
small family,) and some money, and you have your own husbandry, a 
great stock : so that I hope thou wilt forbear to draw besides. * * * 

" I hear by R. Ingels thou takest great care and pains about my hus- 
bandry. I believe it, and expected as much of thee, knowing thou art 
ar. upright man. Methinks you should be able to feed yourselves of the 
plantation, with all but meat, and some part of the rent will answer 
that. There is now for city lots, and new and old renters, about £500 
arrears." * * * 

'• I writ, that regard should be had to Andrew Dore about the vine- 
yard. I know it is a charge, but if wiue can be made, that I have such 



APPOINTS FIVE COMMISSIONERS FOR PENNSYLVANIA. 287 



a proof, it will be worth the province thousands the yt'ar ; for many 
Frenchmen are disheartened [from coming to Pennsylvania] by the 
Carolinians, as not being hot enough. 

" In seven years there would be hundreds of vineyards if the experi- 
ment take ; and I understand, by P. Lloyd and D. More, that he produced 
ripe grapes the 28th of the 5th month, [0. S.July,] '8G ; that the shoots 
were but 15 or 16 months planted. 'Tis an high character of the country, 
and And. Dore says that J. Simcock and T. Lloyd said, he deserved the 
place, paying only an acknowledgment in wine to me. 

* * * " J recommend to thee, for the gardens and improvements 
of the lands, that ashes and soot are excellent for the ground, grass, and 
corn. Soot may be gotten at Philadelphia, I suppose, for the fetching. 
I suppose it should be sowed pretty thick for corn ; in spring, not so 
thick. It's best for low lands, and such as are moist. Let me desire 
thee to lay down as much as thou canst with English grass, and plough 
up new Indian Jields, and after a crop or two they may be laid down so 
too ; for that feeds sheep, and that feeds the ground, as well as they feed 
and clothe us. * * * Thy true friend, WM. PENX.'^ 

From the tenor of these letters it is evident the proprietary 
was much dissatisfied with the members of the provincial coun- 
cil to whom he had intrusted the executive power in his absence. 

Doubtless he had cause for dissatisfaction ; but there is reason 
to believe that the reports which reached him of disorders pre- 
vailing in the province were much exaggerated through enmity 
to him and to the society of Friends.* 

The effect of such rumours in England was to prevent emigra- 
tion, and to impair the credit of the proprietary government. 
His letters to the council were neglected and unanswered, hig 
requests to have copies of the laws sent to him were disregarded, 
and his exhortations to promote harmony among the oflficers of 
his government were ineffectual ; hence he came to the conclu- 
sion to change the form of the executive, and he accordingly 
appointed five commissioners, any three of whom were autho- 
rized to act in his behalf. 

*' William Penn, Proprietor and Governor — 

*' To my trusty and well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas 
Moore, James Claypole, Robert Turner, and John Eckley, or 
any three of them, in Philadelphia: — 
" Trusty and well-beloved ! I heartily salute you. Lest any should 

* Gordon, 87. 



288 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



scruple the termination of President Lloyd's commission with his place 
in the Provincial Council, and to the end that there may be a more con- 
stant residence of the honorary and governing part of the government, 
for the keeping all things in good order, I have sent a fresh commission 
of deputation to you, making any three of you a quorum, to act in the 
execution of the laws, enacting, disannulling, or varying of laws, as if 
I myself were there present ; reserving to myself the confirmation of 
what is done, and my peculiar royalties and advantages. 

" First : You are to oblige the Provincial Council to their charter-attend- 
ance, or to take such a council as you think convenient to advise and 
assist you in the business of the public ; for I will no more endure their 
most slothful and dishonourable attendance, but dissolve the frame with- 
out any more ado. Let them look to it, if further occasion be given. 

" Secondly : That you keep to the dignity of your station, both in 
Council and out, but especially that you suffer no disorder in the Coun- 
cil, nor the Council and Assembly, nor either of them, to intrench upon 
the powers and privileges remaining yet in me. 

" Thirdly : That you admit not any parleys or open conferences be- 
tween the Provincial Council and Assembly ; but let one, with your ap- 
probation, propose, and let the other consent or dissent, according to the 
charter. 

"Fourthly: That you curiously inspect the past proceedings of both, 
and let me know in what they have broken the bounds or obligations of 
the charter. 

*' Fifthly : That you, this very next Assembly General, declare my 
abrogation of all that has been done since my absence ; and so of all the 
laws but the fundamentals ; and that you immediately dismiss the As- 
sembly and call it again ; and pass such of them afresh, with such alter- 
ations as you and they shall see meet ; and this to avoid a greater incon- 
veniency, which I foresee, and formerly communicated to Thomas Lloyd. 

" Sixthly : Inspect the qualifications of members in Council and As 
sembly, and see they be according to charter ; and especially of those that 
have the administration of justice ; and whatever you do, let the point 
of the laws be turned against impiety, and your severe brow be upon 
all the troublesome and vexatious, more especially trifling appealers. 

" You shall shortly have a limitation from the king, though you have 
power, with the Council and Assembly, to fix the matter and manner of 
appeals, as much as to do any justice, or prevent any disorder in the 
province at all. 

" Seventhly : That, till then, I have sent you a proclamation to that 
effect, according to the powers of ordinance making, as declared in my 
letters patent, which you may expose as you please. 

•' Eighthly: Be most just, as in the sight of the all-seeing, all-searching 
God ; and, before you let your spirits into an affair, retire to Him, (who 
is not far away from any of you, and by whom kings reign and princes 



Gordon's strictures answered. 289 



decree justice,) that he may give you a good understanding and govern- 
ment of yourselves in the management thereof ; which is that which truly 
crowns public actions, and dignifies those that perform them. You shall 
hear further from me by C. King. The ship is ready to sail : so I shall 
only admonish you in general, that, next to the preservation of virtue, 
you have a tender regard to peace and my privileges, in which enact 
from time to time. Love, forgive, help, and serve one another ; and let 
the people learn by your example, as well as by your power, the happy 
life of concord. So, commending you to God's grace and keeping, I bid 
you heartily farewell. 

" Given at Worminghurst, in old England, the first of the twelfth 
month, 1G8G." 

The foregoing instructions have been commented on with 
some asperity in Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. "His in- 
structions," says that author, "present a new view of his esti- 
mate of the proprietary power. His frame of government, 
though unquestionably a contract between himself and his 
people, he held to be the gift of his special grace, revocable 
at his pleasure, when he believed its conditions were broken ; 
and the laws enacted with the consent of his deputies, void at 
his discretion." "These pretensions, so hostile to liberty, 
prostrating at once the constitution and laws, were borrowed 
from the dispensing power claimed by the king, and by him so 
fatally and liberally exercised."* 

In reply to these strictures, the following considerations are 
oifered : — 

1. There is no evidence that Penn held his frame of govern- 
ment to be the "gift of his special grace." He probably re- 
garded it as a contract, which being broken by one party was 
no longer binding on the other. When its provisions were 
disregarded by the council and assembly, it seems unreason- 
able that the proprietary should be bound by it, especially if his 
interest and that of the province were likely to suffer through 
the forfeiture of the royal 2')citent. 

2d. This view of the subject was not new to the colony, nor 
confined to the proprietary, for at the opening of the first coun • 
oil and general assembly, at Philadelphia, the number of dele- 

* Gordon's Hist. 90. 
2 19 



290 tlTE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



gates returned being less than the constitution required, " a 
member moved that the governor may be desired that this 
alteration may not hinder the people from the benefit of this 
charter;" and so great were their apprehensions of forfeiting 
their privileges, that they desired of the governor a new charter, 
with a reduction in the number of delegates, which he readily 
granted, and received in return, " the hearty thanks of the 
whole house." From this it is evident they then thought the 
charter might be forfeited by noncompliance with its provisions. 

3d. The proprietary believed that the charter had been for- 
feited, by the general assembly enacting laws without publica- 
tion, omitting his name and that of the king, and neglecting to 
send copies of them to England, to be laid before the privy 
council for approval. His instructions for abrogating the laws 
and having them re-enacted, were intended " to avoid a greater 
inconveniency, which he had communicated to Thomas Lloyd." 
We are left to conjecture what was this great inconveniency, 
but we may infer that it was the apprehended displeasure of 
the king, or the forfeiture of the royal patent. 

Finally. It is evident that Penn never did take advantage 
of any infraction of the charter, but, on the contrary, granted 
further privileges to the people, as will be shown in the course 
of this work. 

The unwarranted strictures in Gordon's History of Pennsyl- 
vania, may be traced to the Historical Review, an unfair and 
acrimonious publication, attributed to Dr. Franklin, but dis- 
owned by him. The following extracts from an able paper pre- 
sented by J. R. Tyson to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
will set this matter in its true light. " The Historical Review 
asserts that, in 1686, he ordered the withdrawal of the charter 
by his commissioners ; this is repeated by Chalmers and Bel- 
knap, and after them, Mr. Gordon, departing a little from the 
current in which they had so unresistingly glided, produces the 
charge, that Penn, presuming it to be the ofi*spring of his special 
favour, supposed that he had the power of revocation. But 
these accusations are without the slightest evidence, except that 
which brings proof of unpardonable negligence and inattention 



INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS. 291 



on the part of the accusers. It is certain Penn imputed to the 
provincial council repeated infringements of the charter, which 
amounted, in his estimation, to a forfeiture, if he chose to avail 
himself of the advantage. The correctness of this view is too 
obvious to require the aid of legal principles. A convention, 
the stipulations of which have been violated by one party, must 
surely be void or not, at the discretion of the other."* 

The letters of Penn, already quoted, show that his quitrents 
were not paid, or at least, that no remittances reached him from 
this source. Some of the colonists, doubtless, were prevented 
from paying them punctually by the scarcity of money, and the 
unavoidable privations incident to a new colony, while others 
openly refused to pay them, affecting to consider this claim of 
the proprietary an onerous exaction. Among others, Joshua 
Carpenter, who was among the rich of the province, suffered dis- 
tress to be made, and stood suit by advice of his counsel, David 
Lloyd.f 

It will be remembered by the reader, that the original terms 
of sale for land in Pennsylvania were, forty shillings in money 
and an annual quitrent of one shilling for every hundred acres. 
In his account of the province, published in 1681, soon after he 
received the royal patent, he thus refers to the subject: "And 
for the quitrent one English shilling, or the value of it, yearly, 
for a hundred acres, which such as will, may now, or hereafter, 
buy off to an inconsiderable matter ; but as I hold by a small 
rent of the king, so must all hold of me by a small rent, for 
their own security." In some cases this quitrent appears to 
have been bought off or relinquished.^ 

Now it is evident that the quitrent of one shilling, reserved 
in most of the deeds, was a part of the original price of the land, 
intended to reimburse the proprietary for his expenditures in 
purchasing and planting the colony. If it were not so, those 
among the colonists who bought off the rent by an additional 

* Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., vol. ii. part ii. 140. 

f Logan MSS., and Gordon's Hist, note ii. 

X I have now before me an old patent of William Penn, dated March 2l9t, 
1681, for a tract of 250 acres, in which the rent is reduced to ''one peppfr- 
corn only." 



292 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



payment, would not have received their lands on as good terms 
as others. Nor was this mode of selling lands unexampled in 
the other colonies, for Oldmixon, in his history of Carolina, 
says, "every planter pays one penny an acre quitrent, unless 
he buys it off." 

The claim subsequently set up by the assembly, in the year 
1708, that the quitrents were reserved to pay the expenses of 
government, had no foundation in fact. Indeed the very first 
assembly that met in Philadelphia, passed an act allowing Wil- 
liam Penn an impost on exports and imports, which was, doubt- 
less, intended to defray his expenses in the government, but he 
generously declined receiving it at that time, and it was repealed 
in his absence. There was, however, a small duty on foreign 
wines and spirits granted him the following year, "but this 
miserable pittance was slowly and partially collected."* 

The appointment of commissioners to fulfil the executive 
functions in the province, seems to have been attended with a 
happy effect. "Their administration was prudent, steady and 
efficient, "f 

Nothing further, of note, occurs in the history of the province 
in the two succeeding years, during which the colonists con- 
tinued to enjoy the blessings of domestic tranquillity. 

The affectionate concern of the proprietary for the welfare 
of his province, is evinced by the following letter to his com- 
missioners, superscribed, 

** To my trusty and well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Robert Turner, 
James Claypole, Johx Simcock, and Joiix Eccles, Philadelphia. 
" I salute you all with unfeigned love ; and in Christ Jesus, wish you 
health and happiness. My last is by the same hand, this being sent to 
the Downs after him, upon the receipt of Thomas Lloyd's and William 
JNIarkham's letters. I am heartily sorry that I had no letter from the 
guvernment, indeed, I have hardly had one at all ; and [as] for private 
letters, though from public persons, I regard them but little : I mean, as 
to taking of my public measures by ; for I find such contradiction as 
well as diversity, that I believe I may say, I am one of the unhappiest 
proprietaries with one of the best people. If this had not been com- 
plained of in mine, by Ed. Blackfain, I should have been less moved at 
this visible incomplacency and neglect. 

* J. R. Tyson's " Examination. " -j- Gordon's Hist. Pa. 



INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS. 29 i 



" Had the government signed, I mean those that are the most eminent 
in authority, by consent of the rest, it had given me some ease and satis- 
faction ; but as it is, 'tis controversy rather than government, which 
stands, and lives, and prospers in unity ; at least of the governing part; 
whatever be their affections; for men may agree in duty, that dislike one 
another's natural tempers. I shall henceforth, therefore, expect letters 
from the government recounting the affairs of it, that they may be 
authoritative to me; and as many private ones of love and friendship as 
you please beside, for that I also rejoice in ; and any particular advices 
that may inform me, as to the public, or remedy what may be amiss, or 
ameliorate what is in itself well, will also be very acceptable to mo. 

" Now I have said this, I cannot but condole the loss of some standards 
in the province, honest men, and of good understandings in their kind. 
The Lord avert his judgments, and constrain all by his visitations, to 
amend, be it in conversation, or be it in peace, concord, and charity. 
They that live near to God, will live far from themselves ; and from the 
sense they have of his nearness and majesty, have a low opinion of them- 
selves ; and out of that low and humble frame of spirit, it is that true 
charity grows, the most excellent way. Ah ! what shall I say ? There 
can be no union, no comfortable society without it ! Oh ! that the people 
of my province and parts annexed, felt this gracious quality abounding 
in them. My work would soon be done, and their praise and my joy 
unspeakably abound to us. Wherefore, in the name and fear of God, 
let all old scores be forgotten as well as forgiven. Shut out the remem- 
brance of them, and preach this doctrine to the people in my name, yea, 
in the king's name, and His that is greater and above all, namely, God 
Almighty's name. I am sorry that Thomas Lloyd, my esteemed friend, 
covets a quietus, that is young and active and ingenious, for from such it 
is that I expect help, and such will not sow, I hope, in vain ; but since 
'tis his desire, I do hereby signify his dismiss from the trouble he has 
borne, (for some time of rest and ease at least,) and do nominate to be 
commissionated in my name, under the great seal, till further order, 
Samuel Carpenter, who, I hope, will accept and industriously serve that 
station; else Thomas Ellis, who has an office that requires his attendance. 
Having one in my eye that may see you shortly, as a man richly quali- 
fied for that station. 

" Robert Turner of course has the chair for the first mouth after the 
receipt of this, and the rest alternatively, monthly ; if you find that con- 
venient, as I believe it will be most easy ; else let the senior counsellor 
have it always. 

" I have only to recommend to you the due execution of the divers good 
laws among you, impartially, and diligently ; not neglecting the orders, 
from hence sent, especially for peace and concord. Government is not 
to make, but to do, and despatch business ; in which few words, and a 
quiet but brisk execution does best. "Wherefore consider well what is 
Z* 



294 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



just or fit, the one in law, the other in prudence, (where you have room 
to use it,) pursue in all cases, and no matter what any say or object. I 
write to you about my quitrents ; I am forced to pay bills here, for the sup- 
port of my family when there, while I have four or five hundred pounds 
per annum, in quitrents there. You may remember the vote of council 
to pay my charges in this expedition. I could draw a large bill upon the 
provincial council in that regard — I am sure I need it — but have for- 
borne ; though it is none of the endearingest considerations, that I have 
not had the present of a skin or pound of tobacco, since I came over : 
though they are like to have most advantage by it, and promised so much. 

" Pray prevent people withdrawing from us what you can. They can- 
not mend themselves, and they that go will find it so in a while, for I 
believe God has blessed that poor place ; and the reason of my stay here, 
and the service I am, and have been, to the conscientious, shall be 
rewarded on my solitary province. Remember me to the people ! and 
let them know my heart's desires toward them, and shall embrace the 
first opportunity to make my abode with them. 

"Once more let me hear from you, and have a copy of the laws, as my 
other letter directs, and you shall soon hear from me to your content. 
And so I bid you heartily farewell. 

"Given at Holland House, this 27th of the 10th mo. (December,) 1687."* 



CHAPTER XXI. 



Declaration of indulgence and removal of tests — An unpopular measure 
— William Penn opposed to its being based on the dispensing power of 
the king — Course of the dissenters — Address of Friends, and William 
Penn's speech to the king — His tract called "Good Advice to the 
Church of England" — His letters to J. Harrison — His desire to return 
to Pennsylvania — His religious labours in England — King's progress 
— William Penn's intercourse with the king — Interesting memoirs of 
C, Lawton, concerning William Penn. 

1687. 

In the spring of 1687, James II. issued a declaration of gene- 
ral indulgence to all religious dissenters, not only suspending 
the laws against non-conformity, but dispensing with the tests, 
which had hitherto excluded fi'om seats in Parliament and offices 
under government, all except members of the established church. 

* Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. vol. iv. part i. 



KING James's declaration of indulgence. 295 



This measure, though apparently intended for a good purpose, 
was received with great distrust by the nation, from the pre- 
vailing opinion that the king's intention was, not so much to 
protect Protestant dissenters, as to favour the members of his 
own communion, and eventually to pave the way for re-esta- 
blishing the Roman Catholic religion. The declaration was 
rendered still more objectionable, by being based expressly on 
the dispensing power, in virtue of which the king claimed the 
right to suspend the acts of Parliament. 

This dangerous power had formerly been an unquestioned 
prerogative of the crown ; but as the principles of civil libertj'- 
advanced among the people, its exercise was, in most cases, 
forbidden by public opinion. The late king had, more than 
once, suspended acts of Parliament, without giving much um- 
brage,* but in two memorable instances, when he attempted, by 
this means, to favour the dissenters, the jealousy of the hierarchy 
was excited, and he was obliged to retract. Since that time the 
sufferings of the non-conformists, and the arguments of Penn 
and others, had so far influenced public sentiment, that a mere 
toleration of Protestant dissenters, without the removal of the 
tests, would not have met with serious opposition. 

The declaration for liberty of conscience, thus issued by the 
king, has been attributed, in part, to the influence of William 
Penn, and, doubtless, he rejoiced in the apparent triumph of a 
principle which it had been the main purpose of his life to pro- 
mote. But although he approved of the object, he did not 
sanction the means, for there is good contemporary evidence to 
show that he was opposed "to putting out the king's declaration 
on so unpopular a prerogative, "f 

Although many of the Protestant dissenters disapproved of 
the king's assumption of the dispensing power, yet, as he ex- 
pressed his belief in the concurrence of Parliament, and they 
had long suffered under the rod of persecution, they willingly 
accepted the relief afforded, which they deemed no more than 
their natural right, and addresses expressive of their gratitude 
were sent up to the throne. :|: 

" Hume' is Hist, f Lawton's Memoir, quoted in this chap. X Ciough,iii. \d)\}. 



296 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Among others, the Society of Friends, having suffered long 
and severely, felt bound to express their acknowledgments to 
the king : accordingly their yearly meeting adopted an address, 
and appointed William Penn, with others, to present it. 

On being admitted, with his associates, to the king's presence, 
he made the following speech : 

*' May it please the king : — It was the saying of our blessed Lord to 
the captious Jews, in the case of tribute, ' Render to Ceesar the things 
that are Ceesar's, and to God the things that are God's/ As this dis- 
tinction ought to be observed by all men in the conduct of their lives, so 
the king has given us an illustrious example, in his own person, that ex- 
cites us to it: for while he was a subject he gave Csesar his tribute, and 
now he is Csesar he gives God his due, namely, the sovereignty over con- 
sciences. It were a great shame then, for any Englishman that professes 
Christianity, not to give God his due. By this grace he has relieved his 
distressed subjects from their cruel sufferings, and raised to himself a 
new and lasting empire, by adding their affection to their duty. And 
we pray God to continue the king in this noble resolution ; for he is now 
upon a principle that has good-nature, Christianity, and the good of civil 
society on its side — a security to him beyond the little arts of govern- 
ment. 

" I would not that any should think that we came here with design 
to fill the ' Gazette' with our thanks ; but, as our sufferings would have 
moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder if we were not 
moved to gratitude. 

" Now, since the king's mercy and goodness have reached to us through- 
out the kingdom of England and principality of Wales, our general as- 
sembly from all those parts, met at London about our church affairs, has 
appointed us to wait upon the king with our humble thanks, and me to 
deliver them ; Avhich I do, by this address, with all the affection and re- 
spect of a dutiful subject." 

After these introductory remarks, the address was read, as 
follows : — 

*' To King James the Second over England, &c., the humble and grate- 
ful acknowledgment of his peaceable subjects, called Quakers, in this 
kingdom. 

" We cannot but bless and praise the name of Almighty God, who hath 
the hearts of princes in his hand, that he hath inclined the king to hear 
the cries of his suffering subjects for conscience' sake; and we rejoice 
that, instead of troubling him with complaints of our sufferings, he has 
given us so eminent an occasion to present him with our thanks. And 
fcince it hath pleased the king, out of his great compassion, thus to cciu- 



GOOD ADVICE." 297 



miserate our afflicted condition, which hath so particularly appeared by 
his gracious proclamation and warrants last year, whereby twelve hun- 
dred persons were released from their severe imprisonments, and many 
others from spoil and ruin in their estates and properties, and by Lis 
princely speech in council and Christian declaration for liberty of con- 
science, in which he doth not only express his aversion to all force upon 
conscience, and grant all his dissenting subjects an ample liberty to wor- 
ship God in the way they are persuaded is most agreeable to his will, 
but gives them his kingly word the same shall continue during his reign: 
We do, as our friends of this city have already done, render the king our 
humble. Christian, and thankful acknowledgments, not only in behalf 
of ourselves, but with respect to our friends throughout England and 
Wales ; and pray God, with all our hearts, to bless and preserve thee, 
king, and those under thee, in so good a work. And, as we can assure 
the king, it is well accepted in the several counties from which we came, 
so we hope the good effects thereof for the peace, trade, and prosperity 
of the kingdom will produce such a concurrence from the Parliament as 
may secure it to our posterity in after times ; and, while we live, it shall 
be our endeavour, through God's grace, to demean ourselves, as in con- 
science to God and duty to the king we are obliged, his peaceable, loving, 
and faithful subjects. '^ 

THE king's answer. 

" Gentlemen, I thank you heartily for your address. Some of you 
know (I am sure you do, Mr. Penn,) that it was always my principle, 
that consciences ought not to be forced, and that all men ought to have 
the liberty of their consciences. And what I have promised in my de- 
claration I will continue to perform so long as I live. And I hope, be- 
fore I die, to settle it, so that after ages shall have no reason to alter it." 

Some persons have censured the Friends and other dissenters 
for their addresses on this occasion, because the act tliat called 
them forth was considered a dangerous exercise of the rojal 
prerogative. But it will be observed, that the Friends were 
careful in their address to intimate the necessity of "concur- 
rence from the Parliament," in order to render the measure per- 
manent. 

Penn was so far from considering this a final settlement of 
the question, that he continued to write and publish arguments 
in favour of the completion, bj the Parliament, of that which 
the king had begun. Such was the purpose of a work he 
issued, anonymousl}^ this year, entitled, "Good Advice to tht* 
Church of England, Koman Catholic, and Protestant Dissenter, 



298 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



in whicli it is endeavoured to be made appear, that it is their 
duty, principle, and interest, to abolish the penal laws and tests." 
In this treatise, after advancing many cogent arguments to 
establish the position assumed in the title, and to expose the 
absurdity, as well as impiety, of persecution for religion, he 
says in his concluding section: "Shall I speak within our own 
knowledge, and that without oflfence ? There have been ruined 
since the late king's restoration ahoye fifteen thousand families, 
and more than five thousand persons died under bonds, for 
matters of mere conscience to God. But who hath laid it to 
heart?" 

About this time he issued another publication, having the 
same object: it was a tract entitled, "The Great and Popular 
Objection Against the Repeal of the Penal Laws, Briefly Stated 
and Considered." 

From his letters to James Harrison, written this year, the 
follovfing extracts are taken: viz.* 

"A blessed general meeting we had, the Lord good among 
us, many of thy old friends at it." " As yet I cannot get clear, 
for besides that I am not in my private affairs fit to move for a 
stay, as that I intend when I come there ; I am engaged in the 
public business of the nation, and Friends and others in au- 
thority would have me see the establishment of the liberty, that 
I was a small instrument to begin in this land. The Lord has 
given me great entrance and interest with the king, though not 
so much as 'tis said, and I confess I should rejoice to see poor 
England fixt, the penal laws repealed, that are now suspended, 
and if it goes well with England it cannot go ill with Pennsyl- 
vania. Perhaps thou wilt hear more from some passengers, but 
this I say, no temporal honour %r profit can tempt me to decline 
poor Pennsylvania, as unkindly used as I am, and no poor slave 
in Turkey desires more earnestly, I believe, for deliverance, 
than I do to be with you ; wherefore be contented awhile, and 
God in his time will bring us together." 

"8th of 7th month, '87. I am straitened, being just come 
home from the king's progress through Berkshire, Gloucestor- 
* Pemberton's MSS. 



EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 299 



Bliire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, War- 
wickshire, Oxfordshire, Hampshire, and so home. I liad two 
meetings on a first day at Chester, in the Tennis court, where 
were about a thousand people, while the king was there." 

From Clarkson's account of this journey, it appears to have 
been undertaken on a religious account, but the king being on 
a tour through some of the same counties, they occasionally 
met, and he attended meetings held by Penn at Chester and 
some other places. At Bristol his meetings were attended by 
a great concourse of people; and at Chew, in Somersetshire, he 
held one in the open air, under a tree, there being no building 
sufficient to contain the crowds in attendance. 

As the intercourse of William Penn with King James has been 
a subject of much animadversion, it may be proper to introduce 
here an extract from Lawton's Memoir, concerning him ; which 
was communicated to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania by 
Granville Penn, and published in their Memoirs, vol. iii. part ii. 
The author of this interesting paper, was "a person of con- 
siderable weight in his day, and moving in the highest political 
circles."* 

Charlewood Lawton was agent of Pennsylvania in 1701, 
during William Penn's second residence in America, and his 
name is found among the documents relating to Pennsylvania 
in the State Paper Office, London. f 

"I had the happiness," he says, "to converse frequently, and 
as inwardly as if we had been brothers, with Mr. Penn, almost 
thirty years before his death ; and during all that time I con- 
stantly discovered in him an inexhaustible spring of benevolence 
toward all his fellow creatures, without any narrow or stingy 
regard to either civil or religftus parties. And yet this best 
natured man, was, whilst living, daily persecuted with ground- 
less slanders, and since his death, his good name is not free 
from malicious attacks. If only little people had of late handed 
about calumnies against him, I should have disregarded such 
reports ; but I have very often met with men of figure, as well 
among the laity as clergy, who still, as it were, delight to spread 

* G. Penn. f Catalogue, Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. ii. 305 to 308. 



300 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



opprobrious falsehoods concerning him. This usage hath often 
provoked me to defend him in conversation, both in his lifetime 
and since his decease, and is the motive which extorts from 
me the publication of some few transactions, w^hich I intended 
should have remained secret till my own death." After this 
introduction, C. Lawton relates how he first became acquainted 
with William Penn, while travelling in the Kensington coach, 
and that having himself got into trouble by his connection with 
Monmouth's rebellion, he was obliged to keep concealed till 
the general pardon was published by the king. He then went 
with his family to live near Windsor, but did not meet with 
William Penn until he received an invitation, through a friend^ 
to call on him, which was " the summer that the declaration 
for liberty of conscience was published." 

He then proceeds with his narrative as follows : 

*' Upon this advice and encouragement I went, the next morning, to 
Mr. Penn, who received me most courteously, and engaged me to dine 
vrith him that day. But going with him in his chariot to Windsor, and 
he calling upon one Mr. Popple, (since the revolution, secretary, as his 
son now is, to the Lords of Trade and Plantations,) Mr. Popple, who Mr. 
Penn was then bringing out of trouble, pressed Mr. Penn to dine with 
him, which Mr. Penn refused to do unless Mr. Popple could engage me 
to dine with him also. 

" Though that was the first time I ever spoke to Mr. Popple, I had 
heard of him at Bordeaux, where he merchandised, as a man of good, 
both acquired and natural, parts, of an excellent temper, and therefore I 
soon agreed to the proposal ; and Mr. Penn, going to the French ambas> 
sador's to solicit Mr. Popple's business, he appointed me to meet him 
upon the terrace walk in the castle, which I did accordingly. 

" As we came from Eaton to Windsor, I freel}', amongst other things, 
lold Mr. Penn, that though I was for liberty of conscience, I thought the 
king ill-advised to put out his declitation of indulgence upon the dis- 
pensing power ; to which Mr. Penn made no answer then, but many 
years after, (upon what occasion I shall tell more at large before I have 
done, ) I came to know the reason of his silence, which was because Mr, 
Penn had been himself against putting it ovt upon so unpopular a prerogative. 

" But to return to our meeting upon the terrace. When he had walked 
a little while, and talked of common things, Mr. Penn said to me, 'Friend 
Lawton, I would not have taken so much pains to have found thee out, 
if I had not an inclination for thee ; and they say, I have some interest 
with the king, and, therefore, prithee, tell me how I can employ it for 



EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 301 



tliy good ;' to -which I, fearing to be drawn into some things I might not 
like, replied, * Sir, my ill state of health confines me (as indeed it did) to 
a country life ; and though my fortune is small, I am contented with it.' 
And so we began to talk of different things, such as the fine prospect of 
the terrace walk, &c. But after a while it came into my mind that I 
would ask him to get Aaron Smith pardoned, and thereby hear his 
thoughts about political mercy, which, God knows, few who have inte- 
rest in princes, either understand the wisdom or benefit of, or even in- 
cline to when they are in prosperity, and think they shall always remain 
in play, though Mr. Penn, as will appear more fully hereafter, did, to 
the greatest degree imaginable, and, therefore, upon my asking to get 
Aaron Smith pardoned, he, without hesitation, promised me he would do 
it if he could. I thanked him for his promise, for though I had not seen 
Aaron for some years, I then* thought him (though I was neither of hia 
religion, nor agreed with many of his notions in politics) a brave fellow. 
Immediately after this we closed with Mr. Barrillon (the then French 
ambassador) and the late Duke of Montague, who were walking together 
on the terrace, and after two or three turns, Mr. Penn and I went to dine 
with Mr. Popple at his lodgings in Windsor. 

" After dinner, as we were drinking a glass of wine, jNIr. Penn, turn- 
ing to him, told Mr. Popple that he had brought him such a man as he 
had never met with before. 'I have just now asked him how I might 
do something for himself, and he hath desired me to get pardon for 
another man.' And so Mr. Penn repeated at length what had passed 
between us upon the terrace walk, and then turning to me, he said, 
' Though I will, at thy request, get, if I can, Aaron Smith's pardon, yet I 
desire thou wilt think of something 'wherein I can do a kindness for 
thyself.' 

" Upon that, I said I could tell him how he might prolong my life. 
Mr. Penn replied, * I am no physician, but prithee tell me what thou 
meanest? And so I told him Jack Trenchard (for so we state whigs 
used to call him) who was afterwards secretary of state, was abroad, 
and if he could get him leave to come home with safety and honour, the 
drinking now and then a bottle with Jack Trenchard would make me so 
cheerful, that it would prolong my life. 

" To this Mr. Penn smilingly answered, ' To show thee I will not deny 
thee any thing thou canst reasonably ask, I promise thee I will get him 
too a pardon, if I can ;' and after this we chatted half an hour, and so 
parted. 

" In three weeks or a month he got Aaron Smith's pardon ; and pre- 

* " I have since hnd reason enough to change my mind ; for, besides his 
other faults, Aaron took, after the revolution, a great deal of pains to ruiu 
both Mr. Penn and me, and stuck not at telling the grossest falsehoods to my 
Lord Romney, (then secretary of state.) in order to doit.' 
2 A 



302 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



vailing with my Lord Jeifrejs (then lord chancellor) to join with him, 
they in a short time obtained Mr. Trenchard's. 

" Though the engaging to use his endeavours to get pardons for two 
men, obnoxious as they were both then reckoned, and that at the request 
and first motion of a man so little known to him as I was, may convince 
any unprejudiced person how compassionate Mr. Penn was in his na- 
ture ; yet I will, as a further proof, give an account of the third conver- 
sation I had with him. 

'* lie going to London, I soon followed him, and found out Aaron 
Smith, who was then purchasing his pardon, by giving all that he was 
worth in the world, as he himself told me, to the man v/ho was to procure 
it. I advised Mr. Smith to break off that treaty, and told him I was 
come up in order to get it for nothing. He said that was impossible. I 
then told him it was by Mr. Penn. Aaron replied, several friends of his 
had pretended to have an interest with Mr. Penn, and had undertaken to 
serve him that way, but that all their promises had come to nothing. 
Upon this I repeated to Mr. Smith what had passed between Mr. Penn 
and me about him, and protested if Mr. Penn broke his word with me, I 
would immediately break off the friendship I had so lately begun to con- 
tract with him ; and withal desired Mr. Smith to come to me the next day 
to settle such a petition as Mr. Penn should deliver to the king. 

" He came accordingly to my lodgings the next day, and we spent a 
great many hours in forming the petition, resolving it should neither be 
too sneaking nor too saucy. However, we left it harsh and unmannerly 
enough, as will appear presently. After the petition was settled, Mr. 
Smith wrote a civil letter to Mr. Penn, and inclosed the petition in it ; 
and the next day I carried both to Holland House. When I came thither, 
Mr. Penn was from home, and I took a walk in the garden, whither Mr. 
Penn came to me as soon as he returned, and his first salutation was, 
" Friend Lawton, I am glad to see thee, but I have ill news to tell thee, 
for I mentioned thy friend Aaron Smith's pardon this morning to the 
king, and he was never so angry with me in his life. He was ready to 
turn me out of his closet, and said, ' Six such men would put his three 
kingdoms in a flame.' Upon this I told him I was sorry for it, because 
I had brought him a letter with a petition to the king enclosed in it ; but 
now it was not worth while to give him either. He answered, however, 
• Give me them, for I don't yet despair ; there are mollia tempora fandi, 
and I will take an opportunity when the king is in a very good humour.' 
So I gave him the letter, and he read both that and the petition ; and 
when he had done, he told me he would not present the petition, * for,' 
faid he, 'the king may not like so much sturdiness, but Aaron's letter to 
nie is very civil, and I will read that to the king. I believe thou comest 
to town to look after me. Don't stay to hurt thy health. If I can do 
it, it shall be done as well in thy absence as if thou wast here ;' which he 



EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 303 



accordingly perft)rmed in about three weeks or a month, when I was in 
the country. 

" AVhen this was over, we went to the rest of the company, and so to 
dinner ; after which, he and I, and a gentleman, who hath since, at a 
certain time, made a great figure in our politics, fell into a debate con- 
cerning AYhatever was necessary to be done to quiet the nation ; and what 
measures ought to be taken to make people willing to establish by law 
an impartial liberty of conscience. I proposed, as one step, issuing out 
such a general pardon as should bring over all the outlaws from Holland. 
"Sir. Penn seconded me so roundly and warmly, that I am confident it 
was as much his as my own opinion ; and that, though I first started it 
then, it was his thoughts before. The third person, though then, and 
still an eminent whig, strenuously opposed us. What secret reasons he 
had for doing so, I can't tell, but what he gave us with a great deal of 
warmth, seemed to me very weak, and I have since thought (because he 
soon went to the Prince of Orange) that it is possible he artfully in- 
tended to obstruct so popular a measure as that would have been. But 
whatever was his design is not much to my present purpose, and all I 
desire may be observed from this my third conversation with Mr. Penn, 
is the good-natured care Mr. Penn took bi/ dropping it, not to provoke 
the king by Aaron's petition, and the strong inclination Mr. Penn wisely 
and honestly had for real acts of indemnity. 

"And here I will confess this, his behaviour confirmed me in so good 
an opinion of Mr. Penn, that I thenceforward frequented his company, 
and talked freely with him upon any subject; and after we had been 
together two or three times more, he proposed to carry me to the king in 
his closet. I agreed to go, and he got the audience appointed ; and, as 
we went, Mr. Penn encouraged and advised me to speak boldly. I fol- 
lowed his instructions, and amongst other things, when I was speaking 
concerning liberty of conscience, I told the king that, though I was sure 
my charity was as catholic as he thought his fiiith, yet I could not con- 
tribute towards settling the liberty of conscience he was pursuing, unless 
the Church of England was, at the same time, made secure of being the 
national religion, and the civil liberties of my country were also secured; 
to which the king calmly answered, ' I assure you I have no design upon 
either.' 

" When I came away, Mr. Penn commended me for speaking my mind 
80 plainly; and told me, I need not have blushed, which he said he ob- 
served me sometimes to do, and particularly when I compared my catholic 
charity to the king's faith. 

•' Soon after this, Mr. Penn went into Yorkshire, and during his ab- 
sence, that justly suspicious and ofiensive measure of regulating corpo- 
rations was resolved on. At this I was excessively alarmed, and there- 
fore went, with a design to take my leave of him, to meet Mr. Penn at 
his lodgings at Kensington, the day I was told he would return. He did 



804 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



return at the time he had set, and after common civilities, and being by 
nature very passionate, and then very young, I fell into a vehement de- 
clamation against regulations. Mr. Penn let me spend my fury, and 
after it was over, told me he did not know what I meant, but desired me 
to tell him coolly what had so disturbed me. I then talked over the mat- 
ter with more temper, and when I had done, he assured me that was the 
first time he had ever heard any thing of it ; 'for,' said he, 'I have been 
in Yorkshire to visit my brother and sister Lowther, and that I might 
enjoy their company with greater satisfaction, I took care to prevent 
anybody's writing to me any thing relating to public affairs ; but now 
I have one thing to desire of thee. What thou hast said, hath made im- 
pression upon me, and I entreat thee to send me thy thoughts by the 
penny-post, without setting thy name to thy letter, but prithee write 
with as much vehemence as thou spokest at first : for that warmth will 
make them enter more into my mind.' This request, I must confess, con- 
vinced me that he had no hand in setting on foot that measure ; and I 
complied with him, but little imagined what use he intended to make of 
that letter. That, and several other anonymous letters which he, by ho- 
nest artifice, from time to time got from me, he showed to the king, but 
never would let his majesty know who wrote them ; but Mr. Penn having 
brought me to the king, his majesty sometimes talked to me. The ge- 
nerality of what the king at any time said to me, and what I answered, 
I shall reserve to be inserted in my memoirs ; but one thing I will, be- 
cause it brings in Mr. Penn's, mention now. The last time I ever spoke 
to his majesty in England, which was about a twelvemonth before he 
went away, the king, when I objected against the measures which he 
was betrayed into, and proved afterwards his ruin, and which I then told 
him highly provoked the Church of England, seemed to lay great stress 
upon, and place his security in the Church of England's belief of passive 
obedience. Upon this I replied, that I could not imagine that his ma- 
jesty ought to venture much upon an expectation that they would live 
up to that doctrine ; for, said I, perhaps it is but a great compliment in 
the mouths of most men. It is like telling a lady that she is an angel, 
and a goddess, when we intend to use her like a woman. I think my- 
self as firm a believer as any body that that Episcopacy which is called 
tne Church of England, established by law, is the best of all religions , 
and yet I never intended to believe (since I could form any belief) pas- 
sive obedience ; and I am sure there is a multitude who never go out of 
conscience, whatever they may do out of curiosity, to, or ever so much 
as once communicate with, any other congregation, who are of my sen- 
timents. But, continued I, for argument sake, I will grant as much 
as your majesty can desire, and that is, that the greatest part of the 
Church of England do sincerely believe resistance, upon any pretence 
whatever, is unlawful : but now I have allowed this, give me leave to 
asK your majesty, whether the same men don't believe drunkenness and 



EXTRACT FROM LAWTON's MEMOIR. 30i 



common swearing to be sins? and don't you, nevertheless, find many of 
them to drink very hard and swear very often? These last, sir, are in- 
disputed crimes, disavowed by all Christians, as well as by them; how 
then can you be certain, or expect that the same men will live up, when 
provoked, to a disputed principle, when they so often commit faults 
which Christians of all denominations agree to be sins? Upon this the 
king smilingly told me, I was not enough of the Church of England to 
know how far their loyalty would carry them : and so I made my bow 
and went away. As soon as I saw Mr. Penn I told him, as I always 
did, what had passed between the king and me, but Mr. Penn had been, 
in the interval, with the king, and so he began, as he had a great talent 
that way, to rally me very facetiously upon my bluntness; and when he 
had made himself merry with me as long as he thought fit, Mr. Penn told 
me the king liked me for my sincerity, and I would have thee (said he) 
think of tone place. The king hath a mind that thou shouldst-be in 
tomn>ission of tho peace, and a member of the next parliament, and a 
corporation will be found where some honest gentleman will bring th(e 
in. To all which I replied, as to a place, I had given him formerly my an- 
swer upon the terrace walk. As to being a justice of peace, he knew 
there were great misunderstandings between me and some of the prin- 
cipal officers of the forest, and I was resolved, as far as I could, to protect 
(which indeed he helped me to do) the poor people, inhabitants of it, and 
that, therefore, I could not consent that I should be liable to have forest 
business brought before me ; and lastly, as to being a member of parlia- 
ment, I told him I should be glad, if a regulated parliament did any good, 
but, by the help of God, I would never make one amongst them. After 
this, finding my obstinacy created no coldness in Mr. Penn, I kept on 
my friendship with him; but from that time I industriously avoided 
coming in the king's way, in any place where he might single me out to 
speak to me upon business; for I was apprehensive lest I should have 
been too indecent, if the king had spoken to me, and seconded the mes- 
sage which he had sent by Mr. Penn. The king, however, had fron. 
time to time my thoughts in the many invective anonymous letters whi.'h, 
with so good a design, Mr. Penn drew from me upon every occasion ; 
and, about this juncture, Mr. Penn himself gave the greatest proofs us 
well of his integrity as good-nature ; for he was not only helping every 
man he could out of his troubles, he was not only busy in getting parti- 
cular pardons, but daily pressing for a real general one. And further, 
finding himself oppressed, as I may call it, by the opposition others made 
to the honest and universal measures which he would have propagated, 
and set on foot, and in order likewise to hinder all the mischief others 
were doing, he solicited many of the state whigs to come in to his as 
sistance, and carried several of them to the king. 

" Amongst those state whigs there were some who, instead of helping 
Mr. Penn, vilelv complied with every thing, whilst the unfortunate King 
2A* 20 



806 LIFE or WILLIAM PEXX. 



James had any likelihood to keep his crown ; bvit as soon as they thought 
the design of the Prince of Orange would be successful, they turned as 
violently against that misled prince, who they had then ever helped to 
mislead. 

"I forbear to blot my paper with the names of such wicked miscreants; 
but I will take this opportunity to do justice to three men, very great 
after the revolution, to whom Mr. Penn applied. And those three were 
Lord Somers, Secretary Trenchard, and my Lord Chief Justice Treby. 

"As for that most universal, and most finished man that ever was bred 
to the law, (I mean of those who perfectly understood, which Bacon did 
not, the profession,) my Lord Somers, he, from a natural shyness, refused 
to go to the king, though he was, by Mr. Penn, offered from his majesty 
to be made solicitor-general, before it was ever proposed to Sir William 
Williams, and consequently before the bishops' trial. But Mr. Secretary 
Trenchard, upon a letter which Mr. Penn desired me to write, and 
whereof I have (lodged amongst my papers, which are the materials of 
my memoirs,) a copy, as well as his original answer, came over from 
Holland, and behaved himself perfectly like a man of honour ; for with- 
out laying aside the good manners he was master of, or telling the least 
h»yllable of past times, or what he knew before his arrival, he fairly and 
frankly told the king wherein he thought he mistook his own interest; 
and yet he did it in so handsome a manner, that, upon his gentlemanlike 
behaviour, Mr. Penn prevailed with the king to resolve to make him (had 
not the revolution come on) what he was afterwards, Lord Chief Justice 
of Chester. 

"My Lord Chief Justice Treby also deserves the utmost commenda- 
tion ; for he went to the king, and amongst other things, told his majesty 
that he was confident that he himself was, and he believed many other 
whigs were, misrepresented as enemies to the prerogative, whereas, he and 
they were sensible, the prerogative, discreetly used, was necessary for the 
protection of the subject ; and yet he said, as willing as he was to serve 
the king, and as much as he was for liberty of conscience, he could not 
join in the methods by which it was then attempted to be introduced. 

"What he so honourably said, was not only told me by Mr. Penn, but 
several years after, when my Lord Chief Justice Treby permitted me to 
have a good deal of intimacy with him, by my lord chief justice himself. 

"And one thing more I will, with great satisfaction, say of the two last 
mentioned persons, which is, that I never knew that either of them did, 
after the revolution, in their respective offices, but one thing which any 
impartial man can say so much as bordered upon severity towards the 
nonjurors. On the contrary, they both, upon my application, helped 
several out of their troubles, as likewise my Lord Somers did Dr. Turner, 
the deprived Bishop of Ely; Dr. Hicks, the deprived Dean of Worcester; 
ond many more upon my speaking and writing to him. 

** I am sensible I may be thought to have gone out of my way ; but 



EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 307 



my inclination to rescue the memories of three so great men (who ho- 
noured Mr. Penn and me, though they knew we differed from thom in one 
great point, with their particular friendship, till the time of their deaths,) 
from the unjust imputations of some warm writers, who have, without 
regard to truth, charged them, in pamphlets, with cruelty, hath occa- 
sioned this digression. 

"I return to Mr. Penn, who, the summer before the revolution, desired 
me to board him and his family, at my house near Windsor, I never did 
any thing of that nature, either before or since, except once, for a few 
months, to conceal, under feigned names, two children, at the request of 
their Protestant mother, from a father-in-law, who was a Roman Catholic, 
and would have brought the children up in his religion. But Mr. Penn 
having done so many good-natured things upon my proposing them, and 
I having room enough to spare, I prevailed with my wife to let him, and 
his lady^ and part of his family, to be with us most part of that summer, 
and he would not be with us unless he paid for his board. Whilst Mr. 
Penn was so much with me in the country, and I so much with him in 
London, I had an opportunity, unsought for by me, of observing the be- 
haviour of several, both dissenters and state whigs ; but not delighting to 
expose the deformities of the minds of men, any more than I do their 
bodily defects, I shall be silent concerning them. ****** 

"But before I go further, I must set down Mr. Penn's own behaviour 
that summer, in relation to the bishops who were sent to the Tower. He 
was not only against their commitment, but the day the Prince of Wales 
was born, he went to the king, and pressed him exceedingly to set them at 
liberty, and to order, in council, a general pardon to be issued out, as 
soon as it could pass the seals. He pressed, most heartily, to have both 
done, and told his majesty, that on that happy day, everybody ought to 
rejoice, which they would do, if the bishops were let out; and it was ge- 
nerally known such a pardon would soon be proclaimed. Mr. Penn hoped 
the occasion would have made him succeed in both proposals ; and I sup- 
pose all men must own, it was unhappy for the king that he did not fol- 
low Mr. Penn's advice. But there were about the king some villanoua 
knaves, and others who were as visionary fools— I can't help calling them 
so— who sat themselves against every wise measure that was laid before 
that unfortunate prince, either by Mr. Penn or anybody else ; and they 
overpersuaded the king not to lay hold of so good an opportunity to r^ 
gain the affections of multitudes of his people, who were justly startled 
and much provoked by seeing the right reverend fathers of the church 
illegally committed to prison. 

"The ^ame knaves and fools had afterwards too much success in pre- 
vailing with the king to lay aside a measure which might vei-y probably 
have kept the crown upon his head, even after the Prince of Orange wa. 
landed; which was to make the state whigs arbitragers between thekm? 
and that prince." 



308 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Vindication of William Penn from the charges of T. B. Macaulay. 

1687-8. 

Having traced the progress of William Penn from the morn- 
ing to the meridian of life, we have seen him pursuing a uniform 
course of disinterested virtue. At Oxford, dedicating his youth- 
ful heart to the service of God ; in France, turning aside from 
the fascinations of the gay metropolis to pursue his religious 
studies at Saumur ; in Ireland, embracing the faith of a per- 
secuted sect, and renouncing the honours of the world ; in the 
Tower of London and Newgate prison, patiently suffering for 
his devotion to duty ; in Pennsylvania, laying the foundations 
of a great State on the principles of justice and philanthropy ; 
and, lastly, at the palace of his sovereign, a confidential friend, 
using his influence solely for the promotion of individual and 
national happiness. 

Is it credible that the tongue of calumny should have dared 
to detract from the merits of such a man ? We have seen that 
in his own age he was persecuted and defamed ; but the mists 
then engendered by prejudice and passion, have long since 
passed away ; the clear light of historic truth has shed around 
his name an imperishable glory, and men of all creeds and of 
every clime have delighted to do him honour. 

Can the award of history, thus deliberately pronounced, be 
reversed ? Is it possible, that after the lapse of a hundred and 
fifty years, a new light should dawn upon the world, and show 
us that we have been mistaken in the character of one whose 
name has long been regarded "as a synonyme for probity and 
philanthropy?" 

The attempt has been made ; and by no ordinary hand has 
the shaft been directed. 

Thomas Babington Macaulay, one of the most brilliant and 
popular of British essayists, but not the most accm'ate among 




w. — :'y/i :y.'i's-M^Byf:\:vA'r.~j/ 




/^^^-^^z 




VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 300 



her historians, has brought grave charges against the moral 
character of William Penn, which have been read by the public 
with astonishment and regret. Like the heathen priests, who 
adorned with garlands the victim intended for sacrifice, this 
author, in his work called " The History of England," intro- 
duces the name of Penn with high-sounding praise, but con- 
cludes his panegyric with ominous hints and base insinuations. 

" To speak the whole truth concerning Penn," he says, " i? a task which 
requires some courage : for he is rather a mythical than a historical per- 
son. Rival nations and hostile sects have agreed in canonizing him. 
England is proud of his name. A great commonwealth beyond the 
Atlantic regards him with a reverence similar to that which the Athe- 
nians felt for Theseus, and the Romans for Quirinus. The respectable 
society of which he was a member honours him as an apostle. By pious 
men of other persuasions he is generally regarded as a bright pattern of 
Christian virtue. Meanwhile, admirers of a very different sort have 
sounded his praises. The French philosophers of the eighteenth century 
pardoned what they regarded as his superstitious fancies in consideration 
of his contempt for priests, and of his cosmopolitan benevolence, impar- 
tially extended to all races and to all creeds. His name has thus become, 
throughout all civilized countries, a synonyme for probity and philan- 
thropy. 

"Nor is this high reputation altogether unmerited. Penn was without 
doubt a man of eminent virtues. He had a strong sense of religious duty, 
and a fervent desire to promote the happiness of mankind. On one or two 
points of high importance he had notions more correct than were in his 
day common, even among men of enlarged minds ; and as the proprietor 
and legislator of a province, which, being almost uninhabited when it 
came into his possession, afforded a clear field for moral experiments, he 
had the rare good fortune of being able to carry his theories into practice 
without any compromise, and yet without any shock to existing institu- 
tions. He will always be mentioned with honour as the founder of a 
colony who did not, in his dealings with a savage people, abuse the 
strength derived from civilization, and as a lawgiver, who, in an age of 
persecution, made religious liberty the corner-stone of a polity. But his 
writings and his life furnish abundant proofs that he was not a man of 
strong sense. He had no skill in reading the characters of others. His 
confidence in persons less virtuous than himself led him into great errors 
and misfortunes. His enthusiasm for one great principle sometimes im- 
pelled him to violate other great principles Avhich he ought to have held 
sacred. Nor was his integrity altogether proof against the temptations 
to which it was exposed in that splendid and pollto, but deeply corrupted 



810 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



society, with which he now mingled. The whole court was in a ferment 
with intrigues of gallantry and intrigues of ambition. The traffic in 
honours, places, and pardons was incessant. It was natural that a man 
who was daily seen at the palace, and who was known to have free access 
to majesty, should be frequently importuned to use his influence for pur- 
poses which a rigid morality must condemn. The integrity of Penn had 
stood firm against obloquy and persecution. But now, attacked by royal 
smiles, by female blandishments, by the insinuating eloquence and deli- 
cate flattery of veteran diplomatists and courtiers, his resolution began 
to give way. Titles and phrases, against which he had often borne his 
testimony, dropped occasionally from his lips and his pen. It would bo 
well if he had been guilty of nothing worse than such compliances with 
the fashions of the world. Unhappily it cannot be concealed that he 
bore a chief part in some transactions condemned, not merely by the rigid 
code of'the society to which he belonged, but by the general sense of all 
honest men. He afterward solemnly protested that his hands were pure 
from illicit gain, and that he never received any gratuity from those whom 
he had obliged, though he might easily, while his influence at court lasted, 
have made a hundred and twenty thousand pounds. To this assertion 
full credit is due. But bribes may be offered to vanity as well as to cu- 
pidity, and it is impossible to deny that Penn was cajoled into bearing 
a part in some unjustifiable transactions, of which others enjoyed the 
profits." 

This is, certainly, a most extraordinary passage. The cha- 
racter it portrays, though incongruous, if not impossible, has 
evidently employed the most sedulous care of the artist. Let 
us endeavour to study the proportions of the figure he has so 
elaborately drawn. 

In the same paragraph we are told " he was, without doubt, 
a man ol eminent virtues," but, "he bore a chief part in some 
transactions, condemned, not merely by the rigid code of the 
society to which he belonged, but by the general sense of all 
honest men.'' He "had a strong sense of reUgioas diity^ and 
a fervent desire to promote the happiness of mankind;" but, 
*' his integrity was not altogether proof against the temptations 
to which it was exposed in that splendid and polite, but deeply 
corrupted society with which he now mingled;" and "he was 
cajoled into bearing a part in some unjustifiable transactions, 
of w^hich others enjoyed the profits." 

" On one or two points of high importance he had notions 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 311 



more correct than were, in his day common, even among men 
of enlarged minds, and he had the rare good fortune of being 
able to carry Ids theories into practice without any compro- 
mise,'' Yet, "he was not a man of strong sense." 

To reconcile these palpable contradictions, will require more 
than the ingenuity and eloquence even of Thomas Babington 
Macaulay. 

In the paragraph above quoted, and the pages immediately 
ensuing, he gives no instances of those alleged " unjustifiable 
transactions," but in turning over the leaves of his book, we 
find that wherever the name of Penn is introduced, it appears 
to be with the determined purpose of depreciating his merits. 

The first direct charge against the character of Penn, is in- 
troduced in the latter part of the fifth chapter, where, after 
speaking of the large profits obtained by Mary of Modena, the 
Queen of James II., for a cargo of convicts sentenced to trans- 
portation for being engaged in Monmouth's rebellion, he says : 

"The maids of honour, imitating her unprincely greediness and un- 
womanly crueltj^ exacted £1000 from Roger Hoare, a merchant of Bridge- 
water, who had contributed to the military chest of the rebel army. But 
the prey on which they pounced most eagerly, was one which it might 
have been thought that even the most ungentle natures would have spared. 

"Already some of the girls who had presented the standard to Mon- 
mouth at Taunton had cruelly expiated their offence. ***** 
Most of the young ladies who had walked in the procession were still 
alive. Some of them were under ten years of age. All had acted under 
the orders of their schoolmistress, without knowing that they had com- 
mitted a crime. The queen's maids of honour asked the royal permission 
to wring money out of the parents of the poor children, and the permis- 
sion was granted. 

"An order was sent down to Taunton that all these little girls should 
be seized and imprisoned. Sir Francis Ware, of Ilestercombe, the Tory 
member for Bridgewater, was requested to undertake the office of exact- 
ing the ransom. He was charged to declare in strong language, that tho 
maids of honour would not endure delay, that they were determined to 
prosecute to outlawry, unless a reasonable sum were forthcoming, and 
that by a reasonable sum was meant seven thousand pounds. Ware ex- 
cused himself from taking any part in a transaction so scandalous. The 
maids of honour then requested AVm. Penn to act for them; and Penn 
accepted the commission. Yet it should seem that a little of the pertina- 



312 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



cious scrupulosity which he had often shown about taking off his hat, 
would not have been altogether out of place on this occasion. 

" He probably silenced the remonstrances of his conscience by repeat- 
ing to himself that none of the money which he extorted would go into 
his own pocket ; that if he refused to be the agent of the ladies, they 
would find agents less humane ; that by complying he should increase his 
influence at the court; and that his influence at the court had already 
enabled him and niight still enable him to render great services to his 
oppressed brethren. The maids of honour were at last forced to content 
themselves with less than a third part of what they had demanded."* 

The glaring injustice of this charge has been demonstrated 
in the masterly treatise of Wm. E. Forster, published in Eng- 
land as a preface to a late edition of Clarkson's Life of Penn. 

He says, " The only one of the authorities Mr. Macaulay quotes in 
reference to this case, in which there is any allusion to Penn, is the fol- 
lowing letter from the Earl of Sunderland, the then Home Secretary, a 
copy of which is in the State Paper Office : — 

"Whitehall, Feb. 13th, 1685-6. 

" Mr. Penne — Her Majesty's Maids of Honour having acquainted me 
that they designe to employ you and Mr. Walden in making a composition 
with the Relations of the Maids of Taunton for the high Misdemeanor they 
have been guilty of, I do at their request hereby let you know that her 
Majesty has been pleased to give their fines to the said Maids of Honour, 
and, therefore, recommend it to Mr. AYalden and you to make the most 
advantageous composition you can in their behalfe. 

" I am, Sir, your humble servant, Sunderland, P."t 

*' This letter, to which no reply can be found either in the State Paper 
Office or elsewhere, is the sole proof upon which the charge is grounded: 
there exists no collateral evidence whatever confirming its receipt by 
Penn, much less his acceptance of its commission : it is not even certain 

* Macaulay's Hist, of Eng. 

f State Paper Office. Letter Book, 1679-1688. Domestic Various, No. 629, 
page 324. 

In Dixon's Life of Penn is the following note: " In transcribing this letter 
from the State Papers, Mr. Forster writes ' her' [instead of his] majesty, a 
mistake which gives an erroneous countenance to Mr. Macaulay's ' scandal 
against Queen Maria.' " p. 342. 

Dixon having carefully examined the Sunderland letter book in the State 
Paper Office, and the Registers of the Privy Council, asserts positively that 
this letter was not addressed to William Penn, but in all probability, to 
George Penne. 



VIXDICATIOX FROM CIIARr.ES OF MACAULAY. 313 



that it was addresHed to hin\. The ad(h-ess in the State Paper Office is 
not 'William Penn, Esq.,' nor William Penn at all^but plain Mr. Penne, 
and, therefore, it is quite possible that it was intended for a certain 
'George Penne,' who it appears was instrumental in effecting the release 
from slavery of a Mr. Azariah Pinney, a gentleman of Bettescouibe, near 
Crewkerne in Somersetshire, whose sentence of death had been commuted 
to transportation."* 

It is truly surprising that an author, making any pretensions 
to historical accuracy, should have founded, on such slight evi- 
dence, a grave accusation against the character of one so dis- 
tinguished for piety and virtue. Even if Sunderland's letter 
had been addressed to Wiliiani Penn, it would have furnished 
no proof that he accepted the proposed agency; but when we 
observe tnat the name is spelt diiferently from that of the founder 
of Pennsylvania, with whom the secretary had long been ac- 
quainted, and held frequent intercourse, there remains not a 
shadow of doubt that it was intended for some other person. 
George Penne having been engaged in a similar service, we 
may reasonably conclude that it was he whom the maids of 
honour " designed to employ." There is, however, no evidence 
that he accepted the commission; but, on the contrary, it ap- 
pears by the testimony of Oldmixon, "a contemporary, almost 
an eyewitness," that the negotiation was effected through an- 
other agency. In his history of this transaction, he says : 

" The court was so unmerciful, that they excepted the poor girls of 
Taunton, who gave Monmouth colours, out of their pretended pardon, and 
every one of them was forced to pay as much money as would have been 
a good portion to each, for particular pardons. This money, and a great 
deal more, was said to be for the maids of honour, trJiose agent. Brent, the 
Popish laicj/ev, had an under agent, one Crane of Bridgeu-ater, and 'tis 
supposed that both of them paid themselves very bountifully out of the 
money which was raised by this means, some instances of whii-ii are 
within my knoAvledge."t 

This passage is sufficient of itself to exonerate William Penn 
from all connection with the transaction, and it is remarkable 

* See Robert's Life of Monmouth, (vol. ii. p. 243,) whose authority i? 
family letters in the possession of Mr. Pinuf^y's descendants, 
f Oldmii^on, vol. ii. p. 708, qii jted by Fol•i^tcr. 
2B 



S14 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, 



that such conclusive evidence should have been overlooked by 
Macaulay; for in. his account of Monmouth's insurrection, he 
frequently cites Oldmixon as authority, who, he says in a note, 
was then a boy living very near the scene of these events.* 

When we consider how small is the number of historical per- 
sonages, whose characters may be studied as models of un- 
blemished virtue, we cannot without painful emotions witness 
this unwarrantable attempt to snatch from its place, where it 
has stood for a century and a half, one of the most honoured 
names of English and American history — 

"One of the few, the immortal names 
That were not born to die." 

In the same history, a few pages subsequent to the charge 
just mentioned, we find the following passage : — " William Penn 
for whom exhibitions which humane men generally avoid seem 
to have had a strong attraction, hastened from Cheapside, where 
he had seen Cornish hanged, to Tyburn, in order to see Eliza,- 
beth Gaunt burned. He afterward related, that when she 
calmly disposed the straw about her in such a manner as to 
shorten her sufferings, all the bystanders burst into tears, "f 

In reading this passage the inquiry arises, who were these 
bystanders ? Were they the hardened populace who generally 
attend executions at Tyburn ? Were they persons drawn thither 
by an idle curiosity to gloat on the dying agonies of a fellow 
creature ? NO : they were the friends of the sufferers ; who 
regarded them, not as malefactors, but as martyrs in the cause 
of civil and religious liberty. Cornish was a merchant in high 
standing, a staunch whig, but a cautious man, and believed to 
be innocent of the political offence imputed to him. 

Elizabeth Gaunt was a pious woman, noted for her charitable 

* Macaulay's Hist, vol. i. chap. v. 

In Dixon's Life of Penn, additional light is thrown upon this subject. He 
says George Penne was a pardon-broker; "he was actively engaged in the 
Taunton afiFair, and among other feats, as I am able to state on the authority 
of a family cash-book still preserved, he obtained £65 from Nathaniel Pinney 
as the ransom of his brother Azariah Pinney, one of the transported rebels." 

t Macaulay, Hist. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAV. 315 



deeds ; her only ofifence was harbouring the man who afterward 
appeared as a witness against her. 

It is reasonable to suppose that when sucli persons were con- 
demned to die, the abhorrence of all good men would be called 
forth, and many would attend, as in the case of the early mar- 
tyrs, to manifest their sympathy with the sufferers, and to 
"witness their constancy in death. But it is highly probable 
that Penn had an additional motive in view, a motive that does 
honour to his character, which is thus stated by Clarkson : — "If 
I were allowed to conjecture," he says, " I should say that he 
consented to witness the scenes in question with a view to good, 
with a view of being able to make an impression on the king 
by his own relation of things, that he might induce him to with- 
hold his sanction at a future time to such unjust determinations 
of the law ; and in this conjecture, I am in some degree borne 
out by a passage in Bishop Burnet's 'History of his own Times,' 
for when he, the historian, in a conversation with William Penn, 
on the subject of Cornish's execution, said that Cornish asserted 
his innocence with great vehemence, and complained with acri- 
mony of the methods taken to destroy him, and that from these 
circumstances it had been given out that he died in a fit of fury, 
William Penn replied, 'that there appeared nothing in Cornish's 
conduct at the place of execution, but a just indignation that 
innocence might very naturally give.' This was in some mea- 
sure a censure upon the king, who had confirmed that bloody 
sentence. But he went further: for, immediately after this, 
he observed to Burnet, that ' the king was much to be pitied, 
who was hurried into all this effusion of blood by Jeffreys's im- 
petuous and cruel temper;' and he added, 'that if the king's 
own inclinations had not been biased that way, and if his priests 
had not thought it the interest of their party to let that butcher 
loose, by whom so many men that were like to oppose them 
were put out of the way, it was not to be imagined that there 
would have been such a run of barbarous cruelty, and that in 
so many instances.' " 

If the narrative of Macaulay had been written for the sole 
purpose of undermining the character of Penn, he could n<A 



816 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PENN. 



have seized with greater avidity, or perverted with more assi- 
duity, every circumstance that could possibly be tortured into 
an accusation against him. 

Passing over several unkind and unwarranted allusions, the 
next serious imputation against him is found in the seventh 
chapter, where, in relating the efforts made by James II. to 
conciliate the Dissenters, he introduces Wm. Kiffin, a Baptist 
minister of wealth and influence, whose grandsons had been 
condemned by Jeffreys and executed. "He was," says Ma- 
caulay, "seventy years old when he was left destitute, the 
survivor of them who should have survived him. The heartless 
and venal sycophants of Whitehall, judging by themselves, 
thought that the old man could easily be propitiated by an 
alderman's gown and some compensation in money, for the 
property his grandsons had forfeited. Penn was employed in 
the work of seduction^ hut to no purpose.'' 

From this we should infer that Penn was emplo^^ed by the 
king, or his ministers, to seduce Kiffin into compliance, and that 
he did not accept the proffered honour. Now it is found, on 
examining Kiffin's memoirs, the authority cited by Macaulay, 
that there is no evidence of Penn having been so employed by 
the king or court; but there is evidence that Kiffin, after six 
months consideration, did accept the proffered honour. 

It appears from Kiffin's narrative, that means were used "by 
the king and his party * * * to prevail on the House of 
Commons to promise, upon the meeting of Parliament, to take 
off the Parliament test," by which Catholics and Dissenters were 
excluded from office. This purpose was perfectly consistent 
with Penn's views, and is now regarded by all reasonable men 
as a wise and salutary measure, but Kiffin, and many others 
among the Dissenters, looked upon it as a plot "to strengthen 
the Popish interest." He says, "this plot being carried on 
with all diligence, took with several Dissenters, but indeed they 
were few and in general of the meaner sort ; William Penn being 
the head of that party." * * h< * jj^ adds, "in a little 
after, a great temptation attended me, which was a commission 
from the king to be one of the aldermen of the city of London. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 317 



I used all the means I couid to be excused, both bv some lords 
near the king, and also by Sir Nicholas Butler and William 
Penn, but all in vain ; they said they knew I had an interest that 
would serve the king, and although they knew that my suffer- 
ings had been great, by the cutting off of my two grandsons and 
losing their estates, yet it should be made up to me, both as to 
their estates and also in what honour or advanta^je I could rea- 
sonably desire for myself."* This language affords no evidence 
to substantiate Macaulay's inference ; it implies nothing more 
than that "some lords near the king, as well as Sir N. Butler 
and William Penn, were requested by Kiffin to make his excuse 
to the king for declining the office, on which they expressed 
their sense of his ability to be of use to his sovereign, and their 
belief that some reparation would be made for the wrongs he 
had suffered." Can the most determined enemy of Penn dis- 
cover any culpability in this? 

We now come to one of the most prominent transactions in 
which, according to Macaulay, the agency of William Penn 
was employed by the king to promote his tyrannical purposes ; 
but here, as in the former cases, contemporary writers furnish 
the materials to refute the charge, and to show that the conduct 
of Penn was independent and honourable. During his journey, 
mentioned in the last chapter, he entered the city of Oxford at 
the same time with the king, who was then endeavouring to 
coerce the fellows of Magdalen College into the election of a 
president nominated by himself. 

It appears that when the chair became vacant, he first re- 
commended one Anthony Farmer, a notorious libertine, but, 
as a renegade Papist, a fit man to serve the purposes of the 
court. t The fellows sent up a respectful remonstrance, which 
not being regarded by the king, they at length proceeded to 
elect a president, and chose Dr. Hough, who was well qualified 
for the station. The king was highly incensed ; his Court of 

* See Life of Kifl&n, by .Jos. Ivinney, London, 1833. Both Forster anfl 

Dixon, in theii* vindications of Penn, have given but a /)ar^ of the above extract 

from Kiffin, and are charged by Macauhiy's apologist with garbling the quo* 

tation. See London Literary Gazette, IbOl. 

t Forster. 

' 2B» 



318 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



High Commission pronounced the election void, and he then 
nominated Parker, Bishop of Oxford, a man suspected of 
Popish principles, and otherwise ineligible. 

On coming to Oxford, the king summoned the fellows to 
attend him; he refused a petition they offered him, and com- 
manded them in a peremptory manner to retire to their chapel 
and elect Dr. Parker. They retired, but remained firm in 
their position; all of them except one returned a written 
answer, stating that they could not in conscience comply with 
his mandate.* 

At this stage of the proceedings, William Penn first appears 
upon the scene, and his agency is thus related by Clarkson : 
The answer of the fellows was given "on the Sunday night." 

" Next morning William Penn was on horseback ready to leave Oxford; 
but knowing what had taken place, he rode up to Magdalen College, and 
conversed with the fellows on the subject. After this conversation he 
wrote a letter, and desired them to present it to the king, and then took 
his departure. In this letter he signified to his majesty, as mildly as he 
could, his disapprobation of his conduct on this occasion. Dr. Sykes, in 
relating this anecdote of William Penn by letter to Dr. Charlett, who 
was then absent, mentions that Mr. Penn, after some discourse with the 
fellows of Magdalen College, wrote a short letter directed to the king. 
He wrote to this purpose : — ' that their case was hard, and that, in their 
circumstances, they could not yield obedience without breach of their 
oaths.' Mr. Creech also, who was at Oxford at the time, in giving an ac- 
count of the same event to the same person, said that ' Mr. Penn, the 
Quaker, with whom he dined the day before and had a long discourse 
concerning the college, wrote a letter to the king in behalf of the fellows, 
intimating that such mandates were a force on conscience, and not very 
agreeable to his other gracious indulgencies.' In this account, Sewel, 
who was then in correspondence with William Penn, and who knew 
almost every thing relating to him as it happened, agrees in a striking 
manner. Sewel, it must be observed, had never seen the letters either of 
Dr. Sykes or Mr. Creech, for they were not made public till long after his 
death ; and yet in his ' History of the Rise and Progress of Quakers,' he 
writes thus: — 'It caused no small fermentation in the minds of people, 
when the fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford, were by the king's order 
dispossessed to make way for Romanists. This was such a gross usurpa- 
tion, that William Penn, who had ready access to the king, and who en- 
deavoured to get the penal laws and tests abrogated, thinking it possible 

* Clarkson's Life of Penn. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 319 



to find out a way whereby to limit the Papists so effectually that thoy 
should not be able to prevail, did for all that not omit to blame this 
usurpation at Oxford, and to tell the king that it was an act which could 
not in justice be defended, since the general liberty of conscience did not 
allow of depriving any of their property, who did what they ought to 
do, as the fellows of the said college appeared to have done.' 

" William Penn, having left the above letter for the king, took his de- 
parture home. The affair, however, with respect to the presidentship of 
the college was not settled, neither was it settled as it related to William 
Penn. The fellows remained resolute and the king angry. At length 
the king took his departure also. Soon after this it was reported that 
his majesty had issued an order to proceed against the college by a writ 
of quo warranto. This report was strengthened by a letter to Dr. Thomas 
Bailey, one of the senior fellows, in which the writer said, that he ad- 
dressed him out of a compassionate concern for him and his brethren, to 
persuade them either to comply with his majesty's letters mandatory, or 
to think of some expedient to prevent the ruin of the college and them- 
selves, that the order for the quo warranto against the college might be 
recalled before it was too late. The writer also suggested to him and his 
brethren the necessity of some concession to the king for their past conduct. 

" As this letter was sent without any signature to it, the author was 
not known. Dr. Bailey, however, chose to attribute it to William Penn, 
and this expressly on account of the benevolent object it had in view."* 

This anonymous letter to Dr. Bailey appears to have been 
unjustly attributed to William Penn ; it was not acknowledged 
by him ; it was written in a style he never used ; and we are 
informed by Forster, that "the contemporary copy of the pro- 
ceedings in this case, preserved in the archives of Magdalen 
College, bears on the margin of this letter a manuscript memo- 
randum, ^ Mr. Penn disowns this.' "f 

The subsequent proceedings in this case, although grouped 
together, for efifect, by Macaulay, as one continuous transac- 
tion, were in reality conducted in different interviews extend- 
ing through a space of more than a month. 

In order to contrast the contemporary account contained in 
Wilmot's life of Hough with the distorted paraphrase of Ma- 
caulay, they are here presented side by side, as arranged by 
Forster, and divided into three distinct parts, after the example 
of a previous critic. J 

*Clarkson's Life of Penn. f Forster's Preface, xxx., vii. 

X Tablet, March 10th, 1849. 



320 



LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



It lias been remarked that " Wilmot's account, if biassed at 
all, is certainly against Penn ; and it is the only one profess- 
ing to be a complete relation of facts."* 



MACAULAY.-f 

" The king, greatly incensed and 
mortified by his defeat," (viz. the 
refusal of the fellows to admit Parker 
as their president,) "quitted Oxford 
and rejoined the queen at Bath. His 
obstinacy and violence had brought 
him into an embarrassing position. 
He had trusted too much to the 
effect of his frowns and angry tones, 
and had rashly staked not only the 
credit of his administration, but his 
personal dignity, on the issue of the 
contest. Could he yield to subjects 
whom he had menaced with raised 
voice and furious gestures ? Yet 
could he venture to eject in one day 
a crowd of respectable clergymen 
from their homes because they had 
discharged what the whole nation 
regarded as a sacred duty? Perhaps 
there might be an escape from this 
dilemma. Perhaps the college might 
still be terrified, caressed, or bribed 
into submission. The agency of Penn 
was employed. He had too much 
good feeling to approve of the unjust 
and violent measures of the govern- 
ment, and even ventured to express 
part of what bethought. James was, 
as usual, obstinate in the wrong." 



wilmot's life of hough. J 

" It appears from Anthony A. 
Wood's account of this visit," (viz. 
the king's visit to Oxford,) "that W. 
Penn, who attended the king to Ox- 
ford, went afterwards to Magdalen 
College ; and although he at first 
hoped to persuade the fellows to 
comply with the king's wishes, yet, 
when he heard the statement of their 
case, he was satisfied that they could 
not comply without a breach of their 
oaths. This account is confirmed by 
some original letters now in the Bod- 
leian Library at Oxford, from Dr. 
Sykes and Mr. Creech to Dr.Charlett, 
of the 6th, 7th, and 9th of September 
1687, in which, after giving exactly 
the same account of the king's re- 
ception and treatment of the fellows, 
they both state that Mr. Penn went 
afterwards to Magdalen College, and 
having had some conference with the 
fellows, wrote a letter to the king in 
their behalf, observing ' that their 
case was hard ; that in their circum- 
stances they could not yield without 
a breach of their oaths ; and that 
such mandates were a force upon 
conscience, and not agreeable to the 
king's other gracious indulgencies." 



" Tliis interview of Penn with the fellows must have occurred between 
the 3d of September, the day of the king's arrival at Oxford, and the 
9th of the same month, the date of the last of the letters referred to by 
AVilmot. Some time afterwards, on what exact day is not known, but 
pi*obably about the end of the month, an anonymous letter was received 
by Dr. Thomas Bailey, one of the fellows, which he chose to attribute to 
Penn, to whom he sent a reply ; on which two epistles Mr. Macaulay 

* Forster's Preface. f Macaulay, vol. ii. p. 298. 

J Wilmot's Life of Hough, p. 15. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 



321 



rests the following declamation, or at least must be supposed to rest it, 
all other authority being utterly wanting:" — 

MACAULAY.* WILMOT.f 

"The courtly Quaker therefore did " It was now rumoured that the 

his best to seduce the college from king had issued an order to proceed 

the path of right. He first tried against the college by a writ of quo 

intimidation. Ruin, he said, impend- warranto, but however this was, the 



fellows appear to have listened to an 
application made to Dr. Thomas 
Bailey, one of the senior fellows, 
from William Penn, who was said to 
be in great favour at that time with 
the king, and had written to the 
doctor a letter, of which the fol- 



ed over the society. The king was 
highly incensed. The case might be 
a hard one. Most people thought it 
so. But every child knew that his 
majesty loved to have his own way, 
and he could not bear to be thwarted. 
Penn, therefore, exhorted the fellows 
not to rely upon the goodness of their loAving is a copy :| 
cause, but to submit, or at least 
to temporize. Such counsel came 
strangely from one who had himself 
been expelled from the university 
for raising a riot about the surplice, 
who had run the risk of being disin- 
herited rather than take off his hat 
to the princes of the blood, and had 
been more than once sent to prison 
for preaching at conventicles. He 
did not succeed in frightening the 
Magdalen men. In answer to his 
alarming hints he Avas reminded that 
in the last generation thirty-four out 
of the forty fellows had cheerfully 
left their beloved cloisters and gar- 
dens, their hall and their chapel, 
and had gone forth, not knowing 
where they should find a meal or a 
bed, rather than violate the oath of 



A COPY OF A LETTER DIRECTED TO 
DR. BAILEY, FELLOW OF MAGDALEN 
COLLEGE, OXON, SUPPOSED TO BE 
WRIT BY MR. WILLIAM PEXX. 

" 'Sir: — Upon an inquiry made of 
your present fellows of Magdalen 
College, I am informed that you are 
a person eminent in that learned 
body, for your temper, prudence, 
and good conduct in affairs, and 
therefore very fit to be addressed to 
by me, who did not send you this to 
trepan you and your brethren, but 
out of a passionate concern for your 
interest ; to persuade you either to 
a compliance with his majesty's let- 
ters mandatory, or to think among 
yourselves of some expedient to 



allegiance. The king now wished prevent the ruin of your college and 

them to violate another oath. He yourselves ; and to offer it to his 

should find that the old spirit was majesty's royal consideration, that 

not extinct." the order for the qi.'o warranto 



* Macaulay, vol, ii. p. 288. f Wilmot, p. ]8. 

J Quotations only from this letter are given in Wilmot, but the reader 
will understand it better if he reads it all, and it is therefore given above in 
full, as printed in the State Trials, vol. iv. p. 270. 



322 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



against the college may be recalled, 
before it be too late ; for you cannot 
but be sensible how highly his ma- 
jesty is incensed against you, neither 
can you give one instance whether 
ever that sort of proceeding was 
judged against the crown. Your 
cause most think is very hard ; but 
you are not in prudence to rely on 
the goodness of your cause, but to 
do what the present instance of af- 
fairs will permit, and in patience to 
expect a season that will be more 
auspicious to persons of your cha- 
racter. Every mechanic knows the 
temper of his present majesty, who 
never will receive a baffle in any 
thing that he heartily espouseth; 
and that he doth this, yourselves 
have had too late and manifest an 
instance to doubt of his zeal in the 
ajffair. 

" ' "Where there are so many sta- 
tutes to be observed, it is impossible 
but some must be broken at one 
time or another ; and I am informed 
by the learned of the law, that a 
failure in any one point forfeits 
your grant, and lays your college 
open to the royal disposal. 

" ' I could give many other pru- 
dent arguments that might possibly 
incline you to a speedy endeavour of 
putting an end to your troubles 
almost at any rate : but I shall sug- 
gest this one thing to you, that your 
fatal overthrow would be a fair be- 
ginning of so much aimed at re- 
formation, first of the university, 
then of the church, and administer 
such an opportunity to the enemy 
as may perhaps not occur in his 
majesty's reign. 

" ' Your affectionate servant,' &c. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 323 



" There was no signature to this 
letter, but, from what passed after- 
wards, there is every reason to be- 
lieve that it was written by AVilliam 
Penn, to whom it was ascribed. 

" Dr. Bailey returned a long and 
argumentative answer to this letter, 
on the 3d of October, directed to 
Mr. Penn, in which he says, ' The 
paper inclosed is a copy of a letter, 
which, by the charitable purpose of 
it, seems to be written by you, who 
have been already so kind as to ap- 
pear in our behalf, and are reported 
by all who know you to employ 
much of your time in doing good 
to mankind, and using your credit 
with his majesty to undeceive him 
in any wrong impressions given 
him of his conscientious subjects, 
and, where his justice and goodness 
have been thereby abused, to recon- 
cile the persons injured to his ma- 
jesty's favour, and secure them by 
it from oppression and prejudice. 
In this confidence, I presume to 
make this application to you, de- 
siring your excuse for not subscrib- 
ing it ; for if you did write the 
letter you know to whom it was di 
rected ; and if you did not, I hopo 
your charity Avill induce you to make 
such use of your light you have by 
it into the affairs of our college, as 
to mediate for us with his majesty 
to be restored to his good opinion, 
as the only thing which is desired 
by us, who are zealous, above all 
earthly things, for his felicity and 
glory.' 
" "What reply Penn sent to Bailey's letter, or whether he sent any, at 
not known ; but very soon after this,* ' viz. on the 9th of October, a de- 
putation from the college, of which Dr. Hough was one, had a conference 

* Wilmot, page 22. 



324 



LIFE OF WILLIAM PENT?". 



with Mr. Penn at Windsor, where the court at that time was held/ which 
is described by Dr. Hough in the following letter to a relation, a copy of 
which is among the MSS. of the British Museum, and paraphrased by 
Mr. Macaulay as follows : — 



MACAULAY.* 

"Then Penn tried a gentler tone. 
He had an interview with Hough 
and with some of the fellows, and, 
after many professions of sympathy 
and friendship, began to hint at a 
compromise. The king could not 
bear to be crossed. The college 
must give way. Parker must be 
admitted. But he was in very bad 
health. As his preferments would 
soon be vacant, ' Doctor Hough,' 
said Penn, 'may then be Bishop of 
Oxford. How should you like that, 
gentlemen ?' Penn had passed his 
life in declaiming against a hireling 
ministry. He held that he was 
bound to refuse the payment of tithes, 
and this even when he had bought 
land chargeable with tithes, and 
had been allowed the value of the 
tithes in the purchase-money. Ac- 
cording to his own principles, he 
would have committed a great sin if 
he had interfered for the purpose of 
obtaining a benefice on the most 
honourable terms for the most pious 
divine. Yet to such a degree had 
his manners been corrupted by evil 
communications, and his under- 
standing obscured by inordinate 
zeal for a single object, that he did 
not scruple to become a broker in 
simony of a peculiarly discreditable 
kind, and to use a bishopric as a 
bait to tempt a divine to perjury. 
Hough replied, with civil contempt, 
I hat he wanted nothino; from the 



wiLMOTjf (Hough's Letter.) 

' ' October the 9th, at night. 

"Dear Cousin: — I gave you a 
short account of what passed at 
Windsor this morning; but having 
the convenience of sending this by 
Mr. Charlett, I fancy you will be 
well enough satisfied to hear our dis- 
course with Mr. Penn more at large. 

" He was in all about three hours 
in our company, and at his first 
coming in, he began with the great 
concern he had for the welfare of 
our college, the many efibrts he had 
made to reconcile us to the king, 
and the great sincerity of his inten- 
tions and actions ; that he thought 
nothing in this world was worth a 
trick, or any thing sufficient to justi- 
fy collusion or deceitful artifice, and 
this he insisted so long upon, that I 
easily perceived he expected some- 
thing of a compliment, by way of 
assent, should be returned ; and 
therefore, though I had much ado 
to bring it out, I told him that what- 
ever others might conceive of him, 
he might be assured we depended 
upon his sincerity, otherwise we 
would never have given ourselves 
the trouble to come hither to meet 
him. 

*' He then gave an historical ac- 
count, in short, of his acquaintance 
with the king ; assured us it was 
not Popery but property that first 
began it ; that however people were 
pleased to call him Papist, he de- 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 



o-J 



crown but common justice. *We 
stand,' he said, * on our statutes and 
our oath ; but even setting aside our 
statutes and our oaths, we feel that 
we have our religion to defend. 
The Papists have robbed us of 
Christ Church. The fight is now 
for Magdalen. They Avill soon have 
all the rest.' 

" Penn was foolish enough to an- 
SAver that he really believed that 
the Papists would now be content. 
' University,' he said, 'is a pleasant 
college. Christ Church is a. noble 
place. Magdalen is a fine building. 
The situation is convenient. The 
walks by the river are delightful. 
If the Roman Catholics are reason- 
able, they will be satisfied with 
these.' This absurd avowal would 
alone have made it impossible for 
Hough and his brethren to yield. 
The negotiations were broken off, 
and the king hastened to make the 
disobedient know, as he had threat- 
ened, what it was to incur his dis- 
pleasure." 



2C 



clared to us that he was a dissenting 
Protestant ; that he dissented from 
Papists in almost all those points 
wherein we differ from them, and 
many Avherein we and they are 
agreed. 

" After this we came to the col- 
lege again. He wished with all his 
heart that he had sooner concerned 
himself in it, but he was afraid that 
he had now come too late ; however, 
he would use his endeavours, and if 
they were unsuccessful, we must re- 
fer it to want of power, not of good 
will, to serve us. I told him I 
thought the most effectual way 
would be to give his majesty a true 
state of the case, which I had reason 
to suspect he had never yet received ; 
and, therefore, I offered him some 
papers for his instruction, whereof 
one was a copy of our first petition 
before the election, another was our 
letter to the Duke of Ormond and 
the state of our case ; a third was 
that petition which our society had 
offered to his majesty here at Ox- 
ford, and a fourth was that sent af- 
ter the king to Bath. He seemed 
to read them very attentively, and 
after many objections, (to which he 
owned I gave him satisfactory an- 
swers,) he promised faithfully to 
read every word to the king, unless 
he was peremptorily commanded to 
forbear. He was very solicitious to 
clear Lord Sunderland of suspicion, 
and threw the odium upon the chan- 
cellor, which I think I told "j'ou in 
the morning, and which makes me 
think there is little good to be hoped 
for from him. 

" He said the measures now re- 
solved upon, were such as the king 
thought would take effect : but he 



320 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



said he knew nothing in particular, 
nor did he give the least light, or 
let fall any thing wherein we might 
so much as ground a conjecture, 
nor did he so much as hint at the 
letter which was sent to him. 

" I thank God he did not so much 
as offer at any proposal by way of 
accommodation, which was the thing 
I most dreaded ; only once, upon the 
mention of the Bishop of Oxford's 
indisposition, he said, smiling, 'If 
the Bishop of Oxford die, Dr. Hough 
may be made bishop. What think 
you of that, gentlemen?' Mr. Cra- 
dock answered, ' they should be 
heartily glad of it, for it would do 
very well with the presidentship.' 
But I told him seriously, ' I had no 
ambition above the post in which I 
was, and that having never been 
conscious tomyself of any disloyalty 
towards my prince, I could not but 
wonder what it was should make me 
so much more incapable of serving 
his majesty in it than those whom 
he had been pleased to recommend,' 
He said, ' majesty did not love to be 
thwarted ; and after so long a dis- 
pute we could not expect to be re- 
stored to the king's favour without 
making some concessions.' I told 
him ' that we were ready to make 
all that were consistent with honesty 
and conscience ;' but many things 
might have been said upon that 
subject, which I did not then think 
proper to mention. ' However,' 
said I, *Mr. Penn, in this I will be 
plain with you. We have our sta- 
tutes and oaths to justify us in all 
that we have done hitherto ; but 
setting this aside, we have a reli- 
gion to defend, and I suppose your- 
self would think us knaves if we 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY, 327 



should tamely give it up. The Pa- 
pists have already gotten Christ 
Church and University : the present 
struggle is for Magdalen ; and in a 
short time they threaten they will 
have the rest.' lie replied with ve- 
hemence, 'That they shall never 
have, assure yourselves ; if once they 
proceed so far, they will quickly find 
themselves destitute of their present 
assistance. For my part, I have 
always declared my opinion that the 
preferments of the church should 
not be put into any other hands but 
such as they at present ar« in ; but 
I hope you wouM not have the two 
universities sueh invincible bul- 
warks for the Church of England, 
that none but they must be capable 
of giving their children a learned 
education. I suppose two or three 
•colleges will content the Papists ; 
Ohrist Church is a noble structure. 
University is a pleasant place, and 
Magdalen College is a comely build- 
ing. The walks are pleasant, and 
it is conveniently situated, just at 
the entrance of the town,' ^q. -&c. 
When I heard him talk at this rate, 
I concluded he was either off his 
guard, or had a mind to droll upon 
us. * However,' I replied, ' when 
they had ours, tliey wouM take tlie 
rest, as they and the present posses- 
fiors could never agree.' In short, I 
see it is resolved that the Papists 
must have our college ; and I think 
all we have to do is, to let the world 
eee that they take it from us, and 
that we do not give it up. 

" I count it great good fortune 
that so many were present at this 
discourse, (whereof I have not told 
you a sixth part, but I think the 
most considerable ;) fur otherwise I 



^^° LIFE OF WILLIAM PLXX. 



doubt this last passage Avould have 
been suspected as if to heighten their 
courage through despair. But there 
was not a word said in private, Mr. 
Hammond, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Cradoek, 
and Mr. Young being present all 
the time. 

" Give my most humble service t(» 
Sir Thomas Powell and Mrs. PoAvell. 
" I am, dear sir, 

" Your very affectionate and 
faithful servant, J. II." 
" With this interview ended, so far as history informs lis, Penn's in- 
terference."* 

The reader cannot fail to observe that, in the first of these 
interviews, the conduct of Penn, as represented by Wilmot, is 
substantially the same as related by Clarkson and SeAvell. He 
had the independence and candour to tell the king that " the 
fellows could not yield without a breach of their oaths, and 
that such mandates were a force upon conscience, and not 
agreeable to the king's other gracious indulgences." 

Yet even this manly remonstrance, which, perhaps, no other 
man in the kingdom would have dared to express, is thus men- 
tioned by Macaulay in a way to destroy its effect : " He ventured 
to express a part of what he thought." Can the historian 
inform us what part of his thoughts he withheld? 

The second part of Macaulay's relation being founded, ap- 
parently, on an anonymous letter, falsely attributed to Penn, 
of course falls to the ground." The third part, relating to the 
interview with Dr. Hough at Windsor, is so entirely perverted, 
that it is evident "he has drawn on his imagination for his 
facts." The discrepancies are clearly pointed out in the fol- 
lowing quotations from a British critic if 

*' Mr. Macaulay represents Penn as employed to solicit the fellows; 
Dr. Hough represents the fellows as coming to solicit him. 

"Mr. Macaulay says that, after many professions of friendship, Penn 
• began to hint at a compromise ;' Dr. Hough ' thanks God he did not ^o 
much as offer at any proposal by way of accommodation, whicli was tiie 
thing I most dreaded.' 

*i<'orster's Preface. f Tablet, Maxell lUth, ISVJ. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 



** Mr. Macaulay makes his readers bolieve that the topics urged by 
Penn were urj^ed to persuade them to compromise; Dr. Hough describes 
them as used to convince the felhnvs tiiat there was little hope of success 
from his intercession. 

" Mr. Macaulay represents Penn as trying to overcome the scruples 
of the fellows to the commission of perjury ; Dr. Hough represents him 
as admitting that thefellovra ' gave satisfactory answers to his objections.' 

" Mr. Macaulay represents Penn as talking the merest drivel, relying 
sdlely on James's moderation, and willing to give the ' Papists' two or 
three colleges in mere wanton injustice; Dr. Hough (most unwillingly) 
shows that Penn thought the ' Papists' had a right to two or three col- 
leges, and believed they would abstain from further demands, because it 
would be dangerous to ask for more. 

" Mr. Macaulay describes the result of the interview as the * breaking 
off of a neg»)tiation' by the fellows ; Dr. Hough describes it as the con- 
cession of a favour by Penn. 

" In short, in every part of it, in general and in detail, no version of 
the interview could be imagined or invented more remote from the truth 
than that given by Mr. Macaulay. It is true that when somebody men- 
tioned the Bishop of Oxford's indisposition, Penn, ' smiling,' asked the 
fellows how they would like Hough to be made a bishop. This remark, 
made as a joke, answered by Mr. Cradock as a joke, — and even by Dr. 
Hough, who answered it more seriously, not taken as an 'offer at any 
proposal by way of accommodation' — this casual piece of jocosity, picked 
out of a three hours' conversation; reported by one interlocutor without 
the privity of the other ; and, if taken seriously, at variance with every 
other part of the conversation, and unconnected with its general tenor, 
is gravely brought forward as a proof that a man, otherAvise honest, de- 
liberately intended to use 'simony' as a bait to tempt a divine to what 
both parties knew to be ' perjury.' 

" If Mr. Macaulay were crown counsel arguing for Penn's conviction 
before a common jury, such a ' point' would be too gross even for the 
license of the Old Bailey. But if this be admitted as a canon, not of 
the venal advocate, but of the grave historian, who, by virtue of his 
function, is bound to judicial soberness and impartiality, God help tho 
characters of all honest men."* 

Before dismissing this subject, it may be remarked that, 
from Dr. Hough's account of the transaction, it appears he 
had little hopes from Wm. Penn's interference, because " he 
appeared very solicitous to clear Lord Sunderland of suspi- 
cion, and to throw the odium upon the chancellor," the violent 

* Tablet. March 10. 1819 



^^'^ LlfE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



and unprincipled Jeffreys. Is there not reason to suppose 
that Penn was right in this opinion? But even if mistaken 
his conclusion very naturally grew out of his friendship for 
feunderland, with whom he had long been acquainted. 

Another remark was evidently not pleasing to Dr. Hou-1, • 
For my part," said Penn, "I have always declared my opi- 
nion that the preferments of the church should not be put into 
any other hands but such as they at present are in; but I 
hope you would not have the two universities such invincible 
bulwarks for the Church of England, that none but they must 
be capable of giving .their children a learned education." 
Ihis intimation that the bounty of the state should not be re- 
stricted, so as to prevent Dissenters from sharing its benefits, 
though evidently a just sentiment, could not have been agree- 
able to a zealous churchman, who probably suspected him of a 
desire to subvert the establislied church. Notwithstanding this 
prejudice on the part of Dr. Hough, his relation of the inter- 
view affords no foundation for the charges of Macaulay, and 
It would be hard to find any other history where the very 
virtues of a man are thus twisted into grounds for the most 
injurious attacks upon his character."* 

In the first paragraph quoted from Macaulay, he takes occa- 
sion oremark concerning Penn, that " titles and phrases against 
which he had often borne his testimony, dropped occasionally 
from his lips and his pen." No proof of this assertion has 
been offered; nor is there any writing of his, nor any con- 
temporary evidence, known to the public, by which it can be 
substantiated. The conclusion necessarily follows, that the 

tyfw ^T !" *" '^"""^"""^ '^"^^ already quoted, 
M Wm. Penn dmwned; and that Macaulay's inducement 
for attributing that letter to him was to found upon it an ar- 
gument for his insincerity. 

The following remarks and anecdote, from the pen of an 
elegant female historian, show that William Penn, in his inter- 
course with his royal patron, did notdepart from that plainness 
of address for which he suffered in early life.f " It was, after 
• Forster. t Queens of Eng., Mary Beatrice of llodena. 



VINDICAIIU:^ fKOM CHARGES OF xMACAULAY. 331 

all," says Agnes Strickland, "James's greatest glory that his 
name should have been associated with that of the benignant 
founder of the Utopia of the new world, Pennsylvania. That 
the royaf admiral with his passion for naval glory, the despotic 
monarch with his stately ideas of 'the divinity that hedges in 
a king,' and all the hot zeal of a convert to Romanism about 
him, could enter with sympathy and delight into the enlight- 
ened views of that pure-minded Christian philosopher, Wil- 
liam Penn, is an interesting fact, and not less strange than 
true. James once condescended to use a playful reproof to 
the peculiarity of the Quaker, who, the first time he entere<l 
his presence after he became king, did so with his hat on. 

"James immediately took off his own. * Friend James,' 
said Penn, ' why dost [thou] uncover thy head?' ' Because,' 
replied his majesty with a smile, ' it is the fashion here for 
only one man to wear his hat.' " 

It is related by an American writer, that " the king asked 
William Penn to explain the difference between their religions, 
the Roman Catholic and that of the Quakers. He answered, by 
comparing the one to the hat then worn by himself, which was 
plain ; th°e other to that of the king, which was adorned with 
feathers and ribands. ' The only difference,' said^he, ' lies in 
the ornaments which have been added to thine.' "* 

If, in his intercourse with the king, he adhered to his plain, 
unceremonious address, can we suppose he would depart from 
it in his converse with persons of less exalted rank ? 

The Memoir of Lawton, quoted in the preceding chapter, 
gives a most satisfactory view of the manner in which Penn 
employed his influence at court,— soliciting a free pardon for 
religious Dissenters and political offenders,— advising the re- 
calUf the fugitives from Holland,— remonstrating against the 
arbitrary proceedings of the king towards the corporations and 
the church,— and beseeching him to liberate the bishops from 
the Tower: but the infatuated monarch, deluded by his priests 
and betrayed by his counsellors, neglected, until too late, to 
profit by the advice of his best and wisest friend. 

* J. F. Fisher, in Mem. P. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. part ii. 



332 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



It is, nevertheless, asserted by Macaulay, that " his enthu- 
siasm for one great principle, sometimes impelled him to vio- 
late other great principles which he ought to have held sacred." 

This general accusation must fall to the ground, if the spe- 
cific charges on which it is founded have been fully disproved, 
and it may be sufiicient to adduce William Penn's indignant 
denial, addressed to "A Nameless Author," who had pub- 
lished a similar aspersion. 

This autlior had charged him with "showing an intemperate 
zeal for a boundless liberty of conscience." " Not more intem- 
perate," says Penn, "in the reign that favoured it, than in the 
reign I contended with, that did not favour it : and no man but 
a persecutor, which I count a beast of prey, and a declared 
enemy of mankind, can, without great injustice or ingratitude, 
reproach the part I had in King James's court. For I think 
I may say, without vanity, upon this provocation, I endeavoured 
at least to do some good at my own cost, and would have been 
glad to have done more : I am very sure I intended, and I 
think I did, harm to none, neither parties nor private per- 
sons, my own family excepted; for which I doubt not this 
author's pardon, since he shows himself so little concerned for 
the master of it."* 

The only point remaining of sufiicient importance to be no- 
ticed here, is the assertion of Macaulay concerning Penn, that 
" his own sect looked coldly on him and requited his services 
with obloquy. "t This remark relates to that part of his life 
which was passed near the court; but if he was innocent of 
the faults imputed to him, as has been clearly shown, the 
point of the remark will be directed, not against him, but 
against the members of his society, who failed to appreciate 
his merits and to sustain his exertions, made chiefiy on their 
behalf. This, if it were true, would only add another to the 
many instances on record, showing that the greatest benefac- 
tors of the human race have not been rewarded with the 
gratitude they deserved. But although there were, doubtless, 
individuals among the Friends whose confidence in him was 
* Penn's Select Works, in folio, 692. f Macaulay, i. 163. 



VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 333 



shaken by the popular clamour, there is no evidence that the 
society, as a body, or any considerable part of it, "looked 
coldly on him or rewarded his services with obloquy." Ma- 
caulay's authority for this assertion is probably Gerard Croese, 
who, not being a member of the society, could not have been 
so well acquainted with the sentiments of the body, as their 
own accredited historians, Basse, Sewell, and Gough, who al- 
ways speak of William Penn in terms of unqualified approbation. 
In the autobiography of Ellwood, and the journals of Story, 
Richardson, and other members who were contemporaries with 
Penn, he is always mentioned with affection and esteem. "It 
may be confidently stated," says W. E. Forster, "that Mr. 
Macaulay would not be able to find, either on the records of 
the Society of Friends, or in the journals of any of its lead- 
ing members, any passage which would support his insinua- 



tion 



There is, however, a note in Clarkson's Life of Penn, in- 
tended to show that many of the Friends thought "he had 
meddled more with politics, or with the concerns of the govern- 
ment, than became a member of their Christian body, though 
they allowed that he took such a part often out of pure bene- 
volence to others." This may be admitted without impeaching 
the character of Penn, or discrediting the gratitude of Friends. 
They had always discouraged their members from taking an 
active part in British politics. Before William Penn became 
a member, Geo. Fox had issued a caution to Friends to " keep 
clear of all the commotions of the world, and not to intermed- 
dle with the powers of the earth, but to let their conversation 
be in heaven." The same sentiment still prevailed in the so- 
ciety, and they seldom engaged in politics, except in Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey, where the power being chiefly in their 
own hands, they thought it could be administered on Christian 
principles. 

* In Dixon's Life of Penn, this sentiment is corroborated. He says, 
" the statement of (Macaulay) is not, however, merely unsupported, but it 
is positively contradicted by the Devonshire House Records. These prove 
that at this time Penn was in regular attendance at the monthly meetings, 
and was elected to the highest offices in the body.' Page 340. 



334 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



So far was the society from rewarding him with obloquy, that 
we shall find, in the time of his deepest humiliation, when, after 
the revolution, he was falsely accused of treasonable correspond- 
ence, — a royal proclamation being issued for his apprehen- 
sion, — and the public mind exasperated against him, he wrote 
a letter to Lord Romney, in which he says — " I do not only 
humbly ofier my solemn promise of an inoffensive behaviour, 
but the security of a society of honest, sober people, that I 
dare believe will be the pledges of my peaceable living ; than 
which no man can tender a greater to any government in a 
private case."* Can it be possible that he would offer such a 
pledge, if the society looked coldly on him ? 

Having now examined and refuted all the charges preferred 
against his moral character in Macaulay's History of England, 
little more remains to be said ; for the unprejudiced reader 
must have come to the conclusion, that how deep soever may 
be the learning, and fascinating the style of that popular es- 
sayist, he lacks one indispensable quality of the historian, for 
the absence of which all his brilliant parts can never atone : 
and that is, scrupulous fidelity. 

This conclusion is corroborated by the judgment of a British 
critic in the Westminster Review. "Induced," he says, "as 
we have been, by the voice of the calumniator, to give the cha- 
racter of Penn a searching and uncompromising scrutiny, we 
rise from the task under the firm conviction that he was one 
of the best and wisest of men." 

In order to estimate fairly the character of this great and 
good man, we must view him under all the phases of his chang- 
ing fortunes. That part of his life which has been here passed 
in review, may be considered, by some, the brightest part of 
his career, for he was then the companion of princes, the dis- 
penser of royal favours, the most admired legislator of the new 
world : but we shall find, as we proceed in tracing his history, 
that in the deep humiliations which ensued, his character shone 
with equal lustre. It was then, when forced by the malice of 
his enemies to seclude himself, for a time, from public view, 
* Mem. Pa. Hist. Soc. voL iv. part i. 192. 



VISITS WHITEHALL WITH GILBERT LATEY. 335 



that some of his most valuable works were written ; for as the 
diamond, when taken into the dark, emits the light previously 
absorbed ; so did his clear and well-stored mind, from the ob- 
scurity of his retreat, send forth its treasures of wisdom. 

It has been remarked by Macaulay, that he was "not a man 
of strong sense ;" but if equanimity, both in prosperity and ad- 
versity, — if enlarged views on religion and government, beyond 
the most enlightened minds of his day, — if success in carrying 
his principles into practice without any compromise ; do not 
entitle him to the credit of a vigorous intellect, as well as a 
noble and generous heart, then may we search in vain for these 
high qualities among the records of the past. 



CHAPTER XXIIL 

"William Penn visits Whitehall with G. Latey — Clergy required to read 
the declaration of indulgence — Bishops sent to the Tower — Their trial 
and acquittal — William Penn opposed to their commitment, but shares 
the odium of it — Elegant letter of W. Popple, and William Penn's 
answer — Landing of the Prince of Orange — Well received by the nation 
— Irresolution of the king — He is forsaken by his own children — With- 
draws to France — William and Mary proclaimed — Effect of the revo 
lution on William Penn. 

1688. 

In one of William Penn's visits to Whitehall, in company 
with George Whitehead, they met with Gilbert Latey, another 
minister in the Society of Friends, whom they asked if he would 
go with them to wait upon the king. He paused a while to 
consider, and at length consented to go. The interview is thus 
related by Clarkson : — 

"George Whitehead and William Penn having spoken what they had 
to say, the king was pleased to ask Gilbert whether he had not some- 
thing to say, upon which he, in a great deal of humility, spake in the 
manner following: — 'The mercy, favour, and kindness, which the king 
hath extended to us as a people in the time of our exercise and sore dis 
tress, we humbly acknowledge; and I truly desire that God may show him 
mercy and favour in the time of his irmihle and sore distress.' To which 



336 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



the king replied, ' I thank you ;' and so at that time they parted. But 
what was then spoken by Gilbert, lived with the king, who, some time 
after, when he was in Ireland, desired a Friend to remember him to Gil- 
bert. ' Tell him,' said the king, 'the words he spake to me I shall never 
Ibrget ;' adding that one part of them had come true, [the revolution and 
sore distress thereby,) and that he prayed to God that the other might come 
to pass. Upon this, Gilbert caused it to be signified to him that the se- 
cond part of what he had said, was also, in a great measure, come to 
pass, for that the Lord had given him his life," [alluding to the battle of 
the Boijne.) 

In the spring of the year 1688, the king issued his declara- 
tion for liberty of conscience and the suspension of the tests, 
accompanied with the assertion of his determination to put none 
into office who did not concur in it. At the same time an order 
of council was published, requiring the clergy to read the de- 
claration in their churches immediately after divine service. 
This order was extremely oifensive to the clergy of the esta- 
blished church — they disapproved of the measure, as being, in 
their view, calculated to subvert the Protestant religion ; but 
the chief ground on which they opposed it was the unpopular 
prerogative claimed by the king, to dispense with or suspend 
the laws of the realm. 

Sancroft, Archhishop of Canterbury, and six other bishops, 
presented a respectful petition to the king showing their rea- 
sons for declining to comply with his mandate. James was 
highly incensed ; he affected to consider their petition, though 
delivered to him in private, a seditious libel, and the bishops 
refusing to give bail, he committed them to the Tower, and 
gave directions to the crown lawyers to prosecute them. 

No act of his unpopular reign was more fatal to the stability 
of his throne. The proceedings were watched by the people 
with the utmost solicitude, and when they saw the venerated 
prelates conveyed to the Tower under the custody of a guard, 
they crowded around them in immense multitudes, imploring 
their blessing, and invoking the favour of Heaven for their pro- 
tection. 

When they were conducted to trial, equal or greater crowds 
a ttended them, listened with intense anxiety for the result, and 



WILLIAM POPPLE S LETTER. 



when tliey were acquitted, the air was rent with the triumphant 
shouts of the people.* 

William Penn was not only " against this commitment, hut, 
the day the Prince of Wales was born, he went to the king and 
pressed him exceedingly to set them at liberty. "f Yet the pul)- 
lic being unconscious of the wise council he gave, and regard- 
ing him only as a friend of the king, looked upon him with in- 
creasing suspicion. In addition to the odium he shared with 
his sovereign, he was rendered more unpopular by the discovery 
that he had been employed by the king on a mission to the 
Prince of Orange for the removal of the tests, and that he was 
the author of the anonymous work, already noticed, called 
" Good Advice to the Church of England." That work, though 
now regarded as highly meritorious, being then far in advance 
of the age, subjected its author to public opprobrium. 

His friends, apprehensive that his reputation might be impaired 
by groundless reports and malicious slanders, felt desirous that 
be should take some public method to vindicate his character, 
and one of them, William Popple, Secretary to the Board of 
Trade and Plantations, sent him the following beautiful letter : 

"To the Honourable William Pexx, Esq., 

"Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania : 

" Honoured Sir — Though the friendship with which you are pleased to 
honour me, doth afford me sufficient opportunities of discoursing with you 
apon any subject, yet I choose rather at this time to offer unto you in 
writing some reflections which have occurred to my thoughts in a matter 
Df no common importance. The importance of it doth primarily and di- 
rectly respect yourself, and your own private concernments ; but it also 
consequentially and effectually regards the king, his government, and even 
the peace and settlement of this whole nation. I entreat you, therefore, to 
bear with me, if I endeavour in this manner to give somewhat more weight 
unto my words than would be in a transient discourse, and leave them 
with you as a subject that requires your retired consideration. 

" You are not ignorant that the part you have been supposed to have 
dad of late years in public affairs, though without either the title, or honour, 
Dr profit of any public office, and that especialh^ your avowed endeavours to 
introduce among us a general and inviolable liberty of conscience in mat- 
;ers of mere religion, have occasioned the mistakes of some men, provoked 

* Hume, Clarkson, &c. f Lawton's Memoir, before quoted. 

2D 22 



338 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



the malice of others, and in the end have raised against you a multitude 
of enemies, who have unworthily defamed you with such imputations as I 
am sure you abhor. This I know you have been sufficiently informed of, 
though I doubt you have not made sufficient reflection upon it. The con- 
sciousness of your own innocence seems to me to have given you too great 
a contempt of such unjust and ill-grounded slanders ; for, however glorious 
it is and reasonable for a trul}^ virtuous mind, whose inward peace is 
founded upon that rock of innocence, to despise the empty noise of popu- 
lar reproach, yet even that sublimity of spirit may sometimes swell to a 
reprovable excess. To be steady and immovable in the prosecution of 
wise and honest resolutions, by all honest and prudent means, is indeed a 
duty that admits of no exception ; but nevertheless it ought not to hinder 
that, at the same time there be also a due care taken of preserving a fair 
reputation. ' A good name,' says the Wise Man, ' is better than precious 
ointment.' It is a perfume that recommends the person whom it accom- 
panies, that procures him everywhere an easy acceptance, and that facili- 
tates the success of all his enterprises ; and for that reason, though there 
were no other, I entreat you, observe, that the care of a man's reputation 
is an essential part of that very same duty that engages him in the pur- 
suit of any worthy design. 

" But I must not entertain you with a declamation upon this general 
theme. My business is to represent to you more particularly those very 
imputations which are cast upon yourself, together with some of their 
evident consequences ; that, if possible, I may thereby move you to labour 
after a remedy. The source of all arises from the ordinary access you 
have unto the king, the credit you are supposed to have with him, and 
the deep jealousy that some people have conceived of his intentions in 
reference to religion. Their jealousy is, that his aim has been to settle 
Popery in this nation, not only in a fair and secure liberty, but even in a 
predominating superiority over all other professions ; and from hence the 
inference follows, that whosoever has any part in the councils of this 
reign, must needs be popishly affected ; but that to have so great a 
part in them as you are said to have had, can happen to none but an ab- 
solute Papist. That is the direct charge : but that is not enough ; your 
post is too considerable for a Papist of an ordinary form, and therefore 
you must be a Jesuit : nay, to confirm that suggestion, it must be accom- 
panied with all the circumstances that may best give it an air of proba- 
))ility ; as, that you have been bred at St. Omer's in the Jesuits' College; 
that you have taken orders at Rome, and there obtained a dispensation to 
marry ; and that you have since then frequently officiated as a priest in 
the celebration of the mass at AVhitehall, St. James's, and other places. 
And this being admitted, nothing can be too black to be cast upon you. 
Whatsoever is thought amiss either in church or state, though never so 
contrary to your advice, is boldly attributed to it ; and, if other proofs fail, 



WILLIAM popple's LETTER. 339 



the Scripture itself must be brought in to confirm. * Tli:it whospevci 
offends in one point (in a point especially so essential as that of our too 
much affected uniformity) is guilty of the breach of all our laws.' Thus 
the charge of Popery draws after it a tail like the et ccciera oath, and by 
endless innuendoes prejudicates you as guilty of whatsoever malice can in- 
vent or folly believe. But that charge, therefore, being removed, the 
inferences that are drawn from it will vanish, and your reputation will 
easily return to its former brightness, 

" Now, that I may the more effectually persuade you to apply some 
remedy to this disease, I beseech you, sir, suffer me to lay before you some 
of its pernicious consequences. It is not a trifling matter for a person, 
raised as you are above the common level, to lie under the prejudice of so 
general a mistake in so important a matter. The general and long pre- 
valency of any opinion gives it a strength, especially among the vulgar, 
that is not easily shaken. And as it happens that you have also enemies 
of a higher rank, who will be ready to improve such popular mistakes by 
all sorts of malicious artifices, it must be taken for granted that those 
errors will be thereby still more confirmed, and the inconveniences that 
may arise from thence no less increased. This, sir, I assure you, is a 
melancholy prospect to your friends ; for we know you have such enemies. 
The design of so universal a liberty of conscience, as your principles have 
led you to promote, has offended many of those whose interest it is to 
cross it. I need not tell you how many and how powerful they are; nor 
can I tell you either how far, or by what ways and means, they may en- 
deavour to execute their revenge. But this, however, I must needs tell 
you — that, in your present circumstances, there is sufficient ground for so 
much jealousy at least as ought to excite you to use the precaution of 
some public vindication. This the tenderness of friendship prompts you r 
friends to desire of you ; and this the just sense of your honour, which 
true religion does not extinguish, requires you to execute. 

" Pardon, I entreat you, sir, the earnestness of these expressions ; nay, 
suffer me, without offence, to expostulate with you yet a little further. I 
am fearful lest these personal considerations should not have their due 
weight with you, and therefore I cannot omit to reflect also upon some 
more general consequences of your particular reproach. I have said it 
already, that the king, his honour, his government, and even the peace and 
settlement of this whole nation, either are or have been concerned in this 
matter: your reputation, as you are said to have meddled in public affairs,, 
has been of public concernment. The promoting a general liberty of con- 
science having been your particular province, the aspersion of Popery and 
Jesuitism, that has been cast upon you, has reflected upon his majesty, for 
having made use, in that affair, of so disguised a personage as you are 
supposed to have been. It has weakened the force of your endeavours, 
obstructed their effect, and contributed greatly to disappoint this poot 
nation of that inestimable happiness, and secure establishment, whicli 1 



340 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



am persuaded you designed, and which all good and wise men agree that 
a just and inviolable liberty of conscience would infallibly produce. I 
heartily wish this consideration had been sooner laid to heart, and that 
some demonstrative evidence of your sincerity in the profession you make 
had accompanied all your endeavours for liberty. 

" But what do I say, or Avhat do I wish for ? I confess that I am now 
struck with astonishment at that abundant evidence which I know you 
have constantly given of the opposition of your principles to those of 
the Romish church, and at the little regard there has been had to it. If 
an open profession of the directest opposition against Popery that has 
ever appeared in the world, since Popery was first distinguished from 
common Christianity, would serve the turn, this cannot be denied to all 
those of that society with which you are joined in the duties of religious 
worship. If to have maintained the principles of that society by frequent 
and fervent discourses, by many elaborate vrritings, by suffering ignominy, 
imprisonment, and other manifold disadvantages, in defence thereof, can 
be admitted as any proof of your sincere adherence thereunto ; this, it is 
evident to the world, you have done already. Nay, further : if to have 
inquired, as far as was possible for you, into the particular stories that 
have been framed against you, and to have sought all means of rectifying 
the mistakes upon which they were grounded, could in any measure avail 
to the setting a true character of you in men's judgments, this also I 
know you have done. For I have seen, under the hand of a reverend 
dean of our English church, (Dr. Tillotson,) a full acknowledgment of 
satisfaction received from you in a suspicion he had entertained upon one 
of those stories, and to which his report had procured too great credit. 
And though I know 3- ou are averse to the publishing of his letter without 
his express leave, and perhaps may not now think fit to ask it ; yet I am 
so thoroughly assured of his sincerity and candour, that I cannot doubt 
bat he has already vindicated you in that matter, and will (according to 
his promise) be still ready to do it upon all occasions. Nay, I have seen 
also your justification from another calumny of common fame, about your 
having kidnapped one who had formerly been a monk, out of your Ameri- 
can province, to deliver him here into the hands of his enemies ; I say, I 
have seen your justification from that story under that person's own hand; 
and his return to Pennsylvania, where he now resides, may be an irre- 
fragable confutation of it to any that will take the pains to inquire thereinto. 

" Really it afilicts me very much to consider that all this does not suffice. 
If I had not that particular respect for 3'ou which I sincerely profess, yet 
I could not but be much affected, that any man, who had deservedly ac- 
quired so fair a reputation as you have formerly had, Avhose integrity and 
veracity had always been reputed spotless, and whose charity had been 
continually exercised in serving others, at the dear expense of his time, 
his strength, and his estate, without any other recompense tha,n what ' 
results from the consciousness of doing good : I say, I could not but be 



penn's answer to popple's letter. 341 



much affected, to see any such person fall innocently and undcsorvedly 
under such unjust reproaches as you have done. It is a hard case; and 
I think no man that has any bowels of humanity can reflect upon it with- 
out great relentings. 

" Since, therefore, it is so, and that something remains yet to be done — 
something more express, and especially more public, than has yet been 
done — for your vindication, I beg of you, dear sir, by all the tender effi- 
cacy that friendship, either mine or that of your friends and relations 
together, can have upon you ; by the due regard whicli humanity, and 
oven Christianity, obliges you to have to your reputation ; by the duty 
you owe unto the king; by your love to the land of your nativity ; and 
by the cause of universal religion, and eternal truth, let not the scandal 
of insincerity, that I have hinted at, lie any longer upon you ; but let the 
sense of all these obligations persuade you to gratify your friends and re- 
lations, and to serve your king, your country, and your religion, by such 
a public vindication of your honour, as your own prudence, upon these 
suggestions, will now show you to be most necessary and most expedient. 
I am, with unfeigned and most respectful affection, honoured sir, your 
most humble and most obedient servant, "WILLIAM POPPLE. 

"London, Oct. 20, 1688." 

William Penn's answer was in a style of corresponding ele- 
gance, being as follows: — 

"Worthy Friend : — It is now above twenty years, I thank God, that I 
have not been very solicitous what the world thought of me : for since I 
have had the knowledge of religion from a principle in myself, the first and 
main point with me has been to approve myself in the sight of God through 
patience and well-doing; so that the world has not had weight enough with 
me to suffer its good opinion to raise me, or its ill opinion to deject mo. 
And if that had been the only motive or consideration, and not the desire 
of a good friend in the name of many others, I had been as silent to thy 
letter as I used to be to the idle and malicious shams of the times: but, as 
the laws of friendship are sacred with those that value that relation, so I 
c<mfes8 this to be a principal one with me, not to deny a friend the satisfac- 
tion he desires, when it may be done without offence to a good conscience. 

" The business chiefly insisted upon is my Popery, and endeavours to 
promote it. I do say, then, and that Avith all sincerity, that I am not only 
no Jesuit, but no Papist ; and which is more, I never had any temptation 
upon me to be it, either from doubts in my own mind about the way I 
profess, or from the discourses or writings of any of that religion. And, 
in the presence of Almighty God, I do declare, that the king did never 
once, directly or indirectly, attack me or tempt me upon that subject, the 
many years that I have had tlie advantage of a free access to him ; so 
r.nju^t, as Avell .is sordidly false arc all those stories of the (o-i. 



342 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



" The only reason that I can apprehend, they have to repute me a 
Roman Catholic, is my frequent going to Whitehall, a place no more for- 
bid to me than to the rest of the world, who yet, it seems, find much fairer 
quarter. I have almost continually had one business or other there for 
our Friends, whom I ever served with a steady solicitation through all 
times since I was of their communion. I have also a great many personal 
good offices to do, upon a principle of charity, for people of all persuasions ; 
thinking it a duty to improve the little interest I had for the good of those 
that needed it, especially the poor. I might add something of my own 
affairs too, though I must own, if I may without vanity, that they have 
ever had the least share of my thoughts or pains, or else they would not 
have still depended as they yet do. 

" But because some people are so unjust as to render instances for my 
Popery, or rather hypocrisy, for so it would be in me, 'tis fit I contradict 
them as particularly as they accuse me. I say, then, solemnly, that I am 
80 far from having been bred at St. Omer's, and having received orders at 
Rome, that I never was at either place, nor do I know anybody there; nor 
bad I ever a correspondence with anybody in those places ; which is an- 
other story invented against me. And, as for my officiating in the king's 
chapel, or any other, it is so ridiculous as well as untrue, that, besides 
that nobody can do it but a priest, and that I have been married to a 
woman of some condition above sixteen years, which no priest can be by 
any dispensation whatever, I have not so much as looked into any chapel 
of the Roman religion, and consequently, not the king's, though a com- 
mon curiosity warrants it daily to people of all persuasions. 

" And once for all, I do say that I am a Protestant Dissenter, and to that 
degree such, that I challenge the most celebrated Protestant of the Eng- 
lish church, or any other, on that head, be he layman or clergyman, in 
public or in private. For I would have such people know, 'tis not impos- 
sible for a true Protestant Dissenter to be dutiful, thankful, and service- 
able to the king, though he be of the Roman Catholic communion. We 
hold not our property or protection from him by our persuasion, and, 
therefore, his persuasion should not be the measure of our allegiance. I 
am sorry to see so many, that seem fond of the reformed religion, by their 
disaffection to him recommend it so ill. Whatever practices of Roman 
Catholics we might reasonably object against, and no doubt but such 
\here are, yet he has disclaimed and reprehended those ill things by h^s 
declared opinion against persecution, by the ease in which he actually in- 
dulges all Dissenters, and by the confirmation he offers in Parliament for 
the security of the Protestant religion and liberty of conscience. And in 
his honour, as well as in my own defence, I am obliged in conscience to 
Bay, that he has ever declared to me it was his opinion ; and on all occa- 
sions, when duke, he never refused me the repeated proofs of it, as often 
as I had any poor sufferers for conscience' sake to solicit his help for. 

"But some may be apt to say, 'Why not anybody else as well as I? 



penn's answer to popple's letter. 343 



Why must I havo the preferable access to other Dissenters, if not a Papist ?' 
I ansAver, I know not that it is so. But this I know, that I have made 
it my province and business; I have followed and prcst it ; I took it for my 
calling and station, and have kept it above these sixteen years; and which 
is more, (if I may say it without vanity or reproach,) wholly at my own 
charges too. To this let me add the relation my father had to this king's 
service, his particular favour in getting me released out of the Tower of 
London, in IGGl), my father's humble request to him upon his death-bed 
to protect me from the inconveniences and troubles my persuasion might 
expose me to, and his friendly promise to do it, and exact performance of 
it from the moment I addressed myself to him; I say, when all this is 
considered, anybody that has the least pretence to good nature, gratitud«s 
or generosity, must needs know how to interpret my access to the king- 
Perhaps some will be ready to say, ' This is not all, nor is this yet a 
fault ; but that I have been an adviser in other matters disgustful to the 
kingdom, and which tend to overthrow the Protestant religion and the 
liberties of the people.' A likely thing, indeed, that a Protestant Dissenter, ' 
who from fifteen years old has been (at times) a sufferer in his father's 
family, in the university, and by the government, for being so, should 
design the destruction of the Protestant religion ! This is just as proba- 
ble as it is true that I died a Jesuit six years ago in America — will men 
still suffer such stuff to pass upon them ? — Is any thing more foolish, as 
well as false, than that because I am often at Whitehall, therefore I must 
be the author of all that is done there that does not please abroad? — But 
supposing some such things to have been done, pray tell me, if I am bound 
to oppose anything that I am not called to do; I never was a member of 
council, cabinet, or committee, where the affairs of the kingdom are trans- 
acted. I have had no office, or trust, and consequently nothing can be 
said to be done by me; nor, for that reason, could I lie under any test or 
obligation to discover my opinion of public acts of state; and, therefore, 
neither can any such acts, or my silence about them, in justice be mad-i 
my crime. Volunteers are blanks and cyphers in all governments. And, 
unless calling at Whitehall once a day, upon many occasions, or my not 
being turned out of nothing, (for that no office is,) be the evidence of my 
compliance in disagreeable things, I know not what else can, with any 
truth, be alleged against me. However, one thing I know, that I have 
everywhere most religiously observed, and endeavoured, in conversation 
with persons of all ranks and opinions, to allay heats, and moderate ex- 
tremes, even in the politics. It is below me to be more particular; but I 
am sure it has been my endeavour, that if we could not all meet upon a 
religious bottom, at least we might upon a civil one, the good of England, 
which is the common interest of king and people; that he might be great 
by justice, and we free by obedience ; distinguishing rightly, on the one 
hand, between duty and slavery ; and on the other, between liberty and 
licentiousness 



344 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



" But, alas ! I am not without my apprehensions of the cause of this 
behaviour toward me, and in this I perceive we agree — I mean my con- 
etant zeal for an impartial liberty of conscience. But if that be it, the 
cause is too good to be in pain about. I ever understood that to be the 
natural right of all men ; and that he that had a religion without it, his 
religion was none of his own. For what is not the religion of a man's 
choice is the religion of him that imposes it: so that liberty of conscience 
is the first step to have a religion. This is no new opinion with me. I 
have writ many apologies within the last twenty years to defend it, and 
that impartially. Yet I have as constantly declared that bounds ought to 
be set to this freedom, and that morality was the best ; and that as often 
as that was violated, under a pretence of conscience, it was fit the civil 
power should take place. Nor did I ever think of j)romoting^any sort of 
liberty of conscience for anybody, which did not preserve the common 
Protestancy of the kingdom, and the ancient rights of the government : 
for, to say truth, the one cannot be maintained without the other. 

" Upon the whole matter, I must say, I love England ; I ever did so ; 
and that I am not in her debt. I never valued time, money, or kindred, 
to serve her and do her good. No party could ever bias me to her preju- 
dice, nor any personal interest oblige me in her wrong : for I always ab- 
horred discounting private favours at the public cost. 

" Would I have made my market of the fears and jealousies of the peo- 
ple, when this king came to the crown, I had put twenty thousand pounds 
into my pocket, and an hundred thousand into my province ; for mighty 
numbers of people were then upon the wing ; but I waived it all ; hoped 
for better times ; expected the effects of the king's word for liberty of 
conscience, and happiness by it; and, till I saw my friends, with the 
kingdom, delivered from the legal bondage Avhich penal laws for religion 
had subjected them to, I could with no satisfaction think of leaving Eng- 
land, though much to my prejudice beyond sea, and at my great expense 
liere, having in all this time, never had either office or pension, and always 
refusing the rewards or gratuities of those I have been able to oblige. 

" If, therefore, an universal charity — if the asserting an impartial liberty 
of conscience — if doing to others as we would be done by, and an open 
avowing and steady practising of these things, in all times, and to all 
parties, will justly lay a man under the reflectionof being a Jesuit, or Papist 
of any rank, I must not only submit to the character, but embrace it too ; 
and I care not who knows, that I can wear it with more pleasure than it is 
possible for them, with any justice, to give it me. For these are corner- 
stones and principles with me ; and I am scandalized at all buildings which 
liave them not for their foundations. For religion itself is an empty name 
without them — a whited wall, a painted sepulchre, no life or virtue to thp 
soul, no good or example to one's neighbour. Let us not flatter ourselves ; 
we can never be the better for our religion, if our neighbour be the worse for 
it. Our fault is, we are apt to be mighty hot upon speculative errors, and 



penn's answer to popple's letter. 345 



break all bounds in our resentments ; but we let practical ones pass with- 
out remark, if not without repentance : as if a mistake about an obscure 
proposition of fixith wore a greater evil than the breach of an undoubt<id 
precept. Such a religion the devils them.selves are not without ; for they 
have both faith and knowledge: but their faith does nc»t work by love, nor 
their knoAvledge by obedience. And, if this be their judgment, can it be 
our blessing ? Let us not, then, think religion a litigious thing, nor that 
Christ came only to make us good disputants, but that he came also to 
make us good livers ; sincerity goes further than capacity. It is charity 
that deservedly excels in the Christian religion ; and. happy would it be 
if, where unity ends, charity did begin, instead of en/y and railing, that 
almost ever follow. It appears to me to be the way that God has foun«l 
out and appointed to moderate our diiferences, and make them, at least, 
harmless to society ; and, therefore, I confess, I dare not aggravate them 
to wrath and blood. Our disagreement lies in our apprehension or belief 
of things; and, if the common enemy of mankind had not the governing 
of our affections aud passions, that disagreement would not prove such a 
canker, as it is, to love and peace in civil societies. 

" He that suffers his difference Avith his neighbour about the other 
world, to carry him beyond the line of moderation in this, is the worse 
for his opinion, even though it be true. It is too little considered by 
Christians, that men may hold the truth in unrighteousness ; that they 
may be orthodox, and not know what spirit they are of. So were the 
apostles of our Lord: thoy believed in him, yet let a f\ilse zeal do violence 
to their judgment, and their unwarrantable heat contradict the great end 
of their Saviour's coming, love. 

" Men may be angry for God's sake, and kill people too. Christ ^aid 
it, and too many have practised it. But what sort of Christians must 
they be, I pray, that can hate in Ilis name Avho bids us love, and kill for 
His sake, that forbids killing, and commands love, even to enemies. 

" Let not men, or parties, think to shift it off from themselvps. It is 
not this principle or that form, to which so great a defection is owing, 
l)ut a degeneracy of mind from God. Christianity is not at heart; no 
fear of God in the inward parts ; no awe of his Divine omnipresence. 
Self prevails, and breaks out, more or less, througli all forms, but too 
plainly, (pride, wrath, lust, avarice.) so that, though people say to God 
Thy will be done, they do their own ; which shows them to be truf 
heathens, under a mask of Christianity, that believe without works, and 
repent without forsaking ; busy for forms, and the temporal benefits of 
them; while true religion, Avhich is to visit the fatherless and the widow, 
aud to keep ourselves unspotted from the world, goes barefoot, and, like 
Lazarus, is di^spised. Yet, this was the definition the Holy Ghost gave 
of religion, l^^ftu-e synods aud councils had the meddling with it and 
modelling of it. In thosp days bowels were a good part of religion, and 
thit to the farbfrl'^^s a-id widow nt large. AV? can hardly no'" extend 



oi6 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 

them to those of our own way. It was said by Him that could not say 
amiss, ' Because iniquity abounds, the love of many waxeth cold." What- 
soever divides man's heart from God, separates it from his neighbour ; and 
he that loves self more than God can never love his neighbour as himself. 
' For,' as the apostle said, 'if we do not love him whom we have seen, 
how can we love God, whom we have not seen ?' 

" Oh that we could see some men as eager to turn people to God as they 
are to blow them up, and set them one against another ! But, indeed, 
those only can have that pure and pious zeal, who are themselves turned 
to God, and have tasted the sweetness of that conversion, which is to 
power, and not to form ; to godliness, and not to gain. Such as those do 
bend their thoughts and pains to appease, not increase heats and animo- 
sities ; to exhort people to look at home, sweep their own houses, and 
weed their own gardens. And in no age or time was there more need to 
set men at work in their own hearts than this we live in, when so busy, 
wandering, licentious a spirit prevails ; for, whatever some men may 
think, the disease of this kingdom is sin, impiety against God, and want 
of charity to men. And, while this guilt is at our door, judgment cannot 
be far off. 

" Now this being the disease, I will briefly offer two things for the cure 
of it :— 

" The first is David's clean heart and right spirit, which he asked and 
had of God : without this we must be a chaos still : for the distemper is 
within ; and our Lord said, all evil comes from thence. Set the inward 
man right, and the outward man cannot be wrong ; that is the helm that 
governs the human vessel ; and this nothing can do but an inward princi- 
ple, the light and grace that came by Christ, which, the Scripture tells 
us, enlightens every one, and hath appeared to all men. It is preposter- 
ous to think that lie who made the world should show least care of the 
best part of it, our souls. No: He that gave us an outward luminary for 
our bodies, hath given us an inward one for our minds to act by. We 
have it; and it is our condemnation that we do not love it; and bring our 
deeds to it. 'Tis by this we see our sins, are made sensible of them, sorry 
for them, and finally forsake them. And he that thinks to go to heaven 
a nearer way, will, I fear, belate his soul, and be irrevocably mistaken. 
There are but goats and sheep at last, whatever shapes we wear here. 
Let us not, therefore, dear friends, deceive ourselves. Our souls are at 
stake ; God will not be mocked ; what we sow we must expect to reap. 
There is no repentance in the grave ; which shows that, if none there, then 
nowhere else. To sum up this divinity of mine : It is the light of Jesus 
in our souls that gives us a true sight of ourselves, and that sight that 
leads us to repentance ; which repentance begets humility, and humility 
that true charity that covers a multitude of faults, which I call God's ex- 
pedient against man's infirmity. 

"The second remedy to our present dietcm^ier is this : Since all of all 



LANDING OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. 347 



parties profess to believe in God, Clirist, the Spirit, and Scripture; that 
the soul is immortal; that there are eternal rewards and punishments; and 
that the virtuous shall receive the one, and the wicked suffer the other: I 
say, since this is the common fiiith of Christendom, let us all resolve in the 
strength of God to live up to what we agree in, before we fall out so miser- 
ably about the rest in which we differ. I am persuaded, the change and 
comfort which that pious course would bring us to, would go very far to 
dispose our nature to compound easily for all the rest, and we might hope 
yet to see happy days in poor England, for there I would have so good a 
work begun. And how it is possible for the eminent men of every reli- 
gious persuasion, especially the present ministers of the parishes of Eng- 
land, to think of giving an account to God at the last day, without using 
the utmost of their endeavours to moderate the members of their respective 
communions toward those that differ from them, is a mystery to me. 

"But this I know, and must lay it at their doors; I charge also my own 
soul with it; God requires moderation and humility from us; for he is at 
hand, who will not spare to judge our impatience, if we have no patience 
for one another. The eternal God rebuke, I beseech him, the wrath of 
man, and humble all under the sense of the evil of this day; and yet, 
unworthy as we are, give us peace for his holy name's sake. 

" It is now time to end this letter, and I will now do it without saying 
any more than this : Thou seest my defence against popular calumny ; 
thou seest what my thoughts are of our condition, and the way to better 
it; and thou seest my hearty and humble prayer to Almighty God to in- 
cline us to be wise, if it were but for our own sakes. I shall only add, 
that I am extremely sensible of the kindness and justice intended me by 
my friends on this occasion, and that I am for that, and many more rea- 
sons, thy obliged and affectionate friend, 

" WILLIAM PEXX. 

«♦ Teddington, October 24, 1688." 

Within a fortnight from the date of this letter, the king's son- 
in-law, William, Prince of Orange, landed at Torbay Avith an 
army, having been invited over by many of the most influential 
among the nobility and gentry. He proposed to come, not as a 
conqueror, but as a protector of the Protestant religion, and in 
order to secure the liberties of the subject against the illegal 
exercise of the royal prerogative. He was joined by persons 
of the highest rank — part of the king's army, led by Lonls Corn- 
bury and Churchill, deserted to his standard — the popular feel- 
ing of the nation was strongly manifested in his favour ; Prince 
Georiro of Denmark, residiiiir in England, and even Anne 'lis 



348 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



wife, the daughter of King James, took sides with the in 
vader. 

The king had, in earlier life, proved himself a courageous 
man, he had been an able and successful commander, by land 
and bj sea, his firmness amounted even to obstinacy; but now 
he was agitated and unnerved by this universal defection; it 
fell upon him, blow after blow, with accumulated force, and 
when the last stroke came, in the desertion of his favourite 
daughter, being overwhelmed with grief, he exclaimed, " God, 
help me; my own children have forsaken me." 

The sequel is well known, he seemed to lose his self-posses- 
sion, and after making a few ill-directed and irresolute efi'orts, 
he sent away his queen and the infant prince, and soon after 
followed them to France. 

The convention having declared the throne vacant, the Prince 
and Princess of Orange were crowned as joint sovereigns, under 
the title of William and Mary. 

We can readily conceive that this sudden revolution must 
have had for a time a melancholy influence on the feelings and 
prospects of William Penn. 

In James he lost a friend and patron, to whom he was bound 
by the ties of gratitude and affection. He was not blind to the 
king's faults, but he attributed many of his worst measures to 
the bigoted priests and sordid courtiers by whom he was sur- 
rounded. 



PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. 'SVJ 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Progress of the colony — Letter of William Penn about the eaves at Plii- 
ladelphia — An Indian alarm — C. Pusey and others visit the old chief 
— T. Lloyd wishes to retire from oflBce — Letter of William Penn to 
him — Appointment of Gov. Blackvrell — William Penn examined before 
the king and council — Required to give bail — Letter to Friends in 
Pennsylvania — Letter to Lord Shrewsbury — William Penn is cleared 
— Act of toleration — William Penn determines to return to Pennsyl- 
vania — Gov. Blackwell resigns — T. Lloyd again in office — William 
Penn's letters to council — Directs a public school to be instituted in 
Philadelphia. 

1688-89. 

While the continent of Europe was the theatre of desolating 
wars, and England was shaken by political convulsions, the 
colonists of Pennsylvania were quietly and successfully pursu- 
ing their industrial occupations. The woodman's axe was fell- 
ing the primeval forest; the commodious farm-house had suc- 
ceeded to the hunter's wigwam ; orchards were blooming, and 
wheat and corn were waving, where lately the wild beast had 
made his lair. In the city new streets were opened or extended, 
dwellings, warehouses and public edifices were erected, and 
numerous vessels discharging at the wharves enlivened the 
scene, or, being laden, spread their canvas for foreign climes. 
But although the inhabitants were blessed with general pros- 
perity and happiness, there were among the few engag^nl in 
public affairs some disturbing influences, and among the lower 
classes in the city, some disorders, which being reported to the 
proprietary in England, called forth his paternal admonitions. 

In a letter addressed to the magistrates in 1688, he alludes to 
reports which had reached him concerning excesses committed 
in the caves at Philadelphia. . These excavations in the banks 
of the Delaware had been made by the first settlers for tempo- 
rary homes, but were now occupied by disorderly persons. He 
reminds them that those caves were his property a-ul could not 
2E 



350 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PEN^s. 



be used for such purposes, but must be reserved for the accom- 
modation of poor immigrants. He further instructs them to 
reduce the number of ordinaries or drinking-houses, and to 
punish the offenders according to law.* 

The colonists had lived on terms of the most cordial friend- 
ship with the neighbouring Indian tribes, and each party had 
performed many kind offices for the other, but in the year 1688, 
an alarm was spread in the vicinity of Chester and Philadelphia, 
that an attack upon the whites was meditated by the natives. 
It was first communicated by an Indian woman of West Jersey 
to an old Dutch resident of Chester, and was soon after corro- 
borated by another rumour that three families about nine miles 
from that place, had actually been destroyed. When these 
alarming reports reached Philadelphia the council was in session, 
and Caleb Pusey, one of its members, who was a Friend in 
high standing, from Chester County, offered to go to the place 
where the Indians were said to be assembled, provided the 
council would appoint five others to go with him unarmed, f 
This being agreed to, they immediately proceeded thither on 
horseback, but instead of meeting five hundred warriors, as 
w^as reported, they found the old king quietly lying on his bed, 
the women at work in the fields, and the children at play. When 
they entered the wigwam, the king asked them "what they came 
for?" They related to him the report which the Indian woman 
had raised, and asked him if he had any thing against the Eng- 
lish. He seemed much displeased at the report, and said "the 
woman ought to be burned to death ; they had nothing against 
the English;" adding, " 'tis true there are about fifteen pounds 
yet behind of our pay for the land William Penn bought, but 
as you are still on it and improving it to your own use, we are 
not in haste for our pay ; but when the English come to settle 
it, we expect to be paid." This the messenger assured him 
should be done ; and as they were about to leave he said, " As 
God has given you corn, I advise you to get it in (it being then 
harvest-time,) for we intend you no harm. "J The return of 
the messengers dispelled the fears of the people, and the result 

* Proud's Hist. i. 296. f Ibid. 337. J Ibid. i. 335. 



APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR BLACKWELL. 3;j1 



3vinced the wisdom of the policy uniformly pursued by the 
friends of William Penn. 

Thomas Lloyd, a minister of the Society of Friends, and a 
man of excellent character and abilities, had for some years 
been performing the executive functions of the government, 
first, as President of the Council, and afterwards as Chairman 
of the Commissioners appointed by the proprietary; but be- 
coming weary of public ailiiirs, he requested to be released 
from the burden, to which William Penn, by a letter written in 
1687, reluctantly consented. A suitable person to supply his 
place not being readily found, the proprietary wrote to him in 
the year 1688 as follows : — "No honour, interest, or pleasure in 
this part of the world shall be able to check my desire to live 
and die among you, and though my stay is yet prolonged on 
private and public accounts, yet depend upon it Pennsylvania 
is my worldly delight, and end of all places on earth. 

"Now, though I have, to please thee, given thee a quietus 
from all public business, my intention is to constitute thee 
<leputy-governor, and two in the character of assistants, either 
of whom and thyself to be able to do all as fully as I myself 
can do, only I want thy consent to the employment, of which 
advise me. By all that is reverent, tender, and friendly, I 
beseech thy care, condescension and help for that poor province. 
I am here serving God and Friends and the nation, which 1 
hope God will reward to mine and you."* 

As Thomas Lloyd still persisted in his desire to retire from 
the cares of government, and no other Friend, properly qualified, 
Avas found willing to accept the ofiice of deputy-governor, 
William Penn appointed to that station Captain John Black- 
^^e\\, who had formerly held an important trust under the 
British government, and was highly recommended for his virtue 
and fidelity. 

In his letter notifying the commissioners of this appointment, 
he states, that the change, "was not because he was dissatis- 
fied with their care and service ;" and adverting to the charac- 
ter of Blackwell, he says, " for your ease, T have appointed ono 
* Proud, i. 334. 



352 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



that is not a Friend, but a grave, sober, wise man. He married 
old General Lambert's daughter, was treasurer to the Common- 
wealth's army in England, Scotland, and Ireland : I suppose 
independent in judgment. Let him see what he can do a while. 
I have ordered him to confer in private with you, and squp.re 
himself by your advice. If he do not please you, he shall be 
laid aside. I desire you to receive him with kindness, and let 
him see it, and use his not being a Friend to Friends' advan- 
tage. He has a mighty repute of all sorts of honest people 
where he has inhabited, which, with my own knoAvledge, has 
made me venture upon him. 

^' I have rough people to deal with about my quit-rents, that 
yet cannot pay a ten pound bill, but draw, draw, draw still 
upon me. And it being his talent to regulate and set things 
in method easy and just, I have pitched upon him to advise 
therein."* 

In his letter of instructions, dated in September, 1688, he 
directs Gov. Blackwell to send him a copy of the laws, which 
he had often requested before, but in vain ; to be careful that 
speedy and impartial justice be done ; to see that the widow, 
the orphan, and the absent be particularly regarded in their 
rights ; to have a special care that the sheriffs and clerks of 
the peace impose not upon the people; and finally, "to rule 
the meek meekly, and those that will not be ruled, rule with 
authority." Captain Blackwell being in New England when 
appointed, did not reach Pennsylvania and assume his office 
until the following spring. 

Soon after the revolution in England, the situation of Wil* 
Ham Penn became critical in the extreme ; the influence he had 
possessed in the late reign was now turned against him ; he 
was regarded by many as being disaffected to the government, 
a Jesuit in disguise, and an enemy to the Protestant cause. 

To withdraw to Pennsylvania, where he knew his presence 
was needed, would subject him to the imputation of having fled 
to escape punishment, and thus give colour to the aspersions 
of his enemies. To remain was hazardous, but honourable, 

* Clarkson. 



EXAMINED BEFORE THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 353 



and therefore he determined to stay and pursue his usual 
avocations. 

On the 10th of December, (then 10th month, 0. S.) 1688, 
as he was walking in Whitehall, he was sent for by the lords 
of the council then sitting. In reply to their questions, he as- 
sured them, " he had done nothing but what he could answer 
before God and all the princes in the world ; that he loved his 
country and the Protestant religion above his life, and never 
acted against either ; that all he ever aimed at in his public 
endeavours, was no other than what the prince himself had 
declared for ; that King James was always his friend and his 
lather's friend, and in gratitude he was the king's, and did ever, 
as much as in him lay, influence him to his true interest."* 

Although nothing appeared against him, he was required to 
give sureties for his appearance the first day of the next term. 

While under bail for his appearance, he wrote the following 
letters : — 

TO FRIENDS IN PENNSYLVANIA. 

" My dear Friends and Brethren — If it be with you, as I can say it 
is with me, in the presence of God, then are we one in Him : for neither 
length of days, nor distance of place, nor all the many waters between 
us can separate my heart and affection from you. * * * * 

"Great revolutions have been of late, in this land of your nativity; 
and where they may period the Lord knows. It can be no new thing 
for us to meet with exercises. Europe looks like a sea of trouble — wars 
all over it like to be this summer — I strongly desire to see you, before it 
he spent, if the Lord will; and I can say in his sight, that, to improve 
uiy interest with King James, for tender consciences, and that a Chris- 
tian liberty might be legally settled, though against my own interest, 
was that which separated me from you chiefly. I desire your remem- 
brance before the Lord ; as you are not, and cannot be, forgotten in my 
addresses and approaches to him ; who rest in his unchangeable love, 
dear friends and brethren, yours unalterably, in the communion of the 
blessed truth. WILLIAM PEXX.f 

" The 2d of the first month, 1G89." 

TO THE LORD SHREWSBURY. 
" I thought it would look rather foolish than innocent to take any no 
tice of popular fame, but so soon as I could inform myself that a warrant 
was out against me, (which I knew not till this morning,) it seemed to me 

* Life prefixed to his works. f Proud, i. 341. 

2E* 23 



354 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



a respect due to the government, as well as a justice to myself, to make 
this address, that so my silence might neither look like fear nor con- 
tempt ; for as my innocence forbids the one, the sense I have of my duty 
will not let me be guilty of the other. 

" That which I have humbly to offer is this : — I do profess solemnly in 
the presence of God, I have no hand or share in any conspiracy against 
the king or government, nor do I know any that have ; and this I can 
affirm without directing my intention equivocally. And though I have 
the unhappiness of being very much misunderstood in my principles and 
inclinations by some people, I thought I had some reason to hope this 
king would not easily take me for a plotter, to whom the last government 
always thought me too partial. In the next place, as I have behaved 
myself peaceably, I intend by the help of God to continuv<^ to live so, but 
being already under an excessive bail, (where no order or matter appeared 
against me,) and having, as is well known to divers persons of good cre- 
dit, affairs of great consequence to me and my family now in hand that 
require to be despatched for America, I hope it will not be thought a 
crime that I do not yield up myself an unbailable prisoner, and pray the 
king will please to give me leave to continue to follow my concerns at my 
house in the country, which favour, as I seek it by the Lord Shrews- 
bury's mediation, so I shall take care to use it with discretion and thank- 
fulness. I am his affectionate real friend, to serve him. 

"March (1st mo.), 1689. WM. PENN."* 

At the next term his case was continued, on the same secu- 
rity, to the Easter term following, when nothing being laid to 
his charge, he was cleared in open court, f 

His manly avowal of his continued friendship for the exiled 
king, who had been his own and his father's friend, was in 
strict accordance with his candid and noble character, but in 
striking contrast with the conduct of some who frequented the 
court of the reigning monarch. 

In the year 1689, the Act of Toleration was passed by par- 
liament and approved by the king. This act provided, that none 
of the penal laws should be construed to extend to those dis- 
senters who should take the oaths to the present government, 
and a clause was inserted for the relief of the Society of Friends, 
accepting from them, instead of the oaths, a solemn promise to 
be faithful to the king and queen. So great had been the pro- 
gress of public sentiment, that a bill abolishing the tests was, 

* Mem. H. S. P. iv. i. 100. f Proud, i. 347. 



DETERMINES TO RETURN TO PENNSYLVANIA. 355 



in conformity with the king's wishes, passed by the House of 
Commons, but rejected by the peers by a large majority.* 

The papists, though not comprehended in the Act of Tolera- 
tion, were, by the king's clemency, allowed the benefit of the 
toleration. Although this act did not remove the tests by 
wliich dissenters were excluded from parliament, and from many 
offices under government, it was a great step toward a perfect 
liberty of conscience, and as such, must have been hailed with 
delight by William Penn, who for twenty years had been en- 
deavouring to promote it. 

There can be no doubt that the sufferings of Friends and 
other dissenters, were instrumental in preparing the minds of 
the people for this salutary change in the policy of the govern- 
ment ; but to Penn, more than to any other man, must it be 
attributed. His numerous publications in its favour had been 
silently operating, while the liberal policy of his own govern- 
ment, and the remarkable prosperity of his province, must 
have exerted a considerable influence on the public mind. 

One of the main objects of his stay in England being novf 
accomplished, in the passage of this act, he determined to re- 
turn to Pennsylvania as soon as the requisite preparations could 
be made. His presence in the province was rendered the more 
necessary as his deputy-governor, from whom he had hoped so 
much, did not fulfil his expectations. Governor Blackwell met 
the assembly, in the third month, 1689, but by reason of some 
misunderstanding or dissension between him and some of the 
council, the public affairs were not transacted in harmony, and 
but little business was done durmg his administration, which 
lasted only till the twelfth month, (February,) when, by the 
advice of Penn, he resigned and returned to England. One 
cause of the disagreement was, the governor's attempt to raise 
a militia ; another, that he undertook to inquire into the lega- 
lity of the provincial trade w^ith foreign countries, and, against 
the sense of the council, declared such trade inadmissible under 
the royal charter, but finally he agreed to refer this question to 
the decision of the proprietary. f He appears to have been 
* Smollet's Cont. of Hume. f Gordon. 



356 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



guilty of arbitrary and illegal proceedings against the members 
of the council and assembly, by whom they were firmly resisted. 

In the following fragment of a letter from Penn to one of his 
friends, he gives his reasons for the appointment: " The reason 
I appointed Capt. Blackwell was, that Friends refused, (espe- 
cially Thomas Lloyd, to whom I offered it,) and Capt. Black- 
well, here, is of high repute as a wise and virtuous man ; and 
yet, though treasurer, in the Commonwealth's time, to the 
army in England, Scotland and Ireland, a place in which he 
might have gained many thousands by the year, he was remark- 
ably just, and refused all perquisites and a great place in King 
Charles's and King James's time, in Ireland, because it de- 
pended upon them ; besides, he was pregnant, experienced, and 
had formerly commanded men. I thought I had a treasure in 
him, and being not a Friend, could better deal with those that 
were not and stop their mouths, and be stiff with our neigh- 
bours upon occasion. This was my motive to have him, and so 
thou mayst tell others."* 

On Blackwell's resignation, the executive duties again de- 
volved on the council, and Thomas Lloyd not being willing to 
refuse his assistance in this emergency, acted again as president. 
The following letter was at this time addressed by the pro- 
prietary ; 

TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 

"London, 12th of 6th mo., 1689. 
"Friends — I heartily wish you all well, and beseech God to guide you 
in the ways of righteousness and peace. I have thought fit upon my 
further stop in these parts, to thrt)w all into your hands, that you may 
all see the confidence I have in you, and the desire I have to give you all 
possible contentment. I do earnestly press your constant attendance 
upon the government, and the diligent pursuit of peace and virtue; and 
God Almighty strengthen your hands in so good a work. I also recom- 
mend to you the particular discipline of that town you meet in ; that 
sobriety and gravity be maintained, and authority kept in respect. As 
it comes in your way, countenance my officers in collecting my small re- 
venue. Let the laws you pass, hold so long only as I shall not declare 
my dissent ; so that my share may not be excluded, or finally concluded, 
without my notice ; in fine, let them be confirmable by me, as you will 

* W. Penn's MS. Letters, Am. Ph. See. l*hil. 



LETTERS TO THE PIIOVINCIAL COUNCIL. 357 



pee by the commission I left, when I left the province. And if you de- 
sire a deputy-governor, r<ather name three, or five, and I shall name one 
of them ; so as you consider of a comfortable subsistence, that the 
government may not go a begging. I do not this to lay a binding pre- 
cedent, but to give you and the people you represent the fullest pledges 
I am able, at this distance, of my regard to them. Whatever you do, 1 
desire, beseech, and charge you all to avoid factions and parties, whis- 
perings and reportings, and all animosities ; that putting your common 
shoulders to the public work, you may have the reward of good men and 
patriots ; and so I bid you farewell. AVILLIAM PENN." 

As an evidence of his paternal care and regard for the co- 
lony, another letter to the same board is here inserted : 

TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 

"Hammersmith, the 30th of the 10th mo., 1689. 
" Dear Friends — I cannot slip this opportunity, but send you the en- 
deared salutations of my love, that, in the truth, gives me frequent oc- 
casion to remember you, and earnestly desire your preservation to God, 
as well as your comfort and prosperity in outward things ; about which 
have a care, that they grow not too fast upon you, nor too many for 
you — I mean as to the care and concerns that attend them, in the exer- 
cise of your spirits ; for it is a blessed state to enjoy and use of the 
world, in the dominion of his life and power, that has quickened us by 
his light and spirit a people to himself; for in this stands all our peace 
and blessedness, that God be eyed in the first place, that we set him on 
our right hand : that we set him continually before our eyes ; and that 
our eye be directed towards him, in all things, as the eye of a handmaid 
to her mistress ; that we may be able to say, in truth and righteousness, 
we have none in heaven but him, nor any on earth besides him. This 
it is that keeps God's people everywhere ; for hereby they put on Christ, 
in all his blessed teachings and leadings, and make no provision for the 
flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof. Friends, these are deep words, and deeper 
things. I know you understand me, and I hope you feel me, who have 
your eyes to the mark, and look to the joy before you, that is above all 
joys, in this momentary, troublesome, busy world. And now, Friends, 
I have a word more to you, and that is this : that faith, hope, and cha- 
rity, are the great helps and marks of true Christians ; but, above all, 
charity is the love of God, or divine love ; blessed are they that are come 
to it, and hold the truth in it, and work and act in it ; for they are poor 
indeed in spirit of their own, but rich in God's ; they are meek, they in 
herit. All other states are a brangle in comparison : but this enjoys, 
this possesses, this reigns. Oh, come into this love more and more, for 
to this shall all gifts and operations give place, and they do so in the 
hearts of those that are come to kn.w charitv greatest in them. It will 



358 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



preserve peace in the church, peace in the state, peace in families, aye, 
and peace in particular bosoms. God Almighty draw, I beseech him, all 
your hearts into this heavenly love, more and more, that the work of it 
may shine out to God's glory, and your comfort. For matters here, as 
to myself, I am well and free : and for the church of God liberty conti- 
nues. But in the nations of Europe, great wars and rumors of wars, such 
as have not been, almost from the beginning ; suns are turned into dark- 
ness, and moons into blood, for the notable day is at the door. It could 
[not] be borne from some of you when you went for America, that such 
a day would come : but come and coming it is, for almost every eye sees 
it, and tongue says it, and some thousands, alas! have already felt it. 
Sanctify, therefore, the Lord in your hearts ; be satisfied in him, and in 
your lot ; and walk worthy of his daily mercy and attendance upon you, 
and care over you. And the Lord keep you to the end. 

"I am, in the truth that makes us near to God and one to another, 
" Your faithful friend and brother, WM. PENN." 

In a letter to Thomas Lloyd, President of the Council, written 
this year, Penn instructed him to set up a public Grammar 
School in Philadelphia, which he promised to incorporate at a 
future time.* 

This gave rise to the "Friends' Public School," which was 
incorporated in 1697, confirmed by a fresh patent in 1701, and 
by another charter in 1708, whereby the corporation was for- 
ever thereafter to consist of fifteen discreet and religious persons 
of the people called Quakers, by name of " The Overseers of 
the Public School, founded in Philadelphia, at the request, cost, 
and charges of the people called Quakers." But its last and 
present charter from William Penn, confirming the other charters 
and enlarging its privileges, is dated 29th of November, 1711, 
by which the election of the overseers is vested in the Corpora- 
tion. In this excellent institution, the poor were taught gra- 
tuitously, others paid a proportion of the expense incurred in 
their children's education, and it was open on the same terms 
to all religious persuasions. f 

The first teacher was George Keith, a classical scholar, then 
a prominent minister among Friends, but afterwards a noted 
schismatic. 

This institution affords evidence that William Penn and vhe 
* Clarkson. f Proud, i. 344. 



WILLIAM PENN ARRESTED. 359 



early settlers of Pennsylvania appreciated the importance of a 
good education, and wished to see its advantages extended to 
all. The corporation still exists, and has under its cliarge a 



number of flourishing schools. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

William Penn arrested — His manly and candid defence — Required to 
give bail — Is cleared, and makes preparations to go to Pennsylvania — 
Proclamation for his arrest — lie is imprisoned — Death of George Fox — 
William Penn accused by Fuller — Another order for his arrest — lie 
goes into retirement — Writes an epistle general to Friends — Letter to 
Lord Romney — Letter to T. Lloyd. 

1690-91. 

In the year 1690, William Penn was arrested and brought be- 
fore the Lords of Council on a charge of holding a treasonable 
correspondence with the late King James. He desired to be 
taken before King William in person, which was granted, and 
the king, attended by his council, proceeded to examine him : 

"A letter was then produced, which had been written to him 
by James, and which had been intercepted by government on 
its way, in which he (James) ' desired him (Penn) to come to 
his assistance, and to express to him the resentments* of his 
favour and benevolence.' The question first put to William Penn 
was, why King James wrote to him? He answered, that it was 
impossible for him to prevent the king from writing to him, if 
he, the king, chose it. He was then questioned as to wliat re- 
sentments these were, which James seemed to desire of him. 
He answered, he knew not, but he supposed the king meant 
that he should endeavour his restoration. Though, however, he 
could not avoid the suspicion of such an attempt, he could avoid 
the guilt of it. He confessed he had loved King James, and, 
as he had loved him in his prosperity, he could not hate him in 
* "Resentments" was then used to express like for like. 



360 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



his adversity ; yes, he loved him yet for the many favours he had 
conferred on him, though he could not join with him in what 
concerned the state of the kingdom. He owned again, that he- 
had been much obliged to the king, and that he was willing tu 
repay his kindness by any private service in his power ; but that 
he must observe, inviolably and entirely, that duty to the state, 
wdiich belonged to all the subjects of it; and, therefore, that he 
had never had the wickedness even to think of endeavouring to 
restore him that crown which had fallen from his head, so that 
nothing in that letter could, in anywise, fix guilt upon him."* 

This manly and ingenuous defence had so much weight with 
the king that he was willing to discharge him, but some of the 
council objecting, he, to please them, ordered him to give bai? 
to appear at the next Trinity term ; which being complied with, 
he was then allowed his personal liberty. 

The foregoing account is derived from Clarkson, whose au- 
thority is Gerard Croese. It is corroborated by an extract from 
Picart's "Religious Customs and Ceremonies of Nations," in 
which, after alluding to James's letter, the author adds that 
"Penn was strictly examined concerning this correspondence. 
His answer ivas noble, generous, and wise ; but party animosity 
made it be looked upon, in the hurry of spirits, at that time, as 
a barefaced espousing of King James's cause." 

At the time appointed, he appeared at court, but no one ap- 
pearing against him, he was again honourably discharged. He 
now resumed his preparations for a voyage to America, but was 
soon involved m still greater trouble. During the summer of 
1690, King WilHam passed over to Ireland with an army to 
oppose the French and Irish forces under James, who had pos- 
session of that island. The French fleet was hovering on the 
English coasts, and the whole nation was in a state of alarm 
and excitement. 

Queen Mary, being left at the helm of government, exerted 
herself with great vigour; and being apprehensive that the 
friends of the late king, her father, might seize this opportunit;y 
to raise a rebellion, she issued a proclamation for the arrest of 

* Clarkson. 



AGAIN AKRESTED, IMPRISONED, AND DISCHARGED. GOl 



eighteen persons supposed to be (lisaffected to the government. 
They were mostly noblemen and military officers, but William 
Penn, from his well-known friendship to James, was included 
among them. He was again apprehended and lodged in prison 
to await his trial. On the last day of Michaelmas term, he was 
brought before the court of the King's Bench, "Westminster, but 
there being no sufficient evidence against him, he was again 
discharged.* 

Being now at liberty, he issued printed proposals for a second 
settlement in Pennsylvania, which probably was designed to be 
on the Susquehanna. "He had so far prepared for his trans- 
portation that an order for a convoy was granted him by the 
secretary of state,"t when his voyage was prevented by a fresh 
accusation. He had been attending at the death-bed of his 
loved and honoured friend George Fox, who finished his course 
in London the 13th of the 11th month, (January,) 1690-91. 
Tlie duty of communicating this mournful event to the widow, 
who was then in Lancashire, devolved upon William Penn : — " I 
am," he says, "to be teller to thee of sorrowful tidings, in some 
respect, which is this : that thy dear husband, and my beloved 
and dear friend, finished his glorious testimony, this night, 
ibout half an hour after nine, being sensible to the last breath. 

" Oh ! he is gone, and has left us in the storm that is over our 
heads, surely in great mercy to him, but as an evidence to us 
of sorrow to come." In alluding to his powers as a minister 
of the gospel, he says, "A prince indeed is fallen in Israel to- 
day." "He died as he lived, a lamb, minding the things of 
God and his church to the last, in an universal spirit.";}: 

William Penn attended the funeral, and preached to the large 
concourse assembled, when he narrowly escaped being taken by 
officers, who were sent for that purpose, but, mistaking the 
hour, came too late. 

He subsequently learned that only tAvo days previously, an 
infamous wretch named William Fuller, who the Parliament 
afterwards declared was "a cheat and a notorious impostor," 
had under oath accused him to the government, and that a war- 

* Life prefixed to his works. f Ibid. % Clarkson. 

2F 



362 .LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



rant was issued for his apprehension."^ This vexatious proceed- 
ing deranged all his plans; for to leave England while he was 
under suspicion and subject to arrest, would be construed bj 
his enemies as an evidence of his guilt, and if, on the other 
hand, he gave himself up for trial, he would probably be sub- 
jected to danger from the oaths of a profligate villain, and even 
an acquittal, as he had frequently experienced, was no security 
against fresh accusations. In this sad dilemma, feeling like 
one hunted for his life, he concluded to defer his cherished 
purpose of returning to Pennsylvania; he allowed the vessels 
to depart without him, and having taken private lodgings in 
London, he lived in seclusion. 

Here he devoted himself to study, to writing, and religious 
meditation, being also frequently visited by his friends, among 
whom were John Locke, and others eminent for their worth. 

About this time, he addressed to the members of his own 
religious society, a letter which affords an interesting view of 
his state of mind and a touching evidence of his humility and 
resignation. It is found among the Penn MSS., in the archives 
of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and ap- 
pears to have been written by an amanuensis, but the inter- 
lineations and one entire paragraph are in his own hand- 
writing, viz: — 

^' AN EPISTLE GENERAL TO THE PEOPLE OF GOD, CALLED QUAKERS, 
BY THEIR FRIEND AND BROTHER WILLIAM PENN. 

" Containing, 1st. A testimony to the holy truth and way of God. 

" 2d. An exhortation to the people of God to walk in it. 

" 3d. A vindication of himself from the slanders of wicked men. 

" Dearly beloved friends and brethren, to whom my soul wisheth the 
increase of grace, mercy, and peace from God our father and our Lord 
Jesus Christ: 

" It is now about 22 years since I embraced the testimony of the 
blessed truth and the fellowship of it amongst you, which is Christ the 
light of the world in us, the hope of the glory which is to come. I can- 
not repine, notwithstanding the many sorts of troubles and afflictions I 
have met withal on that account, whether they came from my near rela- 
tions, or the governments of the world, or my neighbours, or my enemies, 

* Clarkson. 



HIS EPISTLE GEXKR.AL TO FKIHXD?. 86-^ 



Dr my fiilse friends: above all considerations I how my kn(;e to the God 
and father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Lord of Glory, with holy thanks 
and humble praises, that he has given me the knowledge of himself hv 
the light and grace of his Son in my heart, unto which I turned m my 
youthful days by that spiriltial and gospel ministry that God has raised 
up amongst you, that reached the conscience in word and doctrine. And 
though I have been compassed about with manifold difficulties in my 
time and service, yet I can say my desire has been to serve hira in the 
gospel of his Son, for the exaltation of his own glorious name and truth, 
according to the gift I received from him, from whom every good and 
perfect gift comes, who is the great Father of lights and spirits. By him 
alone it has been that I have been enabled to speak well of his name 
from the experience I have had of the goodness he has shown to my soul, 
both in his judgments and mercies; and I can say that his mercies en- 
dure for ever ; and they that will try, shall find, that there is mercy with 
him, that he may he feared. His word of light, grace, and truth in the 
heart will cleanse the young man's ways, and guide the old man in the 
path he should walk, to peace. I found that from the revelation of this 
Avord in the soul, springs the true conviction and knowledge of God and 
a man's self, and by nothing else can man be convicted and born again. 
Further, I perceived that in this living, revealing word, standeth the 
true ministry and all acceptable private devotion — religion without this 
being an empty sound, an insipid thing, an image or picture of a living 
thing, but it is without real life and motion. To know the convincing, 
converting, and redeeming power of this word, and to be acquainted 
with the needful and excellent graces of it — for 'tis a word of faith, re- 
conciliation and patience, meekness and regeneration — I found there 
must be a sincere retirement of the soul from all self-love, and the lusts 
and vanities of the world, and an humble and steady waiting for its 
inward holy monitions and illuminations in the soul, and a resignation 
to the holy doctrine it teacheth, be it never so cross to our vain desiros 
and carnal inclinations and customs, which unfolded to me the discipline 
of the true cross of Christ, and what it was to take it up daily and follow 
him that bore it, for the love of him, and that there was no other way to 
follow Jesus fully, and attain to the glory that shall hereafter be re- 
vealed, and that crown which never fades away. Now, friends, here you 
are, for God has brought you hither to this sense, knowledge, and expe- 
rience of his new covenant work, which is the glory of the latter days, 
and though sown in clouds, yet you need not that any one should now 
teach you, saying, Know the Lord, for I know you know him, and where 
he dwells, and how to approach him — and therefore here keep, and in 
the feeling and guidance of this divine word and oracle abide. If any 
should call upon you, Lo here ! and lo there ! go not forth, for if it were 
possible for an angel from heaven to come with another gospel than this 
word of light and grace in the heart, let him be accursed. 'V^'hither 



864 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



should you, or can you go for true satisfaction, when this word hath the 
words of eternal life ? and it cannot be otherwise, since in this word is 
life, and that light is the life of men, and this is the condemnation of 
the world that it has this light, and yet men will not bring their deeds 
to it ; but the reason is plain, because they love darkness rather than 
light, and the cause of that is, because their deeds are evil, and will not 
bear the discovery of that blessed day dawning upon the soul. 

" Wherefore, dear friends, that you may be new covenant children, 
true Jews, circumcision in Spirit, Christians of Christ's christening, and 
making, by fire and by the Holy Ghost, by the holy water of the word 
of regeneration, that washes the inside and takes out the spots of the 
soul, and is called the laver of the word ; I beseech you in the bowels 
of Christ Jesus to love this word, and hide it in your hearts, wait upon 
it and commune with it, that you may know it to be your holy oracle, 
to inspire, guide, and order you through the whole course of your pil- 
grimage, till you shall have fought out the good fight of faith, and 
finished your course, and shall arrive at the rest of God, reserved by him 
for his people that endure to the end. 

" And now, my friends, as concerning the present tossings and revolu- 
tions of things that are in the world, let your eye he to God ; believe not 
every spirit, noi^ lay hands suddenly on persons or things, but be humble 
and sober, and do to others as you would that they should do to you, 
and stand still that you may see the salvation of God come in His own 
way, for so you are to receive it and share in it. And for those clamours 
that have almost darkened the air against me, your suffering friend and 
brother, be neither troubled nor captivated by them, but keep your minds 
chaste in the dwellings of truth, and possess your souls in patience, and 
in this true frame of spirit remember me, as I have never forgotten you. 
But of one thing be assured, / am innocent both of the imputation of 
Jesuitism, Popery, and plots, and my God will in his good time confound 
their devices that trouble you and me with their false things, though I 
beseech him to forgive the authors of them as I desire mercy for my own 
soul. I have little deserved this measure and usage from any of the 
people of this nation. The Lord God Almighty knows I have univer- 
sally sought the liberty and peace of it, and that nothing may take place 
to spoil or hinder that good work, nor can any upon earth justly task me 
with advancing any one thing that unbecomes a Christian and an 
Englishman ; neither blood, Popery, money, nor slavery, can be lai 1 at 
my door. I wrought as well as I could with the strength and instru- 
rjents I had, for a general good. If some things were' done that were 
not well done and pleased not, it was no fault of mine, and that is well 
known to many persons of unquestionable truth. 

" I never accepted of any commission hut that of a free and common 
solicitor for sufferers of all sorts and in all parties, which made my con- 
versation very general. I thought that charity, which gave me that 



HTS EPISTLE GENERAL TO FRIENDS. 865 



Dffioo, should know no man after the flesh, nor suffer bounds to any that 
needed it, nor do I find in my conscience that doing what poo<] one can 
under any government is a sin or a fault, for Avhich a man ought to be 
stigmatized or evilly entreated. I acknowledge I was an instrument lo 
break the jaws of persecution ; to that end I once took the freedom to 
remember King James of his frequent assurances in favour of liberty of 
conscience, and with much zeal used my small interest with him to gain 
that point upon his ministers that he told me were against it. That so 
the doors of our prisons and meeting-houses, until that time cruelly shut 
against us, might be opened, and the poor and the widow and the or- 
phan might come forth and praise God in the use of a just freedom. 
This and personal good offices were my daily business at Whitehall, of 
which I can take the righteous God of heaven and earth to witness. Nor 
can I yet see that providence of liberty and peace which we enjoyed 
under him, was such a trick or snare as some have represented it. Harm 
is to them that harm think ; we sought but our just and Christian privi- 
lege, and I heartily wish that they that thought so may do better and 
answer that great expectation that has been raised in the people's minds 
about it. One thing I know — could I have apprehended that the good 
days we had during his reign were a trick to introduce evil ones, all 
obligations would have ceased with me, and no man have more earnestly 
and cheerfully engaged after my manner against his government than 
myself. For, alas ! what did I seek, or what have I got ! What I have 
spent and lost is much harder to tell. But I leave that with a just and 
good God to reprize me and mine in his own way and time, as I do to 
vindicate my opprest innocency against my implacable adversaries, of 
whom with David I can say, ' they have hated me without a cause,' and 
as he expresses himself, Psalms 109, v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, ' Hold not thy peace, 
God of my praise, for the mouth of the wicked and the mouth of the 
deceitful are opened against me — with a lying tongue have they com- 
passed me about also with words of hatred ; and fought against me 
without a cause ; for my love they are my adversaries, but I give myself 
to prayer ; and they have rewarded me evil for good, and hatred for my 
love.' 

" The Lord God Almighty rebuke the wrath and wickedness of man, 
and look down from heaven upon this broken and sinful nation in his 
great mercy, and heal it of all its distempers, that we, notwithstanding 
the judgments of God that seem to gather over our heads as a dark cloud, 
may yet see righteousness and peace break forth in this land, as the sun 
in the fulness and strength of his glory. And for you, my dear brethren, 
in whose cause, and for whose sakes I have been as one killed all tha 
day long, have your conversation, let me entreat you, according to the 
gospel, in sobriety and humility, in patience and brotherly kindness. 
Be steadfast and immovable in every good word and work, that in all 
things vou mav walk as becometh the true disciples of Christ, whoa* 
' 2F* 



366 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



kingdom is not of this world, and who teacheth his followers "how to live 
in it as they ought to do, rather than how to get it, that so your heavenly 
Father may be glorified by you, who is worthy, with the Son, to receive 
all glory and praise, with obedience and reverence, now and for ever. 

" I am, in the sufferings and patience of the kingdom of Christ which 
yet remain, your faithful friend and brother, WM. PENN." 

He had been little more than six weeks in retirement, when 
another proclamation was issued for his apprehension and that 
of Doctor Turner, Bishop of Ely, and James Graham, founded 
on the accusation of Fuller, that they were engaged in a con- 
spiracy with the Earl of Clarendon, Viscount Preston, and 
others, to send intelligence to King James. the Second, and in- 
vite him back to England.* 

If the government had been anxious for William Penn's ap- 
prehension, doubtless the officers could readily have found him 
at his private lodgings in London ; but it appears probable that 
the king and queen were satisfied of his innocence, and only 
permitted his name to be inserted in the proclamation for 
effect, in compliance with the wishes of some members of the 
cabinet, and to satisfy the clamours of the public. 

The odium to which he was subjected now became greater 
than ever. His enemies reiterated the old charges of Jesuitism 
and Popery ; the arbitrary and unpopular measures of King 
James were attributed to him, and he was everywhere held up 
as an object of public reprobation. With the exception of Dr. 
Tillotson and a few others, the clergy of the established church 
felt great animosity against him for the part he had taken in 
promoting religious liberty ; and even among the dissenters, 
whose cause he had ahvays espoused, many, misled by slander- 
ous reports, branded him with opprobrious epithets. There is 
no reason to believe that he lost the esteem of his own religious 
society, but it appears that a few of its members allowed the 
popular clamour to influence their judgments concerning him. 

The Yearly Meeting of Friends being assembled in London, 
he addressed them, from his retreat, the following touching 
and affectionate letter : — 

* Clarkson. 



LETTERS TO HENRY SIDNEY. 367 



"3d mo. 30th, 1G91. 
"My Beloved, Dear, axd Hovoured Brethren: — My unchangeable 
love salutes you, and thour!;h I am absent from you, I feel the sweet and 
lovely life of your heavenly fellowship, by which I am with you, and a 
partaker amongst you, whom I have loved above my chiefest joy. Re- 
ceive no evil surmisings : neither suffer hard thoughts, through the in- 
sinuations of any, to enter your minds against me, your afflicted, but not 
forsaken friend and brother. My enemies are yours, and, in the ground 
mine for your sakes ; and that God seeth in secret, and will one day re- 
ward openly. My privacy is not because men have sworn truly, but 
falsely, against me ; \for wicked men have laid in wait for me, and false 
witnesses have laid 1o my charge things that I knew not ;' who have never 
sought myself, but the good of all, through great exercises ; and have 
done some good, and would have done more, and hurt no man ; but al- 
ways desired that truth and righteousness, mercy and peace, might take 
place amongst us. Feel me near you, my dear and beloved brethren, 
and leave me not, neither forsake, but wrestle with Him that is able to 
prevail against the cruel desires of some; but we may yet meet in the 
congregations of His people, as in days past, to our mutual comfort. 
The everlasting God of His chosen, in all generations, be in the midst 
of you, and crown your most solemn assemblies with His blessed pre- 
sence, that His tender, meek, lowly and heaA-enly love and life, may flow 
among you, and that He would please to make it a seasoning and fruitful 
opportunity to you, desiring to be remembered of you before Him, in the 
nearest and freshest accesses, who cannot forget you, in the nearest re- 
lation. " Your faithful friend and brother, 

"WILLIAM PEXN." 

In order that the king's mind might be disabused of the 
false impressions made by his accusers, Penn addressed to his 
friend, Henry Sidney, the following letters, viz : — 

TO THE LORD ROMNEY, TO SHOW KINO WILLIAM. 
" I thought I owed it to the king, to my friends, and to myself, to make 
this address, which is with all humility, and the respect that becomes 
me and my very afflicting circumstances, which I take the liberty by my 
friend's hand to recommend to the king's justice and goodness. To his 
justice, that he would not let himself be prevailed with to entertain such 
hard things of me, as the ignorance of some, and art and prejudice of 
others have suggested against me, for in those resppcts I am extremely 
injured — but if I am not to be believed, I can never hopp to be justified 
in the opinion of the king, or of those that have been told ill things of 
me, against the current and designs of some people. To his goodness — 
to allow me to live quietly anywhere, either in this kingdom or in 



368 LIFE OF WILLIAJil PF.XX. 



America. And that tiie king nuiy he set-unMl that I will mike no ill use 
of his favour, I do not only humbly offer my solemn promise of an in- 
offensive behaviour, hut the security of a saciefy of honest, sober people, 
that I dare believe, will be the pledges of 7ny peaceful living ; than which no 
man can tender a greater to any government in a personal case. 

" My old and good friend, let me say with decency to the king, he 
owes thee as great a favour; and I will only add, that the king shall never 
have cause to repent of granting this request, but hope in some little 
time to convince him his favour is not flung away, if he pleases to be- 
stow it. To conclude, if I am not worth looking after, let me be quiet ; 
if I am of any importance, I am worth obliging, and it will perhaps 
s jrve the king more than making me and my poor family unhappier than 
we are. Pray him to reflect on what passed the last time I saw him, 
and whatever anybody tells him, I am neither more culpable nor less 
sincere and candid than he was pleased to think me at that time. 

" I will not now make my complaints, but he neither knows nor can 
approve of the hardships I have undergone these two last years — enough 
to have provoked, it may be, a better man to a less peaceable and sub- 
missive conduct. Lay my case before him — I can leave it with him — 
and God Almighty dispose him to regard me and mine, under our present 
great and pressing difficulties ; for I confess I can by no means think him 
so prejudiced or implacable as some represent him in my affair, and there- 
fore I have refused all other offers of future safety or accommodation. 

" Make the best use of this, and yet allow the old style of 

" Thy affectionate faithful friend, WILLIAM PENN. 

"22d A. 91." 

ANSWER. 

" The king took it so, as I should not have been displeased to have 
heard it."* 

TO LORD ROMNEY. 

" Let me be believed, and I am ready to appear ; but when I remember 
how they began to use me in Ireland upon corrupt evidence before this 
business, and what some ill people have threatened here, besides those 
under temptation, and the providences that have successively appeared 
for my preservation under this retirement, I cannot, without an unjusti 
tiable presumption, put myself into the power of my enemies. Let it be 
enough, I say, and that truly, I know of no invasions or insurrections, 
men, money, or arms, for them, or any juncto or consult for advice or 
correspondency in order to it. Nor have I ever met with those named 
as the members of this conspiracy, or prepared any measures with them, 
or any else for the Lord's [ ] to carry with him as one sense 

or judgment, nor did I know of his being sent for up for any such voyage. 

*Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. i. 192-4. 



LETTER TO THOMAS LLOYD. 



If I saw him a fow days before by his great importunity, as some fea}*, I 
am able to defend (myself) from the imputations cast upon me, and that 
with great truth and sincerity. Though in rigour, perhaps, it may incur 
the censure of a misdemeanour, and therefore I have no reason to own it 
without an assurance that no hurt should ensue to rae. Noble friend, 
suffer not the king to be abused by lies to my ruin. My enemies are 
none of his friends — I plainly see the design of the guilty is to make me 
80, and the most guilty thinking dirt will best stick on me — to which old 
grutches, as well as present conveniences to others, help not a little. Let 
me go 10 America, or be protected here, and it will oblige," &c. &c. 

ANSWKR. 

" The king's hurry was so great, he could not do any thing in that nor 
in the whole Scotch business that pressed him, but on the way and in 
Holland, he would move him in it, where I had fewer ill-wishers."* 

" A letter to the Lady Renelagh to the same effect, to speak to Queen 
IMary, a grave, religious, and wise woman — what else can I do ? I know 
false witnesses are rife against me, both here and in Ireland."! 

That his friends in Pennsylvania might understand the cause 
of hLs detention in England, and be encouraged to increased 
exertions on his behalf, he wrote the following letter : — 

TO THOMAS LLOYD, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. 

" London, 14th of 4th mo., 1601. 

"Dear Friend: — My love in the unchangeable truth salutes thee and 
thine, and the friends and family of God, in those parts, desiring your 
temporal and everlasting welfare, with an unfeigned affection. 

"By this time thou wilt have beard of the renewai of my troubles, 
the only let of my return, being in the midst of my preparations, with a 
great company of adveninrers, when they fell upon me. The jealousies 
of some, and unworthy dealing of others, have ma<ie way for them ; but 
under and over it all, the ancient rock has been my shelter and comfort: 
and I hope yet to see your faces, with our ancient satisfictions. The 
Lord grant, if it be for his glory, whose I desire to be, in all conditions; 
for tliis world passeth away and the form and beauty of it fadeth; but 
there are eternal habitations for the faithful ; amongst whom I pray that 
my lot may be, rather than amongst the princes of the earth. I hope 1 
need not urge my circnmstanc<>s to excite thy love, care, and concern for 
me and my suffering interest, in the country. I know thou hast better 
learned Christ and Cato, if I may so say, and wilt embrace such an op- 
portunity to choose to express thy friendship and sincerity ; nor is un- 

* Mem. H. S. Ta. iv. i. 194-5. t "^^oud, i. 348. 

24 



370 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



certainty and changeableness thy fault ; wherefore I will say no more, 
but desire that my afflictions may cease, if not cure, your animosities or 
discontents, within yourselves, if yet they have continued ; and that thou 
wilt both in government and to my commissioners of property, yield thy 
assistance all thou canst. By all this God may prepare me to he Jitter for 
future service even to you there. I ask the people forgiveness for my long 
stay ; but when I consider how much it has been my great loss, and for 
an ungrateful generation, it is punishment ! — It has been £20,000 to my 
damage in the country, and above 10,000 pounds here, and to the 
province, 500 families ; but the wise God that can do what he pleases, 
as well as see what is in man's heart, is able to requite all; and I am 
persuaded all shall yet work together for good in this very thing, if we 
can overlook all that stands in the way of our views, Godward, in public 
matters. See that all be done prudently and humbly, and keep down 
irreverence and looseness, and cherish industry and sobriety. The Lord 
God Almighty be with you, and amongst you, to his praise and your 
peace. Salute me to John Simcock, R. Turner, A. Cook, T. Janney, 
Ph. Pemberton, S. Richardson, W. Yardly, the Welch Friends and Ply- 
mouth Friends, indeed to all of them, 

'* Thou hast heard of our great loss of dear John Burnyeat, and Robert 
Lod2;es, one in Ireland, and t'other in England, in about the same week; 
and Robert Barclay, Th. Salthouse, and dearly beloved George rox,-since. 
lie died at Henry Goulney's, by Gracious-street meeting-house, where he 
preached his farewell the first day, and departed the third, at night, be- 
tweon nine and ten. I was with him ; he earnestly recommended to me 
las love to you all, and said, ' William, mind poor Friends in America ' 
He died triumphantly over death ; very easily foresaw his change ; he 
was buried on the sixth day ; — like a general meeting ; — 2000 people at 
his burial — Friends and others. I was never more public than that day ; 
I felt myself easy ; he was got into his inn, before the storm that is 
coming overtook him, and that night, very providentially, I escaped the 
messenger's hands. I shall add only, that Friends have had an extra- 
ordinary time this General Meeting, so that God supplied that visible 
loss with his glorious presence. R. Davis there, but not thy brother. 
In sincere love I bid thee, thy wife and family and friends, farewell. 
" Thy true friend, WILLIAM PENN." 



DISSENSIONS IN THE COLONY. 371 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Dissensions between the province and territories — Members of council 
from the latter withdraw — William Penn reluctantly consents to their 
separation — IMarkham made governor of the territories — Letter of Wil- 
liam Penn — Religious controversy with George Keith — His separation 
and disownment — He is prosecuted and fined — Goes to England and 
becomes an Episcopal minister — Letter of William Penn to R. Turner, 
about Keith's views — William Penn's government superseded by the 
appointment of Fletcher — Ilis troubles increased by his wife's illness 
— Letters of William Penn to Friends and to Lord Rochester. 

1692-3. 

While the proprietary of Pennsylvania was compelled, by 
false accusations, to forego his cherished purpose of returning 
thither, as his permanent home, the affairs of his colony were 
suffering for want of his parental care. 

In order to promote the prosperity of the province and the 
three lower counties, called the territories, (now constituting the 
State of Delaware,) he had united them under one government, 
allowing the territories a suitable number of representatives in 
the council and general assembly, and, further to conciliate them, 
he had sometimes convened the assembly at New Castle. 

During his absence some jealousies had crept in between 
the members of the territories and those of the province; they 
were originally balanced in power, there being three counties in 
each, with an equal number of representatives ; but the province 
was large, its population was rapidly increasing, and it must 
have been manifest to all that the balance of power would soon 
preponderate in its favour. For this reason, probably, some of 
the inhabitants of the territories began to think they had distinct 
and even conflicting interests, which led to a misunderstanding. 

After the resignation of Governor Blackwell, the disagree 
ment between these parties continued to increase, and six mem- 
bers of council from the territories proceeded, in an illegal 
manner, to appoint and commission judges, without the concur 



372 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



rence of the board, or of Thomas Lloyd, then- president. This 
illegal measure was protested against by the council in the 
latter part of the year 1690 ; but in the following year, the 
members for the territories proceeded to still greater extremes. 

It appears that Penn, in order to gratify the colonists, had 
given them the option of three different modes for the exercise 
of the executive power : that of the council, of five commission- 
ers, or of a deputy-governor. The province was in favour of a 
deputy-governor, and was satisfied with Thomas Lloyd, but the 
members of council from the territories drew up a protest, in 
1691, stating that this " was to them the most grievous of any, 
on account of the choice of all officers being placed in a single 
person, and the expense or charge of his support," therefore 
they would not agree to it, but they would submit to the go- 
vernment of the council, though they would prefer the five 
commissioners. Much pains were taken to reconcile them, but 
without success. They withdrew from the council and returned 
home, after which Thomas Lloyd sent a deputation to New 
Castle to confer with them, and wrote them a letter promising 
that no part of the charge for his services should fall upon the 
territories unless by their voluntary offer. 

These efforts at reconciliation proving unavailing, the pro- 
prietary, with much reluctance, submitted to the separation, and 
commissioned Thomas Lloyd as governor of the province ; and 
William Markham, who appears to have gone with the seceders, 
was placed over the territories as their executive, " under cer- 
tain restrictions."* Penn was much grieved at these dissen- 
sions. Writing to a friend, in the summer of 1692, he says, 
" I left it to them to choose either the government of the coun- 
cil, or five commissioners, or a deputy : what could be ten- 
derer? Now I perceive, Thomas Lloyd is chosen by the 
three upper, but not by the three lower counties ; and sits down 
with this broken choice. This has grieved and wounded me 
and mine ; I fear the hazard of all ! Whatever the morals of 
the lower counties are, it was embraced as a mercy, that we 
got and united them to the province ; and a great charter ties 
* Proud, i. 357. 



RELIGIOUS CONTnOVERSY WITH GEORGE KKITR. 373 



them. * * * * I desire thee to write to them, wliich they 
will mind more now than on the spot ; and lay their union upon 
them ; for else the governor of New York is like to have all, if 
he has it not already. The Lord forgive them their unspeak- 
able injury to me and mine. I have sent, six months ago, to 
J. Goodson a commission, if my letter prevails not, that was to 
unite them ; that Thomas Lloyd be governor above, and Capt. 
Markham below, under such and such restrictions," &c. *' I 
was going in the second month at farthest, all things preparing, 
as Friends of London know, when this trouble broke out upon 
me, in the eleventh ; and such have been my hardships, I could 
not get clear without snares, &c., so wait God's time, who has a 
hand in all this, and I believe, in the end, every way for good." 

His dissatisfaction with Thomas Lloyd for accepting a par- 
tial commission, was soon removed by a letter from the council, 
exculpating him entirely from being accessory to the separation, 
showing that instead of his being a gainer by the office of de- 
puty-governor, he had impaired his estate by his attention to 
public aflfairs ; that he was a lover and promoter of concord ; 
and that he "never accepted that commission but by the impor- 
tunity of his friends, or at the earnest request of the province." 

Although the proprietary had consented with great reluct- 
ance to this arrangement, it answered beyond his expectations 
in restoring harmony ; and as both parties were sensible that 
he had been grieved by their dissensions, they endeavoured to 
relieve his mind by a joint letter from the two deputy-governors 
and the members of council, expressive of their affection and 
of their earnest desire for his return to the province. 

About the time that these changes were effected in the pro- 
vince and territories, dissensions of a far more painful and ex- 
citing tendency sprang up among the colonists in relation to 
the religious doctrines of Friends. The dispute originated with 
George Keith, a prominent minister, and an author of several 
relif^ious works.* He was by birth a Scotchman, but had lived 
much in England, had travelled with Penn on the continent, 
and was employed for one year as the principal teacher in tiie 

^■^^Gough's Hist, of Quakers, vol. iii. 
2G 



874 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



public school at Philadelphia. He possessed considerable lite- 
rary attainments, and being quick of apprehension and logical 
in argument, he had been regarded as an able champion for the 
faith he professed ; but, unhappily, he was too fond of disputa- 
tion, and finding his brethren in religious profession could not 
unite in all his theological views and nice distinctions, he be- 
came sour and censorious. He had been much respected, but 
now appeared ambitious of greater distinction as a leader in 
the society, proposing and urging new regulations in its dis- 
cipline, complaining that there was " too great a slackness 
therein," and accusing some of its most valued ministers of 
preaching ''''false doct?'ine," although it was thought they 
preached the same views he had formerly advocated in his 
writings. 

Another objection urged by him against some of the most 
influential members, was the part they took in the government 
of the province, alleging that by acting as magistrates and exe- 
cuting the penal laws against malefactors, they violated their 
principles. The last of these charges had reference principally 
to the course pursued in arresting a privateer, named Babbit, 
who took a sloop from the wharf at Philadelphia, proceeded 
down the river, and committed several robberies. A warrant 
being issued for his apprehension, Peter Boss, with some others, 
pursued him in a boat and took him and his crew without any 
warlike weapon. 

At length, George Keith having set up a separate meeting 
in Philadelphia, and being in the practice of defaming the cha- 
racters of Friends, the meeting of ministers disowned him, which 
act was confirmed by the yearly meetings of Burlington and 
London. He and Thos. Budd were presented by the grand 
jury of Philadelphia, for defaming Samuel Jennings, a pro- 
vincial judge, and being found guilty, were fined five pounds 
each. These fines, however, were never exacted.* 

The meetings set up by Keith and his adherents threatened 
to make a formidable schism in the society, but he having gone 
to England, joined the Episcopal church, was ordained by the 
* Smith's Hist, of Pa. ; Hazard's Reg. vol. vi. 



LETTER TO ROBERT TURNER. 876 



Bishop of London, and returned to Pennsylvania as a clergyman 
in orders. This conduct so disgusted his followers, that many of 
them returned to the society, and the schism was finally healed. 

The dissensions that led to this separation being reported to 
Penn, during his retirement in London, contributed to increase 
the burden of his cares. One of his intimate friends, Robert 
Turner, a member of the council, and formerly one of the pro- 
\dncial judges, having joined the seceders, wrote him a letter 
on the subject, to which he returned an answer characteristic 
of his wisdom and charity, viz : — 

" London, 29th of 9th mo., '92. 

" Dear Robert Turner:* — My love in the Lord salutes thee and thine, 
and the Lord's people thereaway, and the inhabitants also : much wishing 
your preservation in this perilous day, both inwardly and outwardly. 

" Thine I have by T. H., and presented thine to G. W., &c., and as to 
the difference among Friends, my heart is bowed under it, chiefly on 
truth's account, for I never felt a thought of interest stir in several days 
after it came to me. But it has helped me into a fever that has attended 
me about five weeks, of which I am now, through mercy, better. I see 
this difference is more in spirit than in words or matter, an unbearing, 
untravailing frame [of mind,] for one another, not considering how much 
and how far they should have borne for his sake that has borne so much 
for us all. * -sfr * * * 

"My soul's travail is, in that which is of God and leads to Ilim, and 
keeps in Him ; that G. K. would, in the ancient meekness and tenderness 
in which he was right worthy to me, let fall his separate meeting, and 
that now they meet together as before, for I hope peace would follow. 
For as to believing in Christ's manhood, it is Friends' principle he is 
like unto us in all things, sin excepted, and thsit manhood isuot vanisht; 
though out of our sight, it is somewhere, and wherever it is, it must be 
in a glorified state, but what that state is, or where it is, or how to frame 
ideas of either in our minds, are intrusions or curiosities above what is 
written or convenient. Can we hope our manhood shall be glorified and 
deny his to be so, that made way with his, within the vail, for ours? 
lie is glorified for us, as our common head, and we shall, with him, bo 
glorified too, as his members, if we through patience and tribulation over- 
come also. 

"Wherefore, dear Robert, urge this on George ; but now when this is 
said, that Christ came in our nature, and has glorified it as an eternal 
temple to himself, yet he is to be known nearer (than so without us) and 

* The original of this letter is in the archives of the Am. Phil. Society at 
Philadelphia — some parts of it are almost illegible. 



376 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



that is, in ns. TI;iis Paul knew him, and preached him as the riches of 
the glory of the Christian day, the mystei-y hid from ages and genera- 
tions and then revealed, ' Christ in them the hope of glory.' He makes 
it the character and discrimination of a Christian, 2 Cor. xiii. 5, and 
Christ taught himself that it was expedient he went, as outwardly, that 
he might send them that which would be better for them, and what was 
that but his own appearance in spirit, 'I will not leave you comfortless, 
1 will come to you,^ and 'he that was with them should be in them,' 
John xiv. So that tho' the nature and transactions of Christ are re\ e- 
rently believed, and are more than historical, looking back to the begin- 
ning of the world and forward to the end of it ; yet the immediate object 
of our mind, and requisite and profitable exercise thereof, is the spiritual 
appearance of Christ in us, which is a step nearer to us than our natu- 
ral without us, because it is being in us ; this is what God has turned 
our minds unto, and what knowledge we had before we counted as dross 
comparatively. Here it was we came to know God aright, sensibly and 
virtuously to our souls ; and by obeying this manifestation we came to 
read Scripture edifyingly, and to our comfort, and to value aright God's 
love in all former dispensations, more especially that of his Son as the 
crown of them ; but then our religion stood, and must stand, as the liv- 
ing work of God in us, in our conformity to his will, death to self, en- 
tirely, as the passage to life, in him who is our life. This sweet, this 
blessed knowledge and fellowship is what we have been led to press and 
prefer as bringing things home, and the work to our own doors and 
houses, which is, to me, the glory and excellency of our dispensation ; so 
it is, I know, to the many thousands of Israel. 

"Oh let this still be our holy care, love, and business, and great shall 
be our reward, when the Re warder comes to judge the world. Thus 
much for these things. 

" Now, for government — what shall I say? 

"A day of temptation is coming over you as a just exercise from the 
Lord for your animosities and divisions, in which blessed are they that 
are clear and innocent. The Lord reach you with his love, and tender 
you, and bring you into that union I left you, both in civils and spirituals. 
You are threatened, I hear, with French Indians ; if it should prove true 
your union in civils might have covered Friends, that now stand in the 
province more exposed than before, because they only are in power, and 
so must have the part alone to act, both as to that, and also as to stand- 
ing upon their patent against the commission of the governor of New 
York, to be yours during the war and my absence. So that they that 
took It so ill, I ever employed any but Friends, may see it had been bet- 
ter they had been of another mind, for I expect a firm adherence to the 
patent. — my freehold and inheritance, and so intimate to them in autho- 
rity, as I did to S. J. &c., before, by the last ships. If upon your rea 



PKXX'S r.OVKflXMLNT 5 f PERSEDDD. ST7 



8on8 against his executing of his conimi.ssion, he desist not, then draw 
up your exceptions discreetly and fully, and lay them before the Lords 
of the Plantations here, and Friends concerned in the province here, who 
will appear for the province, and if that don't do, Westminster Hall, and 
if that fail, the House of Lords will do us right. 
" But I hope my liberty may put an end to that. 
* * * * "Thy true friend, 

"WILLIAM PENN." 

About <a month previous to the date of the foregoing letter, a 
commission had been granted by the sovereigns, William and 
Mary, to Benj. Fletcher, Governor of New York, directing him 
to take under his jurisdiction the province of Pennsylvania and 
the territories annexed. This step was urged by the enemies 
of the proprietary, as necessary for the safety of the colony. 1 1 
was said that the French and Indians threatened the frontier 
settlements, that no defence had been provided by the colonial 
government, and that the province nnd the territories being at 
variance, no efficient administration of the laws could be ex- 
pected. They did not fail to adduce the religious dissensions 
among Friends as another reason why they were unfit to govern, 
and the prosecution ngainst George Keith being misrepresented 
by his party, w;»s triumphantly held up as an evidence that the 
Quakers, as Avell as others, could persecute for religion.* 

William Penn was sorely tried — his troubles seemed to in- 
crease and press upon him with accumulated weight. Cast 
down from a high and honoured station in society, — accused of 
being an enemy to the government and a traitor to the Protest- 
ant cause, — living in close retirement to avoid arrest and im- 
prisonment, — impoverished by expenditures for his province, — 
and now that provirico, the object of his hopes, withdrawn from 
under his government, — there was needed but one drop more 
to fill the measure of his afflictions. That drop too was added. 
His wife, one of the loveliest and best of women, was visibly 
sinking in health, and her decline was attributed to intense 
anxiety, induced by her husband's calamities.f But although 
perplexed with care, and burdened with grief, he was not for- 
saken; having the solace of ^n app"0ving conscience, and an 
2^* * Clarkson. t ^^i^. 



378 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



abiding trust in the Providence of God, who often permits his 
servants to be tried in the furnace of affliction, in order to per- 
fect their refinement, — who removes from them the attractions 
of the world, in order to draw them nearer to himself; and when 
they have relinquished all other dependence, manifests that the 
arm of his power is sufficient to uphold them, and to cause " all 
things to work together for their good." 

In the following letter, without an address, written about this 
time, he describes, with much feeling, the wrongs to which he 
was subjected: — 

"I cannot bring myself to think, if the king or queen could believe I 
had no correspondence abroad, nor were busy against them at home, and 
would sequester myself out of the way of having it in my power, if I had 
the will, to offend them, that they would distinguish me in so particular 
a manner to my prejudice. But how to gain that belief in them, against 
the insinuations of my enemies, is the difficulty I labour under. In this 
case I can only say, I am free of the first, and solemnly promise the last, 
and call upon those that know me to vouch. If this will not do, and 
that all that is said must be believed against me, and that I must be the 
price of some people's ease, and a sacrifice to the malice of others, and 
that I, only, of all the men of the kingdom must be undone ; to the good 
and merciful God I commit myself and family, that has hitherto pre- 
served us, and believe the time will come when those that are pleased to 
think so hardly of me now, will allow me to be a most abused and most 
oppressed man. But let me use a little freedom. I have been above 
these three years hunted, up and down, and could never be allowed to 
live quietly in city or country, even then when there was hardly a pre- 
tence against me, so that I have not only been unprotected, but perse- 
cuted by the government. And before the date of this business which is 
laid to my charge, I was indicted for high treason in Ireland, before the 
grand jury of Dublin, and a bill found upon the oaths of three scandal- 
ous men — Fuller, one Fisher, and an Irishman whom I know not, and 
the last has not been in England since the Revolution, nor I in Ireland 
these twenty years, nor do I so much as know him by name, and all 
their evidence upon hearsay, too. It may be, it is the most extraordi- 
nary case that has been known ; for that law by which Englishmen are 
try able, absent, here or there, is because a subject of these dominions 
may commit treason abroad, where he cannot be tried ; but that an En- 
glishman in England, walking about the streets, should have a bill of 
high treason found against him in Ireland for a fact pretended to be com- 
mitted in England, when a man cannot legally be tried in one county m 
Eng-land f^r a crime committed in another. And the others are at ease 



LETTER TO FRIENDS IN PENNSYLVANIA. 379 



that were accused for the same fault, and that Fuller is nationally staped 
and censured for an impostor, that was the chief of my accusers ; my 
estate in Ireland is, notwithstanding, lately put up among; the estates of 
outlaws to be leased for the crown, and the collector of the hundred where 
it lies ordered to seize my rents and lease it in the name of the govern- 
ment, and yet though I am not convicted or outlawed. 

" But though I am the sufferer, and in more things than this, I would 
not exceed the bounds of moderation in my reflection ; but I hope I may 
say that thirty years won't show such a case in these kingdoms, and I 
hope the government will find an interest as well as justice and goodness 
to put an end to my many miseries. I am made able that I may be ren- 
dered guilty, and my obligations to be so are aggravated to render it 
more credible, that would rather call for allowances ; so that my virtue, 
if gratitude be one, is to be put in the scale to give weight enough to my 
faults to destroy me. 

" I know my enemies, and their true characters and history, and their 
intrinsic value to this or other governments. I commit them to time, 
with my own conduct and afflictions."* 

Notwithstanding the loss of his government, he still cherished 
the hope of going to America, but being embarrassed in his 
circumstances, he could not command the requisite funds, which 
induced him to write as follows : — 

TO FRIENDS IN PENNSYLVANIA, 

London, 4th of l'2th mo., '93. 
"Dear Friends: — Considering how things stand, and may stand with 
you, and the visible necessity the province is under, as well as my own 
interest and my earnest inclinations that I speedily return, I have a pro- 
posal to make, in which, if yuu answer me, I shall be able to make my 
stay safe from the government, easy to myself, just to my friends here, 
and this in reason I ought to desire. In consideration, therefore, of my 
very great expenses in King James's time, known in some measure to 
J. II., and my great losses in the king's time, the one being at least 
£7000 and the other above £4000 sterling, and £450 pr. ann. t<jtally 
wasted in Ireland, as J. H. can inform you ; by which means I cannoi 
do what is requisite to bring me among you without the time here which 
may injure our joint interests or your helps to shorten it. I do propose 
that a hundred persons in town, if able, or town and country, do send 
me free of interest, each of them, one hundred pounds for four years, or 
each of them more or less, as able, so that it reach the sum, and I will 
give you my bond to repay it to each of you in four years' time, or if not 
paid in that time, a sufficient interest for the whole that remains unpaid 
at four years' en<4, from that time forward till paid. I shall take it so 
* M. H. S. Pa. vol. iv. part i. page 108. 



380 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



kindly from you, that if you gave me more at another time, it should not 
equally please me, and it could not be done more reasonably for your- 
selves and the vv^hole province ; for depend upon it, and you have it un- 
der my hand, God giving health for it, I will not stay six months ; no, 
not three months, if I can in that time get a passage to remove to you. 
with my family also. I hope to be more worth to you, and a great deal 
more to the province, for here my back is turned of many. Some hun- 
dreds, if not thousands, will follow, which will be your, as well as my 
advantage. You may be informed of the reason of this proposal more 
particularly by R. F. and J. H., if there be any need of it. Almighty 
God incline and direct you for the best ; and determine quickly, for else 
my course Avill be, as yovi may hear by J. 11., otherwise in solitude. My 
sincere love salutes you, and my wishes, in the will of God, are for all 
your happiness, whether I see you any more, which, under God, depend? 
much upon your compliance with my proposal ; and those that close with 
it shall ever be remembered by me and mine. So, with my love, farewell. 
" Your assured friend, WILLIAM PENN."* 

It does not appear how this application was received, nor is 
there any evidence of an effort having been made to raise the 
sum required. 

Although he v/as anxious to remove to his province, and had 
hopes of obtaining the king's permission, he was not willing to 
receive his liberty on condition that he should go, for this 
would place him in the attitude of a banished exile. This sen- 
timent is expressed in a letter he wrote to a nobleman who had 
interceded for him, viz : — 

TO THE LORD ROCHESTER. 

"I own it is a great misfortune to lie under such strong prepossessions 
in a king, but it is some comfort that they have been raised by such as 
have less deserved his protection or credit, but I will not be so vain as to 
hope I can move him to believe me, and desire to forgive those that at 
any rate served their turns upon me. But I OAvn with great respect and 
thankfulness the intercession of Lord Rochester, whatever be the event 
of it, — and to that which he would know of me in reference to my going 
to America, I bunsbly say, that thither I intend and must go, if God and 
the king please. My concerns there suffer beyond imagination, by a 
constrained absence, but because my incumbrances here are known to 
too many to be great in divers respects as to fortune and family, and in 
Ireland bad enough, whither I must go to settle my almost ruined estate, 
at) well as to take off the prosecution begun against me upon Fullor'8 

*M. H. S. Pa. vol. iv. j art i 202. 



LETTER TO THE LORD ROCHESTER. 381 



evidence, aiul such another gentleman of his acquaintance, which, as I 
expressed in ray last, will make it next spring before I can possibly bo 
ready, at which time I intend as afore to set forward, and in the mean 
time follow my own occasions in as private and inoifensive a manner as 
I can. I would not say all this, nor use the precautions I do, but for the 
most cruel and injurious characters some have loaded me with, (whom 
God forgive,) that have deserved better of a base world, never hurting 
any, and obliging many. But there will be another judgment than pri- 
vate and prejudicated breasts, where I cannot appear so black, nor such 
a pole-cat as I am rendered, who am not only made the abler to be the 
more guilty, but lest my fault should not be sutticient, my virtues (grati- 
tude to excess) must be aggravated to heap weight in the scale against 
me. To conclude, — to America I was going in April, '01, if this misfor- 
tune had not hindered the January before, which is known to a hundrod 
honest and substantial people in the city, and I had printed an intelli- 
gence to all concerned, and made a proposition to others therein, to that 
effect, ready to have engaged with me in a new settlement. And the like 
I purpose now, with God's help. But as I am not to trif e with the go- 
vernment that can so easily see whether I do or not, I desire it under- 
stood tliat I will not receive my Jiheiiy to go as a condition to go there, and 
be there as here looked upon as an article exiled. This I am sure the Lord 
Rochester understands, and can best improve, to whose goodness and 
management I refer myself, begging that neither king nor queen will 
look upon me with that severe eye, as I have been told they have done, 
above everybody else ; since whatever are my faults, falsehood and re- 
venge are none, nor do I desire their hurt, tho' those that have incensed 
them against me must have designed my ruin. Pardon this length and 
the impertinencies of the afflicted, that are always big with their own 
anhappiness, and believe me yet to be what I have ever professed. 

"WILLIAM PENN." 



382 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

" Just measures" relating to Friends' discipline and women^s meetings — 
*' Key" concerning Friends' doctrines — " Essay towards the present 
and future peace of Europe" — " Fruits of Solitude" — The preface to 
it — Wm. Penn cleared by King William — Letter on the occasion to 
T. Lloyd and others — Death of his wife — Her character — His memo- 
rial concerning her — Letter to R. Turner. 

1692-3. 

During Penn's seclusion from the world, which continued 
nearly three years, his vigorous and active mind was not un- 
employed. Deprived of the privilege he so highly prized, of 
attending the established meetings of Friends, he did not 
neglect the duty of private devotion ; and being restrained from 
the exercise of his gift in the gospel ministry, he employed his 
pen in advocating and enforcing the sacred truths of religion. 
His excellent Preface to Robert Barclay's Works, and another 
to those of John Burnyeat, were written in 1691, and in the 
following year he published a tract called ''Just Measures," 
which was addressed to those members of the Society of Friends 
who were dissatisfied with the rules of church discipline esta- 
blished among them. 

In order to give the reader a just conception of his views on 
this important subject, it must be premised that the society, by 
the advice of Geo. Fox, established Monthly, Quarterly, and 
Yearly Meetings, for the administration of church discipline, to 
promote purity of life and conversation, to provide for the ne- 
cessities of the poor, the orderly accomplishment of marriages, 
and in general to secure the harmony and peace of the body. 

In these meetings all members had an equal right to speak 
their sentiments, and clerks were appointed to record their de- 
cisions, which were not determined by majorities, but by unani- 
mity and general consent. 

4s they held that women, as well as men, might be called to 



women's meetings. 383 



the gospel ministry, so they believed that females ought not to 
be excluded from a share in the government of the church. 
Accordingly, women's meetings for discipline were established, 
in which, with some few exceptions, the same kind of business 
was transacted in relation to their own sex, as that which 
claimed the attention of the men with regard to theirs. It was 
found that women could conduct their church affairs with judg- 
ment and propriety ; and in order that they might do it without 
interference from men, they met in separate apartments. In 
many cases the two branches acted in concert by joint com- 
mittees, in order to prepare business in which both were equally 
interested. 

This beautiful order, so well adapted to develop the powers 
of the female mind, and to elevate woman to the rank in society 
she was designed to fill, was not satisfactory to some of the 
male members, and to satisfy or convince these was the object 
of Penn's treatise. "That there is a difference," he says, "is 
but too plain, for it has in some parts proceeded to a separation, 
as well as to places of worship, as in matters of discipline. 
The ground of this dissatisfaction you say is, requiring your 
compliance with some practices relating to discipline, particu- 
larly women's meetings about marriages before they are per- 
mitted to be solemnized among us, some of you thinking that 
there is no service for women's meetings at all, others that there 
is no service in their being distinct from men's meetings, and 
therefore no necessary compliance to be required, but every one 
left to their liberty in Christ, lest imposition and formality should 
prevail among us." Having thus stated their objections, he 
proceeds to show that the matters complained of did not relate 
to faith or worship^ but merely to the method pursued in the 
transaction of church business, and therefore no imposition upon 
conscience could result from it. For the preservation of order, 
the healing of diflferences, the care of the poor, Ac, some 
method must be adopted; that which existed was recommended 
by experienced elders, and generally agreed to, therefore it 
could not be called an infringement of Christian liberty. " But 
it is asked, why should women meet apart ? We think for a 



384 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



very good reason : tlie church increaseth, which increaseth the 
business of the church, and women, whose bashfuhiess will not 
permit them to say or do much as to church affairs before the 
men, when by themselves may exercise their gifts of wisdom 
and understanding in a discreet care for their own sex, at least, 
which makes up not the least part of the business of the church, 
and this while the men are upon their proper business also. 
So that as men and women make up the church, men and 
women make up the business of the church." "I am as much 
for liberty as any man. I ever was so, and hope I ever shall 
be for it; but we must refer it to a proper object, or we shall 
abuse what we so much prize, and pervert one of the greatest 
privileges we can pretend to." 

His next publication is entitled the " New Athenians no noble 
Bereans," being an answer to aspersions cast upon the Society 
of Friends in a paper called the Athenian Mercury. In the 
same year he wrote a work entitled, "A Key Opening the Way 
to every Capacity, how to Distinguish the Religion professed by 
the people called Quakers, from the Perversions and Misrepre- 
sentations of their Adversaries." This treatise w^as so highly 
valued by the society, that it reached the twelfth edition during 
the life of the author. 

It is divided into thirteen sections, in each of which, after 
stating one of the perversions complained of, a concise and 
lucid account is given of the principle as held by Friends. 

Penn produced at this time another work, of great value and 
importance, entitled ''An Essay toward the Present and Future 
Peace of Europe." 

This work was intended to show the " desirableness of peace, 
and the truest means of it: to wit, justice, and not war." It 
proposes that the states or nations of Europe should send depu- 
ties to a "General Diet," or Congress of Nations, where all 
their diiferences might be settled on equitable terms, without 
recourse to arms. 

It is worthy of note, that a copy of this remarkable work, 
supposed to be the same that Penn presented to the queen, 
was produced at the Peace Convention held within a few years 



"SOME FRUITS OF SOLITUDE." 385 



at Paris, where it was received by the members with great 
interest, as the foreshadowing of their present plans. 

Among the most valuable works of our author, produced in 
this season of retirement, is one published in 1693, entitled, 
" Some Fruits of Solitude, in Reflections and Maxims relatino- to 
the Conduct of Human Life." This work embraces a com- 
pendium of practical wisdom that has seldom been equalled 
in tlie same compass, being the result of much experience in 
^he affairs of life, and deep reflection on its cares and vicissi- 
tudes. 

In the preface, he alludes, in the spirit of a true Christian, 
to his seclusion from the world. 

" Reader : — This enchiridion I present thee with is the fruit of solitude, 
a school few care to learn in, though none instructs us better. Some 
parts of it are the results of serious reflection, others the flashing of lucid 
intervals, written for private satisfaction, and now published for an help 
to human conduct. 

" The author blesseth God for his retirement, and kisses that gentle 
hand which led him into it; for, though it should prove barren to the 
world, it can never do so to him. 

" He has now had some time he could call his own — a property he was 
never so much master of before — in which he has taken a view of him- 
self and the world, and observed wherein he has hit or missed the mark ; 
what might have been done ; what mended, and Avhat avoided in human 
conduct ; together with the omissions and excesses of others, as well 
societies and governments as private families and persons. And he ve- 
rily thinks, were he to live over his life again, he could not only, with 
God's grace, serve him, but his neighbour and himself, better than he 
hath done, and have seven years of his time to spare. And yet, per- 
haps, he hath not been the worst or the idlest man in the world, nor is 
he the oldest. And this is the rather said, that it might quicken thee, 
reader, to lose none of the time that is yet thine. 

" There is nothing of which we are apt to be so lavish as of time, and 
about which we ought to be more solicitous, since, without it, we can do 
njth'ng in th? world. Time is what we want most, but what, alas! we 
use worst, and for which God will certainly most strictly reckon with us 
when time shall be no more !" 

The overruling care of Divine Providence, who "from seem- 
mo- evil still educes rrood," is well illustrated in these fruits of 
Penn's seclusion, for, being forced to retire from public view, he 
2H 25 



386 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



improved the time by the production of works that may be read 
with instruction and delight for ages yet to come. 

In the latter part of the year 1693, through the intercession 
of some noblemen who had long been his friends, his case was 
again brought before King William, who, being satisfied of his 
innocence, signified his wish that he should consider himself 
entirely at liberty. This pleasing change in his afiairs is thus 
related in a letter to Thomas Lloyd and others in Pennsylvania : 

"Hodson, 11th of 10th mo., 1693. 

*' Friends : — This comes by the Pennsylvania Merchant, Harrison, 

commander, and C. Saunders, merchant. By them and this know, that 
it hath pleased God to work my enlargement, by three lords representing 
my case as not only hard, but oppressive ; that there was nothing against 
me but what impostors, or those that are fled, or that have, since their 
pardon, refused to verify, (and asked me pardon for saying what they 
did,) alleged against me ; that they had long known me, some of them 
thirty years, and had never known me to do an ill thing, but many good 
offices ; and that for not being thought to go abroad in defiance to the 
government, I might and would have done it two years ago ; and that I 
was, therefore, willing to wait to go about my affairs, as before, with 
leave ; that I migh,t be the better respected in the liberty I took to fol- 
low it. 

" King William answered, 'That I was his old acquaintance, as well as 
theirs ; and that I might follow my business as freely as ever ; and that 
he had nothing to say to me,' — upon which they pressed him to command 
one of them to declare the same to the secretary of state. Sit- John 
Trenchard, that if I came to him, or otherwise, he might signify the 
same to me, which he also did. The lords were Rochester, Ranelagh, 
and Sidney ; and the last, as my greatest acquaintance, was to tell the 
secretary ; accordingly he did ; and the secretary, after speaking himself, 
and having it from King William's own mouth, appointed me a time to 
meet him at home ; and did with the Marquis of Winchester, and told 
me I was as free as ever ; and as he doubted not my prudence about my 
quiet living, for he assured me I should not be molested or injured in any 
of my affairs, at least while he held that post. The secretary is my old 
friend, and one I served after the D. of Monmouth and Lord Russell's 
business ; I carried him in my coach to Windsor, and presented him to 
King James ; and when the Revolution came, he bought my four horses 
that carried us. It was about three or four months before the Revolu- 
tion. The lords spoke the 25th of November, and he discharged me on 
the 30th. 

*' From the secretary I went to our meeting, at the Bull and Mouth ; 
thence to visit the sanctuary of my solitude; and after that to see my 



DEATH OF UIS WIFE. 387 



poor wife and children ; the eldest being with me all this while. My 
wife is yet weakly ; but I am not without hopes of her recovery, who is 
of the best of wives and women. * * ^<- 

" Your real friend, WILLIAM PEXN." 

His wife, who had tenderly sympathized with him in all his 
trials, was permitted to see him again restored to liberty; but 
in the following month she was removed by death, and he was 
again plunged into a depth of affliction, which could be alle- 
viated only by the consolations of religion and the lenient hand 
of time. 

From the accounts that have come down to us concerning 
this excellent woman, she appears to have been possessed of 
extraordinary graces, both of person and mind. In Thomas 
Ellwood's autobiography, a circumstance is mentioned, showing 
the high estimation in which she was held by her neighbours. 
One of his publications being offensive to the magistrates, two 
of them, Thomas Fotherly and Sir Benjamin Tichborn, sent a 
summons for him to appear before them on a certain day. Be- 
fore the day came, Gulielma Penn, whose husband was then in 
America, being taken very ill, sent for Ellwood to come and see 
her. As she resided at some distance, he could not go without 
neglecting the summons of the magistrates, he, therefore, waited 
upon them immediately, and stated the difficulty in which he 
was placed. They, at first, received him coldly, but when he 
told the occasion of his coming before the time appointed, they 
relented, and said they felt extremely sorry for Madam Penn's 
illness, whose virtues and worth they esteemed so highly, that 
for her sake they excused his appearance entirely. In the life 
of Mary Beatrice, the consort of James II., written by Agnes 
Strickland, there is a statement which appears somewhat re- 
markable, concerning the attachment of Gulielma Penn to the 
exiled monarch and his queen. She says, "Every year Mrs. 
Penn, the wife of James's former proUge, the founder of Penn- 
sylvania, paid a visit to the Court of St. Germains, carrying 
with her a collection of all the little presents which the nume- 
rous friends and well-wishers of James II. and his queen could 
muster. Mrs. Penn was always aflfectionately received by the 



388 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, 



king and queen, although she maintained the undeniable fact 
that the Revolution was indispensable^ and what she did was 
from the inviolable affection and gratitude she personally felt 
toward their majesties."* 

William Penn has left an affectionate tribute to her worth in 
the following memorial : — 

"an account of the blessed end of my dear wife, GULIELMA MARIA PENN. 

" ' The memory of the just is blessed.' — Prov. x. 7. 

" My dear wife * * * departed this life the 23d of the 12th month, 
1G93-4, in the fiftieth year of her age ; being sensible to the very last. 
During her illness she uttered many living and weighty expressions upon 
divers occasions, both before and near her end. Some of which I took 
down, for mine and her dear children's consolation. 

" At one of the many meetings held in her chamber, we and our 
children, and one of our servants, being only present, in a tendering and 
living power she broke out as she sat in her chair, ' Let us all prepare,^ 
not knowing what hour or watch the Lord cometh. Oh, I am full of mat- 
ter ! Shall we receive good, and shall we not receive evil things at the 
hands of the Lord? I have cast my care upon the Lord. He is the 
phj^sician of value. My expectation is wholly from him. He can raise 
up, and he can cast down.' 

" Awhile after she said, ' Oh ! what shall be done to the Uxiprofitable 
servant V At another meeting, before which much heaviness seemed to 
lie upon her natural spirits, she said, ' This has been a precious opportu- 
nity to me ; I am finely relieved and comforted. Blessed be the Lord.' 
At another time, as I was speaking to her of the Lord's love and witness 
of his Spirit that was with her to give her the peace of well-doing, she 
returned to me, looking up, ' For,' said she, ' I never did, to my know- 
ledge, a wicked thing in all my life.' 

" To a friend, aged seventy-five years, that came to see her, she said, 
' Thou and I, to all appearance, are near our ends.' And to another, 
about sixty-five years old, that came also to see her, she said, ' How much 
older has the Lord made me, by this weakness, than thou art ! But I 
am contented ; I do not murmur ; I submit to his holy will.' In the 
strength of her fits and vapours, she said, ' It is the great goodness of 
the Lord that I should be able to lie thus still. He is the physician of 
value to me ; can I say — Let my tongue set forth his praise, and my 
spirit magnify him, whilst I have breath ? Oh ! I am ready to be trans- 
ported beyond my strength. God was not in the thunder, nor in the 
'ightning, but he was heard in the still voice.' 

* The author refers to Kennerslev's Lif.' of ronn, 1740. 



LETTER TO ROBERT TURNER. 389 



" She did, at several times, pray very sweetly, and in all her weakness 
manifested the most equal, undaunted, and resigned spirit, as well as in 
all other respects. She vras an excellent person, both as wife, child, 
mother, mistress, friend, and neighbour. 

" She called the children one day, when weak, and said, ' Be not 
frightened, children. I do not call you to take my leave of you, but to 
Ree you ; and I would have you walk in the fear of the Lord, and with 
his people, in his holy truth :' or to that effect. 

" Speaking at another time solemnly to the children, she said, 'I never 
desired any great things for you, but that you may fear the Lord, and 
walk in his truth among his people to the end of your days.' 

" She would not suffer me to neglect any public meeting, after I had 
my liberty, upon her account, saying, often, ' Oh ! go, my dearest ; do not 
hinder any good for me. I desire thee go; I have cast my care upon tho 
Lord; I shall see thee again.' 

" About three hours before her end, a relation taking leave of her, she 
said, ' I have cast my care upon the Lord ; my dear love to all Friends ;' 
and lifting up her dying hands and eyes, prayed the Lord to preserve 
and bless them. 

" About an hour after, causing all to withdraw, we were half an hour 
together, in which we took our last leave, saying all that was fit upon 
that solemn occasion. She continued sensible, and did eat something 
about an hour before her departure, at which time our children and most 
of our family were present. She quietly expired in my arms, her head 
upon my bosom, with a sensible and devout resignation of her soul to 
Almighty God. I hope I may say she was a public as well as private 
loss : for she was not only an excellent wife and mother, but an entire 
and constant friend, of a more than common capacity, and greater mo- 
desty and humility ; yet most equal, and undaunted in danger ; religious, 
as well as ingenuous, without affectation ; an easy mistress and good 
neighbour, especially to the poor ; neither lavish nor penurious ; but an 
example of industry, as well as of other virtues : therefore, our great 
loss, though her own eternal gain." 

Soon after his wife's decease he wrote the following letter:* 

TO ROBERT TURNER. 

"Hodson, 27th of 12th mo., 1693. 
" Loving Friend :— My extreme great affliction for the decease of my 
dear wife, makes me unfit to write much, whom the great God took to 
himself from the troubles of this exercising world the 23d inst. In great 
peace and sweetness she departed, and to her gain, but our incompara1)le 
loss, being one of ten thousand, wise, chaste, humble, plain, modest, 'n- 

* Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. vol. iv. part i. 



390 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



dustrious, constant, and undaunted ; but God is God, and good — and so 
I hope, tho' afflicted, not forsaken. I do beseech thee by our ancient 
acquaintance, by thy gravity and age in the truth, thy love for the poor 
country, and above all, for the truth's sake, to be the means of a better 
understanding among you thereaway, both as to church and state. The 
more I hear of your animosities, the sad effects of them upon the place, 
the contempt it brings upon the country, and the irreparable injury it is 
to me and my poor children, yea, upon yourselves and posterity, me- 
thinks should prevail. I can say no more, only my love to thee and 
thine, and son and daughter, and entreat George Keith with my love, by 
the same motives, in my name, to the same end and purpose ; and God 
Almighty modify and dispose all hearts to the ancient, tender, blessed 
unity, that his peace may be with you, and your enemies may not, as 
now they do, triumph over you all, and the holy profession you make. 
I am the more earnest with you, because I am thought by several to have 
too much encouraged your George Keith, &c., by my letters. I am for 
patience, forbearance, long-suffering, and all true moderation, but I abhor 
contention, doubtful disputations, divisions, &c. Oh that the Spirit of 
God may rule and overrule our spirits, or all we have to say for God can 
never glorify him, — it is his own that praise and serve him. I could 
wish my own concerns there were in a better way, but of that no move 
now. I yet hope in the Lord to see you again, and that not long first. 
Farewell. Thy real, well-wishing friend. WILLIAM PENN." 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Col. Fletcher's administration — Requisition for men and money — The 
Assembly assert their privileges, but grant a money bill — The govern- 
ment restored to William Penn — He appoints W. Markham his deputy 
— Death of Thomas Lloyd : his character and services — Markham 's 
administration : the Assembly's powers enlarged — Letter to Secretary 
Blathwayte — To Friends in Pennsylvania — Peace and prosperity of the 
colony — William Penn writes " Rise and Progress of the People called 
Quakers" — Address to House of Commons — Travels in the ministry — 
Present at a public discussion — Marries his second wife — Death of his 
oldest son — His memorial. 

1693-6. 
The executive authority in Pennsylvania having been with- 
drawn from the hands of the proprietary, was, as before related, 
transferred to Col. Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New York, 



COLONEL Fletcher's administration. 391 



by a royal commission, dated October 21st, 1692, being tlie 
fourth year of the reign of William and Mary. In the spring 
of 1693, Col. Fletcher notified Governor Lloyd of Pennsyl- 
vania, that he intended to assume the reins of government, 
and accordmgly he came to Philadelphia for tliat purpose, at- 
tended by a military retinue. 

Notwithstanding the separation of the territories from the 
province, he summoned the representatives of both to meet him 
in Philadelphia. In tliis writ, the charter and laws of Pennsyl- 
vania were disregarded, the number of delegates being dimi- 
nished, and the time and form of the election changed.* On the 
assembling of the legislature, the greater part of the members 
refused, from conscientious scruples, to take the oaths tendered 
to them ; on which the governor allowed them to be qualified 
by subscribing the declaration and tests provided by the ai-t 
of Parliament for liberty of conscience ; but he told them this 
was an indulgence that must not be drawn into a precedent. 

The first business proposed to the assembly by the governor 
was a requisition from the queen for aid, in men and money, 
to defend the frontiers of New York against the incursions of 
the French and Indians. The war then existing between 
France and England, growing out of the accession of AVilliara 
and Mary to the throne, had extended its ravages to their co- 
lonies in North America, and the French commanders in 
Canada had resorted to the barbarous expedient of subsidizing 
the Indians and inciting them to butcher their English neigh- 
bours. A predatory warfare ensued, in which the colonies of 
New England and New York were chiefly engaged in repi'Uini: 
the savages, who surprised and destroyed Schenectady and 
some other frontier settlements. The alliance of the Mengwe 
or Five Nations (Iroquois) was sought by both parties, and 
finally secured by the English at great expense, to defray 
which, in part, was the object of the subsidy now demanded. 

The assembly, before they answered the governor's demand, 
took into consideration their OAvn rights and privileges which 
^le had invaded, and resolved unanimously, " that the laws in 
* Proud and Gordon. 



392 LIFE OF WILLIy\M PENN. 



force before the arrival of the governor were still in force, and 
that the assembly had a right humbly to move the governor 
for a confirmation thereof." They maintained that the charter 
of Pennsylvania had not been abrogated, but the executive 
only changed on account of the absence of the proprietary. 
The governor replied that ''they were very much mistaken, as 
the absence of the proprietary was the least cause mentioned 
in their majesties' letters-patent, there being reasons of greater 
moment, as the neglects and miscarriages in the late adminis- 
tration, the want of necessary defence against the enemy, and 
the danger of being lost from the crown." ''The constitution 
of their majesties' government," said he, "and that of Mr. 
Penn are in direct opposition one to the other ; if you w^ill be 
tenacious of stickling for this, it is a plain demonstration that 
you decline the other."* This produced a remonstrance on 
the part of the assembly, stating that "their desires were not 
grounded on mistakes, in relation to the proprietary's ab- 
sence;" and as to the other reasons assigned, they Avere 
founded on 'hnismformMions,'" for the courts were open and 
justice duly executed ; nor was there any danger of the pro- 
vince "being lost to the crown, although the government was 
in the hands of some w^hose principles w^ere not for w'ar." 
Having asserted their privileges, they proceeded to pass seve- 
ral bills ; and among them, an act imposing a tax of a penny 
per pound on the clear value of real and personal estate, and 
a poll-tax of six shillings a head, wdiich they presented to the 
king and queen, with a request that "one-half thereof might 
be allowed to the governor." Fletcher at first refused the 
bill, because nothing was granted for the defence of New 
York, and he even threatened to annex Pennsylvania to that 
province; but finally he approved this, as well as other bills 
that were presented him, and confirmed the laws before exist- 
ing in the colony. He then dissolved the assembly by their 
own advice, and, having appointed William Markham lieu- 
tenant-governor, departed for New York.f We see by these 
proceedings, that the colonists soon felt the difference betw^ee* 
* Proud, i. 389. f Ibid. 391. 



GOVBRNxMENT RESTORED TO PENX. 393 



the paternal administration of William Pcnn and the rigorous 
sway of their military governor. Yet they were induced to 
vote him a su])ply far beyond any they had ever granted to 
the founder of the colony. 

Although they yielded to necessity in laying a tax on the 
province, their firm and manly assertion of their political 
rights was worthy of a people ever jealous of the smallest en- 
croachment on their liberties. 

The following year, 1694, Governor Fletcher made another 
refjuisition for aid to New York ; but, having found by expe- 
rience that it was in vain to expect military supplies from men 
who were conscientiously opposed to war, he requested of them 
means to clothe and feed the Indians in order to secure their 
continued friendship to the provinces. The assembly laid a 
tax similar to that imposed the previous year, which amounted 
to seven hundred and sixty pounds ; but they stipulated for the 
payment of two hundred pounds each to Thomas Lloyd and 
William Markham for their services while acting as deputies 
of the proprietary, and the remainder to be appropriated to 
the general expense of the government. " Fletcher rejected 
this bill, and the assembly, asserting their right to appropriate 
their money at their pleasure, was dissolved." It is said, the 
proprietary blamed the assembly for not complying with the 
governor's request.* 

Soon after this, the government was restored to William 
Penn, by a patent from the king and queen, dated August, 
1694. His application to be reinstated had been warmly 
seconded by some of his friends among the nobility, who re- 
presented to the king and council that the disorders charged 
upon the province had been greatly exaggerated by repori, 
and, even so far as true, had been occasioned by the proprie- 
tary's absence. He was now earnestly desirous of removing 
to the province ; but the situation of his domestic affairs, and 
probably the state of his finances, obliged him to defer it. 

In the autumn of 1694, he appointed Capt. William Mark- 

* Gorflou, 107. 



394 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



ham his lieutenant-governor ; Thomas Lloyd, his former de- 
puty, having died a few months previously. 

In the death of Thomas Lloyd, the colony lost one of its 
most beloved and honoured citizens. lie was a native of 
Wales, born of highly respectable parents, and possessed of 
good natural abilities, which were improved by a liberal edu- 
cation at Oxford. He was early in life reached by the power 
of Divine truth, under the influence of which he declined the 
honours of the world, and, having joined in membership with 
Friends, became an approved minister of the gospel. Being 
subjected in his native country to unmerited reproach and per- 
secution, he removed to Pennsylvania among the first settlers, 
and was one of William Penn's most intimate friends. From 
the foundation of the government to near the time of his death, 
he was generally much employed in public affairs : as presi- 
dent of the council, as chairman of the state commissioners, 
and as deputy-governor, he exercised an important and salu- 
tary influence in the government of the province. He was 
one of the few, who, being qualified by abilities and virtue for 
the highest stations in society, yet through modesty or humi- 
lity decline them, until urged by the public voice and called 
by a sense of duty to accept the post of trust and honour. 

It will be seen, as we advance in the history of the province, 
that among the many deputies employed by William Penn, 
Thomas Lloyd was the only one whose administration gave 
satisfaction to both the proprietary and the people. Having 
been, both in public and private life, a bright example of Chris- 
tian virtue, he was called from works to rewards, in the 45th 
year of his age, testifying, immediately before his departure, 
that having "fought the good fight and kept the faith, which 
stands not in the wisdom of words but in the power of God, he 
laid down his head in peace."* 

Governor Markham, disregarding the laws of Pennsylvania, 

pursued Fletcher's plan of calling the assembly, and having, 

without their consent, dissolved both the council and assembly, 

they, at their next meeting, in 1696, made a spirited remonstrance 

* Proud's History, and Book of Memorials. 



WILLIAM markham's admixistkatio.v. 395 



against his encroachments, and succeeded in obtaininn; his co!i- 
Bcnt to a "bill of settlement," wherebv the power of the assembly 
^vas increased, being authorized to originate bills, to adjourn and 
reassemble at pleasure, and to be indissoluble during the time for 
■wiiich it was elected. In return for these concessions, they 
passed a bill to raise 300 pounds for the support of government 
and the relief of the distressed Indians in New York. 

The bill of settlement, though never formally sanctioned by 
the proprietary, was considered an amendment to the constitu- 
tion, and continued in force until the year 1700.* 

In Gordon's History of Pennsylvania it is stated, that Mark- 
ham's assent to this bill "may be ascribed to his wish of redeem- 
ing the pledge which the proprietary had given to the king, that 
his province should contribute to the general defence of the 
colonies." No authority for this is cited by the historian, but 
the following extracts from the records of the State Paper Office, 
London, will show that Penn's promise was, that he would 
"carefully transmit to the council and assembly all such 
orders as shall be given by her majesty in that ])(.'half," and 
that he would "appoint the same person to be his deputy- 
governor" who was then serving under Col. Fletcher. 

" At the Committee of Trade and Plantations, at the Council Chamber 
at Whitehall, the 1st and 3d of August, 1G94. - * * 

" The committee being attended by jMr. Penn, Avho having declared to 
their lordships, that if her majesty shall be graciously pleased to restore 
him to the proprietary according to the said grants, he intends with all 
convenient speed to repair thither, and take care of the government, and 
provide for the safety and security thereof, all that in him lyes. And t«) 
that end he will carefully Imnsmit io tlie coimcil and assembhf theit, all 
such orders as shall be given by her majesty in that behalf; and he 
doubts not but they will at all times dutifully comply with, and yield 
obedience thereunto, and to all such orders and directions as their ma- 
jesties shall from time to time think fit to send, for the supplying such 
quota of men, or the defraying their part of such charges, as their ma- 
jesties shall think necessary for the safety and preservation of their 
majesties' dominions in that part of America. That he will appoint the 
same person to be his deputy-governor, that is now commissionated by Col. 
Fletcher to that trust ; and if the government there shall not take due 
care that such orders as their majesties' shall think fit to give as afure- 

* Proud and Gordon. 



596 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



said be duly complied with, he will then submit the direction of military 
affairs to their majesties' pleasure."* * * * 

LETTER FROM WILLIAM FORD TO SECRETARY BLATHWAYTE. 

*' London, 14th December, 1694. 
" Friend: — Yesterday I received a letter from William Penn, wherein 
he desires me to give thee his respects, and to pray thee in his name, as 
a mark of thy friendship, to get the lords to understand and allow that 
his cousin William Markham, who is Col. Fletcher's deputy-governor, 
having the military power, ansiver^s their intention and the substance of his 
engagement : that the civil affairs may be in the hands of those more 
suitable to the mind and improvement of the colony."f 

These extracts show that Col. Markham, who was already 
deputy-governor, was to be contmued in the office, but Penn 
wished to place the civil power in hands "more suitable to the 
mind and improvement of the colony." He therefore ap- 
pointed two Friends, John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter, 
assistants of Markham in the administration,! who are referred 
to in the following letter: — 

WILLIAM PENN TO FRIENDS IN PENNSYLVANIA. 

"Bristol, 24th of 9th month, 1694. 

**Dear Friends and Brethren: — My ancient love without reserve 
salutes and embraces you in the sense of that which has been the root 
of our fellowship, and of all God's people since the world began, in which 
the Lord preserve us to the end. 

" By this you will understand that by the good providence of God, I am 
restored to my former administration of government, which I hope will 
be some relief and comfort to you that have been exercised by the late 
interruption upon us. That things are not just now put into that pos- 
ture as you may reasonably desire, you must not take amiss, for neither 
will the straitness of the times, nor the circumstances we are under to 
the Lords of the Plantations, permit another method at this time. And 
as soon as I can make my way to that which is as much my inclination 
as yours, (and which I hope to do in a short time,) depend upon it, I 
shall do my utmost to make you entirely easy. Accept this part of the 
goodness of God, and wait for the rest. 

" We must creep where we cannot go, and it is as necessary for us, in 
the things of this life, to be wise as to be innocent. A word to the wise 

* State Paper Office, B.T.,Penna., vol. ii. p. 51, f Idem, vol. i. B. A. p. 19. 

J See Penn's commission to Markham, S. P. 0. B. T. Pennsylvania, vol. 1. 
p. 35. Also his commission to .lohn Goodson and Samuel Carpenter, S. P 
0. B. T Pennsylvania, vol. i. p. 39. 



PEACE AND PROSPERITY OF THE COLONY 397 



is enough. My return will, I hope, put an end to all our civil griefs, 
which at least I long for, not for any worldly advantage, but to dis- 
charge a conscience to God and to you, and I hope that shall singly be 
the mark and rule of the remainder of my life, lx)th in this and all other 
things that may attend it, 

" You know, I believe, as well as I, what has been amain obstacle and 
is still, of which S. J.* can be more particular, to whom I have opened 
myself, that he may do so to you, and M'hose integrity I think ought with 
reason to be unquestionable to us both. 

" I cannot tell you here through what difficulties we are come whore we 
are, and I hope you will ]ye sensible of it ; and from thence, satisfied if not 
pleased. As to the present condition of the province, pray be careful 
that the charter be strictly observed, and vice and impiety diligently sup- 
pressed. I have named two assistants that I hope will please you, to 
whom I shall write by this opportunity, to consult you in all the advice 
and consent they shall give from time to time to my cousin Markham in 
the administration of government. 

" I have written largely to you by George Heathcote's brigantine, but- 
she was unhappily taken by the French, and my letters, with the queen's 
letter with the broad seal of revocation of Colonel Fletcher's commission, 
were carried into France. 

" I just now received letters from London that informed me that the 
fleet will not sail until the time called Christmas, so that I hope to en- 
large hereafter, either in this or another letter. f * * * 

From the time William Penn was reinstated in his govern- 
ment, until his arrival in the province in 1699, a period of five 
years, there are no incidents of importance on record concern- 
ing the colony. During this period the paucity of materials 
for history may be considered an evidence of domestic tran- 
(juillity, and there is reason to believe that the colonists of 
Pennsylvania then enjoyed a degree of prosperity and happi- 
ness that seldom falls to the lot of humanity. 

After Penn's acquittal and restoration to his proprietary rights 
in the summer of 1694, there was in the public mind a reaction 
in his favour, and he rose higher than ever in the estimation of his 
friends.J There is now extant a small volume of his sermons, 
delivered at different meeting-houses in London about this time, 

* Probably Samuel Jennings. f Mem. Hist. Soc . Pa. toI. iii. part ii. 

+ Clarkson says, "at this time took place a complete reconciliation with 
his own religious society." But I can find no evidence that he had ever been 
ul varifxnoo with it. See ch;ip. 22 of this work. 
21 



398 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



»vhich having been taken in short-hand and published, afford 
evidence that he had again become an object of public interest. 
In the autumn and winter of the same year, " he travelled, in the 
work of the ministry, in the counties of Gloucester, Somerset, 
Devon, and Dorset, having meetings almost daily in the most 
considerable towns, and other places in those counties, at which 
the people flocked in abundantly, and his testimony to the truth, 
jjnswering to that of God in their consciences, was assented to 
by many."* We have in the memoirs of John Whiting a more 
particular account of a small portion of this journey. He says : 

" This year, in the ninth month, AYilliam Penn came down to Bristol, 
and to CheAv, and had a great meeting at Clareham, and came to m}^ 
house at Wrington, that night, with several other Friends. And next 
day, we \Yent with him on board the Bengal ship, in Kingroad, to din- 
ner; and afterwards, by Westbury to Bristol, on seventh day night, 
where, on first day, were very large meetings. And about two weeks 
after, he went west word, and had large meetings in most of the great 
towns in our county, as also in Devonshire and Dorsetshire. I met him 
at Wells, and went with him to Somerton, where it was some time before 
we could get a place large enough for the meeting — the market-house, 
where the meeting began, though large, not being big enough to hold it; 
and at last, we were glad to go out into the fields ; and a great gathering 
there was. I met him again at Bridgewater, where he had a great meet- 
ing in the town hall, as he had in most places, which the mayors gene- 
rally consented to for the respect they had to him, few places else being 
sufficient to hold the meetings. On the twenty-seventh of tenth month 
he came again to Wrington, and had a large meeting in the court hall." 

The Journal of George Fox being prepared for publication, 
Penn wrote, in the year 1694, a beautiful and elaborate preface 
for it, which was afterward published in a separate form, under 
the title of "A Brief Account of the Rise and Progress of the 
People called Quakers, in which their fundamental principles, 
doctrines, worship, ministry, and discipline are plainly de- 
clared." The testimony he bears to the character of George 
Fox is very remarkable ; the concluding part of it is as follows :f 

**And truly I must say, that though God had visibly clothed him with 

a Divine preference and authority, and indeed his very presence expressed 

a religious majesty, yet he nover abused it; but held his place in the 

church of God with great nitekness, and a most engaging humility and 

* Life prefixed to his Works. f Works, 777. 



AGAIN TRAVELS IN THE MINISTRY. 3D9 



moderation. For upon all uccasioiis, like his blessed Master, he was a 
servant to all ; holding and exercising his eldership in the invisible power 
that had gathered them, with reverence to the head, and care over the 
body; and was received only in that spirit and power of Christ, as the 
first and chief elder in this age: who, as he was therefore worthy of 
double honour, so, for the same reason, it was given by the faithful of 
this day; because his authority was inward and not outward, and that 
he got it and kept it by the love of God, and power of an endless life. I 
write by knowledge, and not report, and my witness is true; Laving 
been with liim for weeks and months together, on divers occasions, and 
those of the nearest and most exercising nature ; and that by night and 
by day, by sea and V)y land, in this and in foreign countries : and I can 
say, I never saw him out of his place, or not a match for every service 
or occasion. 

" For in all things he acquitted himself like a man, yea, a strongman, 
a new and heavenly-minded man, a divine and a naturalist, and all of 
God Almighty's making. I have been surprised at his questions and 
answers in natural things ; that whilst he was ignorant of useless and 
sophistical science, he had in him the grounds of useful and commend- 
able knowledge, and cherished it everywhere. Civil, beyond all forms 
of breeding, in his behaviour ; very temperate, eating little and sleeping 
less, though a bulky person. 

"Thus he lived and sojourned amongst us: and as he lived, so he 
died ; feeling the same eternal power that had raised and preserved him 
in his last moments. So full of assurance was he, that he triumphed 
over death ; and so even in his spirit to the last as if death were hardly 
worth notice, or a mention. Recommending to some of us with him, the 
despatch and dispersion of an epistle, just before given forth by him, to 
the churches of Christ throughout the world, and his own books : But, 
above all, Friends, and of all Friends, those in Ireland and America, 
twice over saying, 'Mind poor Friends in Ireland and America.' And 
to some that came in and inquired how he found himself, he answered, 
' Never heed, the Lord's power is over all weakness and death ; the seed 
reigns, blessed be the Lord,' " 

In 1695, Penn ajraln travelled In the work of the ministry, 
and was present at a public discussion at Melkham, in which 
John Plympton assailed some of the doctrines of Friends. 

From Melkham he proceeded to Warminster and Wrington, 
and thence to Wells, where, by permission of Bishop Kidder, 
arrangements were made for a religious meeting to be held in 
the market-house. 

At the appointed time, the Friends assembled, but were for 



iOO LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



bidden to enter it ; the clerk having been prejudiced against 
them. 

Thej therefore resolved to hold the meeting at the Crown 
Inn, where they had put up, which had a large room and balcony 
fronting the market-house. The Act of Toleration required 
that they should obtain a certificate from the bishop, which or. 
their application he promised to give them. In the mean time, 
the market-house Avas filled with people who had broken into it ; 
but John Whiting desired them to come out and place them- 
selves in the street before the balcony, which they did to the 
number of between two and three thousand. William Penn 
stood in the balcony to preach; but in the midst of his dis- 
course a constable came with a warrant from the mayor, and, 
forcing his way through the crowd, arrested Penn, and hurried 
him away before the magistrates. These, however, finding 
that the meeting had been certified by the bishop, made an 
apology for disturbing a lawful assembly, and immediately dis- 
missed him. 

After this the Friends hired a house at Wells's, and having 
obtained a license according to law, William Penn preached 
without interruption.* 

In the spring of 1696, he again entered the married state. 
He chose for his second wife, Hannah, the daughter of Thomas 
Callowhill, and grand-daughter of Dennis Hollister, both emi- 
nent merchants of Bristol, and members of the Society of 
Friends. 

She proved to be a true help-meet for him, being a woman 
of superior understanding and great prudence. 

About five weeks after this event, he experienced another 
vicissitude from joy to grief, in the loss of his eldest son, who 
died of consumption, in the 21st year of his age. 

Durino; his son's sickness, he was his faithful nurse and 
comforter, he received his dying head on his bosom, and watched 
his parting breath with all the tenderness of parental afi*ection. 
In the following memorial, he has given a touching account of 
his son's early virtues and pious resignation: — 

* Clarkson. 



MEMORIAL OF HIS ELDEST SON. 401 



"SORROW AND JOY IN THE LOSS AND END OF SPRINGETT TENN. 

"Mj very dear child, and eldest son, Springett Pcnn, did from his child- 
hood manifest a disposition to goodness, and gave me hope of a more than 
ordinary capacity ; and time satisfied me in both respects. For, besides 
a good share of learning and mathematical knowledge, he showed a judg- 
ment in the use and application of it much above his years. He had tho 
seeds of many good qualities rising in him, that made him beloved and 
consequently lamented : but especially his humility, plainness, and truth, 
with a tenderness and softness of nature, which if I may say it, were an 
improvement upon his other good qualities. But, though those were no 
security against sickness and death, yet they went a good way to facili- 
tate a due preparation for them. And indeed the good ground that was 
in him showed itself very plainly some time before his illness. For more 
than half a year before it pleased the Lord to visit him with weakness, 
he grew more retired, and much disengaged from youthful delights, 
showing a remarkable tenderness in meetings, even when they were silent ; 
but when he saw himself doubtful as to his recovery, he turned his mini 
and meditations more apparently towards the Lord, secretly, as aUo 
when his attendants were in the room, praying often with great fervency 
to him, and uttering very many thankful expressions and praises to him, 
in a very deep and sensible manner. One day he said to us, 'I am re- 
signed to what God pleaseth. He knows what is best. I would live, if 
it pleased him, that I might serve him ; but, Lord, not my will, but 
thine be done !' 

"A person speaking to him of the things of this world, and what might 
please him when recovered, he answered, 'My eyes look another way, 
where the truest pleasure is.' When he told me he had rested well, and 
I said it was a mercy to him, he quickly replied upon me with a serious, 
yet sweet look, 'All is mercy, dear father ; every thing is mercy.' An- 
other time, when I went to meeting, at parting he said, ' Remember me, 
my dear father, before the Lord. Though I cannot go to meetings, yet 
I have many good meetings. The Lord comes in upon my spirit. I 
have heavenly meetings with him by myself.' 

" Not many days before he died, the Lord appearing V)y his holy power 
upon his spirit, when alone, at my return, asking him how he did, he 
told me, 'Oh, I have had a sweet time, a blessed time! great enjoyments I 
The power of the Lord overcame my soul : a sweet time indeed !' ^ 

"And telling him how some of the gentry, who had been to visit him, 
were gone to their games, and sports, and pleasures, and how little con 
sideration the children of men had of God and their latter end, and how 
much happier he was in this weakness to have been otherwise educated 
and preserved from those temptations to vanity, he answered, ' It is all 
stuff, my dear father : it is sad stuff. Oh that I might live to tell them 
Well mv dear child,' I replied, 'let this be the time of thy enter 
*2l* 5^6 



BO 



402 LIFE OF WILLIAM PKXX. 



ing into secret covenant with God, that, if he raise thee, thou wilt dedi- 
cate thy youth, strength, and life to him and his people and service/ He 
returned, * Father, that is not now to do, it is not now to do,' wdth great 
tenderness upon his spirit. 

" Being ever almost near him, and doing any thing for him he wanted 
or desired, he broke out with much sense and love, ' My dear father, if 
I live, I will make thee amends :' and speaking to him of divine enjoy- 
ments, that the eye of man saw not, but the soul made alive by the spirit 
of Christ plainly felt, he, in a lively remembrance, cried out, 'Oh, I had 
a sweet time yesterday by myself! The Lord hath preserved me to this 
day. Blessed be his name ! My soul praises him for his mercy. Oh, 
father, it is of the goodness of the Lord that I am so well as I am.' Fix- 
ing his eyes upon his sister, he took her by the hand, saying, 'Poor 
'f ishe, look to good things ! Poor child, there is no comfort without it ! 
One drop of the love of God is worth more than all the world. I know 
it, I have tasted it. I have felt as much or more of the love of God in 
this weakness than in all my life before.' At another time, as I stood by 
him, he looked up upon me, and said, ' Dear father, sit by me ! I love thy 
company, and I know thou lovest mine ; and, if it be the Lord's will that 
we must part, be not troubled, for that will trouble me.' 

"Taking something one night in bed, just before his going to rest, he 
sat up and fervently prayed thus : ' Lord God ! Thou whose Son said to 
his disciples, whatever ye ask in my name ye shall receive, I pray thee 
in his name bless this to me this night, and give me rest, if it be thy 
blessed will !' And accordingly he had a very comfortable night, of 
which he took a thankful notice before us the next day. 

"And when he at one time more than ordinarily expressed a desire to 
live, and entreated me to pray for him, he added, 'And, dear father, if 
the Lord should raise me, and enable me to serve him and his people, 
then I might travel with thee sometimes, and we might ease one another, 
(moaning the ministry.) He spoke this with great modesty ; upon which 
I said to him, 'My dear child, if it please the Lord to raise thee, I am 
satisfied it will be so, and if not, then, inasmuch as it is thy fervent de- 
sire in the Lord, he will look upon thee just as if thou didst live to serve 
him, and thy comfort will be the same. So either way it will be well : 
for, if thou shouldst not live, I do verily believe thou wilt have the re- 
compense of thy good desires, without the temptations and troubles that 
vrould attend if long life were granted to thee.' 

" Saying one day thus, ' I am resolved I will have such a thing done,' 
he immediately corrected himself, and fell into this reflection with much 
contrition, 'Did I say. I will? Lord, forgive me that irreverent and 
hasty expression ! I am a poor, weak creature, and live by Thee, and 
therefore I should have said, if it pleaseth Thee that I live, I intend to 
do 80. Lord, forgive my rash expression !' 

♦ Seeing my present wife ready to be helpful and to do any thing for 



MEMORIAL OF HIS ELDEST SON. 403 



him, he turred to her and said, ' Do nut thou do 8o. Let them do it. 
Don't trouble thyself so much for such a poor creature as I am,' And 
taki)\of leave of him a few nights before his end, he said to her, ' Pray for 
me, dear mother ! Thou art good and innocent. It may be the Lord 
may hear thy prayers for me : for I desire my strength again, that I may 
live and employ it more in his service.' 

" Two or three days before his departure, he called his brother to him, 
and looking awfully upon him, said, *Be a good boy, and know that thero 
is a God, a great and mighty God, who is a rewarder (;f ihc righteous, and 
so he is of the wicked, but their rewards are not the same. Have a care 
of idle people and idle company, and love good company and good 
Friends, and the Lord will bless thee. I have seen good things for thoe 
since my sickness, if thou dost but fear the Lord ; and if I should noi 
live, (though the Lord is all-sufficient,) remember what I say to thee, 
when I am dead and gone. Poor child, the Lord bless thee ! Come and 
kiss me !' which melted us all into great tenderness, but his brother more 
particularly. 

" Many good exhortations he gave to some of the servants and others 
that came to see him, who were not of our communion, as well as to 
those who were, which drew tears from their eyes. 

" The day but one before he died he went to take the air in a coach, 
but said on his return, 'Really, father, I am exceeding weak. Thou 
canst not think how weak I am.' ' My dear child,' I replied, ' thou art 
weak, but God is strong, who is the strength of thy life.' ' Ay, that is 
it,' said he, 'which upholdeth me.' And the day before he departed, 
being alone with him, he desired me to fasten the door, and looking 
earnestly upon me, said, ' Dear father ! thou art a dear father ; and I 
know thy Father. Come, let us two have a little meeting, a private 
ejaculation together, now nobody else is here. Oh, "my soul is sensible of 
the love of God !' And, indeed, a sweet time we had. It was like to 
precious ointment for his burial. 

" He desired, if he were not to live, that he might go home to die 
there, and we made preparation for it, being twenty miles fi-om my 
house ; for so much stronger was his spirit than his body, that he spoke- 
of going next day, which was the morning he departed, and a symptom 
it was of his greater journey to his longer home. The morning he left 
us, growing more and more sensible of his extreme weakness, he asked 
me, as doubtful of himself, 'How shall I go home?' I told him in a 
coach. He answered, ' I am best in a coach :' but, observing his decay, 
I said, 'Whv, child, thou art at home everywhere.' 'Ay,' said he, 'so 
I am in the Lord.' I took that opportunity to ask him, if I should re- 
member his love to his friends at Bristol and London. 'Yes, yes,' said 
he, 'my love in the Lord, my love t(^ all friends in the L>rd, and rela- 
tions too.' He said, 'Av, to be sure.' Being asked if he would have 



404 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



his ass's milk or eat any thing, he answered, ' No more outward food, 
but heavenly food is provided for me.' 

"His time drawing on apace, he said to me, 'My dear father, kiss 
me ! Thou art a dear father. I desire to prize it. How can I makt, 
thee amends V 

*' He also called his sister, and said to her, 'Poor child, come and kiss 
me!' between whom seemed a tender and long parting. I sent for his 
brother, that he might kiss him too, which he did. All were in tears 
about him. Turning his head to me, he said, softly, 'Dear father! hast 
thou no hope for me?' I answered, 'My dear child! I am afraid to 
hope, and I dare not despair, but am and have been resigned, though one 
of the hardest lessons I ever learned.' He paused awhile, and, with a 
iomposed frame of mind, he said, 'Come life, come death, I am resigned. 
Oh, the love of God overcomes my soul !' Feeling himself decline apace, 
and seeing him not able to bring up the matter that was in his throat, 
8v»raebody fetched the doctor ; but, as soon as he came in, he said, ' Let 
my father speak to the doctor, and I'll go to sleep ;' which he did, and 
waked no more ; breathing his last on my breast, the tenth day of the 
second month, between the hours of nine and ten in the morning, 1696, 
in his one-and-twentieth year. 

" So ended the life of my dear child and eldest son, much of my com- 
fort and hope, and one of the most tender and dutiful, as well as inge- 
nious and virtuous youths I knew, if I may say so of my own dear child, 
in whom I lose all that any father could lose in a child, since he was 
capable of any thing that became a sober young man, my friend and 
companion, as well as most affectionate and dutiful child. 

"May this loss and end have its due weight and impression upon all 
his dear relations and friends, and upon those to whose hands this ac- 
count may come, for their remembrance, and preparation for their great 
and last change, and I have my end in making my dear child's thus fai 
public. WILLIAM PENN " 



405 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

" Primitive Christianity revived" — "More "Work for George Keith"— In 
terview with Peter, Czar of Muscovy — Letter to the Czar — Lasting im- 
/ pression produced on the Czar — "A Caution concerning the Bill against 
Blasphemy" — Letter to his agents in Pennsylvania — Religious visit to 
Ireland — Half-year meeting at Dublin — Great crowds attend to hear 
Penn — Controversy with Plympton — "Gospel Truths" — William Penn's 
horse seized under an Act against Papists — His clemency towards the 
offenders — T. Story's account of William Penn's eminent services in 
the ministry — Interview with a bishop — William Penn's return home 
— Writes " A Defence of Gospel Truths" — T. Story embarks for Ame- 
rica — His parting interview with William Penn — William Penn pre- 
pares for a voyage to America — Letter of advice to his children — 
Farewell sermon — Letters to Friends in England — He embarks. 

1696-99. 

It was the practice of William Penn, when prevented from 
going abroad by domestic afflictions, to improve the time by 
writing on religious subjects, and soon after the death of his 
eldest son, he produced a treatise entitled, " Primitive Chris- 
tianity Revived in the Faith and Practice of the People called 
Quakers." This work was intended to show that the principles 
of Friends are the same as those of the primitive church, and 
that the life and power of religion, when received in faith and 
obeyed without reserve, will produce thQ same fruits of holi- 
ness as in the morning of the gospel day. 

" At this time George Keith, who had been disowned by 
Friends for his contentious and disorderly behaviour, kept up 
a meeting, with some of his adherents, at Turner's Hall, where, 
under the name of religion, he fostered strife and debate, send- 
ing challenges to Friends to dispute with them, and making 
quotations from their books, such as he himself formerly could 
candidly interpret, and had successfully vindicated against 
other opposers."* To check his contentious spirit, Penn wrote 
a small work, consisting in part of quotations from Keith's owj- 

* Life prefixed to his works. 



406 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



writings, in which the very objections he now raised werfe 
answered by himself. This tract was entitled, " More Work 
for George Keith." 

In the year 1697, Penn had an interview with the Czar of 
Muscovy, since celebrated in history as Peter the Great. This 
enterprising monarch, in order to inform himself concerning 
the arts and manufactures of nations more civilized than his 
own, spent some time in Holland and England, where he de- 
sired to remain incognito, and even wrought with his own hands 
as a ship-carpenter. 

While he was in London, Thomas Story and another Friend 
went to his residence with the intention of presenting him some 
religious books. 

He conversed w4th them through an interpreter, and among 
other questions he asked them, " Of what use can you be in any 
kingdom, seeing you will not bear arms or fight?" Thomas 
Story replied, " Many of us had borne arms in times past, but 
when it pleased God to reveal in our hearts the life and power 
of Jesus Christ, his Son, who is the Prince of Righteousness and 
Peace, whose commandment is love, we were then reconciled 
unto God, one unto another, unto our enemies, and to all men. 
And he that commanded us to love our enemies, hath left us no 
right to fight and destroy, but to convert them. He further 
explained that they were useful citizens, under any govern- 
ment, for their religious principles prohibited idleness ; and 
being engaged in husbandry, manufactures, and merchandising, 
they contributed to public prosperity. And, moreover, they 
felt bound to pay the taxes or assessments laid upon them by 
government, in conformity w4th the example of the Lord Jesus 
Christ, who wrought a miracle to pay a tax to the Roman em- 
peror. The Friends then presented to the Czar two copies of 
Barclay's Apology, in Latin, for which he wished to pay an 
equivalent, but they declined receiving it. 

It being ascertained that the Czar did not understand Latin, 
nor indeed any other language than Russian and German, Wil- 
liam Penn, accompanied by some other Friends, waited on him 
nt Ooptford, where he was at work, in order to present him with 



LETTER TO THE CZAR OF MUSCOVY. 40" 



some books, in German, explanatory of Friends' principles. 
Thej met with a cordial reception, and Pcnn being able to 
converse fluently in German, the interview was satisfactory on 
both sides. 

The Czar became so much interested in Friends, that he 
sometimes attended their meetings at Deptford, behaving as a 
private person, and being very social. Some time after these 
interviews, the following letter was Avritten : — 

\VILLIAM PENN TO THE CZAR OF MUSCOVY. 
" It w<as a profound respect, aud not a vain curiosity, great Czar, which 
brought me twice to wait upon thee. M}' desire was, and is, that as God 
Almighty has distinguished thee above so many millions of thy fellow- 
creatures, so thou mayest distinguish thyself above them by an extraor- 
dinary zeal for piety and charity, which are the two legs the Christian 
religion stands upon ; and where they are wanting or defective, it must 
needs fall in the streets to the scorn and triumph of the heathen. May thy 
example show thee to be as good as great, that thou mayst bear His image 
by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, which, without goodness, 
power itself can never do. Optimus was, of old, preferred to Maximus 
among heathen princes, much more it should be among Christian em- 
perors. If thou wouldst rule well, thou must rule for God : and to do 
tiiat, thou must be ruled by him who has given to kings his grace to 
c >mmand themselves and their subjects, and to the people the grace to 
obey God and their kings. Know, great Czar, and take it with thee, :is 
one part of the collection of knowledge thou art making in this unex- 
ampled travel, that 'tis in this kingdom of England that God has visite<i 
and touched the hearts of a people, above forty years ago, by the holy 
light and grace of his Son and our Saviour Jesus Christ. By which 
their minds have been turned from false worship and evil living to wor- 
ship God, who is a Spirit, in and by his own Spirit, and be led by it in 
their conversation, that they may bring forth the fruits of it among men 
to his praise that has called them. They are an inward and retired 
people, that dare not conform themselves to vain inventions and fashions 
of the world, either in religious or civil conversation, but live and a<;t a^ 
believing that God seeth them in all they do, and will judge them ac- 
cording to what they do. They teach that men must be holy, or they 
cannot be happy— that they should be few in words, peaceable in life, 
suffer wrongs, love enemies, deny themselves — without which, faith is 
false, worship formality, and religion hypocrisy. Yet they are an indus- 
trious people in their generation, and though against superfluity, yet 
lovers of ingenuity. It was in their name five of us came to salute thee, 
who wish thou mayst have an eye to this Divine principle of life and 



408 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



light in the soul, a measure of which is given to thee and all men to pro- 
fit with. That by it piety, wisdom, and charity may dwell with thee, 
and thou mayst be qualified to serve the mighty God suitable to the 
great opportunities he hath put into thy hands, so prays a little man, but 
thy great friend and well-wisher, 

WILLIAM PENN."* 

"7th mo. 2, '98." 

The impression produced upon him by this intercourse with 
Friends in England appears to have been lasting ; for fifteen 
years afterward, being in the city of Frederickstadt in Holstein, 
with an army to assist the Danes against the Swedes, he in- 
quired if there were any Quakers there ? One of the burgo- 
masters told him there were a few : he then asked if they had 
a meeting, and being answ^ered in the affirmative, he desired 
that officer to inform them that if they w^ould appoint a meet- 
ing he w^ould attend it. The burgomaster replied that there 
were thirty soldiers quartered in the meeting-house. The czar 
ordered them to be removed immediately, and the house to be 
put in order ; which being done, the meeting was appointed, 
and he attended with a number of his officers. Philip Defair 
preached, to which they all paid great attention, and the czar 
being better acquainted with the language than the rest, inter- 
preted for them, observing, at the close of the meeting, that 
" whoever could live according to that doctrine would be 
happy, "t 

There being at this time depending in the House of Lords a 
bill against blasphemy, AVilliam Penn presented to the House 
" A caution requisite in its consideration, wherein he show^ed 
the necessity of explaining the Avord blasphemy, that no am- 
biguous interpretation might enable malicious persons to prose- 
cute under that name w^hatsoever they should be pleased to call 
so." After which the House thought proper to drop the bill. J 

In the year 1697, he removed with his family to Bristol, and 
in the spring of the following year he set out for Ireland, in- 
tending to visit his valuable estates in that island ; but the main 
object of his journey appears to have been to labour as a minister 

* The Friend. f Story's Journal, 126 and 494. 

i Life prefixed to his works. 



KEIJCJIOUS VISIT TO IRELAND. 409 



of the gospel, in Avliich he Avas j(»ined by his friends, Thonjas 
Story and John Everot. All that we know of this visit is 
found in the journal of Thomas Story, from whose diffuse nar- 
rative the following condensed account is taken. 

They arrived at Dublin the Gth of the third month, (May,) 
and attende<l the Half-year Meeting there. This meeting is 
described by T. Story as being remarkably harmonious, and 
he adds, '' Great was the resort of people of all ranks and pro- 
fessions to our meetings, chiefly on account of our friend Wil- 
liam Penn, who was ever furnished by the truth with matter 
fully to answer their expectations. Many of the clergy were 
there, and the people, with one voice, spoke well of what they 
heard. And of the clergy, the Dean of Derry was one, who 
being there several times, was asked by his bishop whether he 
heard any thing but blasphemy and nonsense, and whether he 
took off his hat in time of prayer ? He answered that * he 
heard no blasphemy nor nonsense, but the everlasting truth, 
and did not only take off his hat at prayer, but his heart said 
amen to what he heard.' " 

In the interval between the meetings, William Penn visited 
" the Lord Justices of Ireland and the chief ministers of govern- 
ment," not only to pay his respects to those officers, but to 
secure their favour and protection to Friends. At Dublin he 
again encountered John Plympton, the Baptist disputant, whom 
he had met at Melksham three years before. Plympton had 
just published an abusive paper against Friends in general, 
and William Penn in particular, which the Baptists of that city 
disapproved and disowned. He also issued a paper, intitled, 
'' The Quaker no Christian," which William Penn answered by 
a tract under the title of " The Quaker a Christian," and he 
further vindicated his principles by a tract called, " Gospel 
Truths," which was signed by himself and three others.* 

From Dublin they went to Wexford, and thence to Lambs- 
town, where they wrote an epistle to the Yearly Meeting of 
London, signed by William Penn, John Everot, and Thomas 
Story, which relates to their labours in the ministry of the 
gospel, and the state of the society in that nation. 



410 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



They next proceeded to Waterford in company with a num- 
ber of Friends, and on their way, when about to cross a river, 
their horses were seized by six dragoons, who were acting under 
orders from their officers. This seizure was made under a 
tyrannical law of the Irish Parliament, which prohibited any 
Papist from keeping a horse above the value of five guineas, 
and directed that all should be regarded as Papists who declined 
to take the oaths prescribed. 

William Penn's horse and that of his son, with two others, 
being the most valuable in the company, were seized, and had 
to be recovered by a replevin. On reaching Waterford, he 
wrote to " the Lords Chief Justices of Ireland," complaining of 
the abuse, and they issued an order under which the officers 
were confined to their chambers for some weeks, until released 
by the intercession of Penn, who believing them to be sensible 
of their error, evinced his wonted clemency by forgiving them. 

After attending a large and satisfactory meeting at Water- 
ford, they went to the Barony of Imokelley, where lay a great 
part of William Penn's Irish estates, including the Castle of 
Shangarry. Thence they proceeded " to the Barony of Ibaune 
and Barryroe, to view the rest of his estates in those parts. ' ' 

At Cork and Brandon they had good meetings, attended by 
large numbers of all ranks and professions. Here they were 
informed, by letters from England, that some members of their 
society had, during William Penn's absence, made a base attack 
upon his character, even in the Yearly Meeting of London, 
which had just been held. "But this," says Tliomas Story, 
" was done by a shameless and implacable party, being moved 
by envy at the honour and dignity which the Most High had 
been pleased to confer on him." He adds, that soon after 
receiving these tidings, they had another large and crowded 
meeting at Cork, where all who had heard of " those evil sug- 
gestions made at London, might be assured that they spring 
from a false and evil root, for the Lord was pleased to clothe 
William that day with majesty, holy zeal, and divine wisdom, 
to the great satisfaction of Friends and the admiration and 
applause of the people." After attending meetings at Charly- 



INTERVIEW WITH A BISHOP. 411 



Diill, Limerick, Birr, Mount Mellick, Edenderry, Lurfren, and 
Dublin, they came to Cashel. Here they had a meeting at- 
tended by a great concourse of all ranks and persuasions. 

Soon after it was opened, and while John Vaughton was 
preaching, the mayor and constable came, by direction of the 
bishop, and in the king's name commanded them to disperse. 
John Vaughton informed him that he had an interview witli 
the king, before he left England, who was pleased to say, " that 
if any persons disturbed them in the exercise of their religious 
liberties, to make it known to him, and he would protect them." 
" Thou art," he said, disturbing our meeting ; but whetlicr 
we should obey thee without law, or believe the king's word, 
let all that hear judge." The people kept their places, and 
Thomas Story then commenced speaking, when the mayor at- 
tempted to pull him down, but could not reach him by reason 
of the crowed. At this juncture, William Penn, who was in an 
adjoining apartment, sent for the mayor, whom he treated with 
the respect due to his station, but desired him to retire and let 
the bishop know that he would see him at his own house after 
meeting was over, desiring the bishop's patience till then, which 
the mayor did accordingly. William Penn then went into the 
meeting, w^hich was held to general satisfaction, and after it 
was ended, he waited on the bishop to expostulate with him 
for his unkind and illegal interference. The bishop could not 
justify what he had done, but said, by way of excuse, that he 
went that morning to church to perform his oflSce as usual, and 
when there, he had nobody to preach to but the mayor, church- 
wardens, some of the constables, and the walls — the people 
being all gone to the Friends' meeting, "which I confess," 
said he, '' made me a little angry, and I sent the mayor and 
constables with that message, in hope, by that means, to linv<« 
a greater auditory, though I have no ill-will to you, or those 
of your profession." 

After this conversation, they parted in seeming friendship ; 
but the bishop, in order to justify his uidawful proceedings^, 
wrote to the Earl of Galloway and the other lords justices ot 
Ireland, stating that "Mr. Penn and the Quakers had gathered 



412 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



together in that phice so many armed Papists and such a vast 
multitude of people, that it struck a terror into him and into 
the town, and, not knowing what might be the consequence of 
such an appearance, he had sent the mayor and the magis- 
trates to disperse them." This letter was shown by the earl 
to William Penn, when he afterwards visited Cork, which gave 
him an opportunity to relate the circumstances and set the 
bishop's conduct in its true light. 

Having been more than three months in Ireland, chiefly en- 
gaged in religious services, Penn and his companions embarked 
for England, and returned to his residence in Bristol, "with 
thankful hearts to the Lord and Giver of all our mercies."* 

During some months after his return, he was engaged in 
writing a treatise in defence of Friends' principles. It is 
called "A Defence of a Paper entitled Gospel Truths, against 
the Exceptions of the Bishop of Cork's Testimony." When 
he was in Ireland, he made a friendly visit to that prelate, 
and, believing him to be moderate and reasonable, he presented 
him with a copy of his declaration, called "Gospel Truths." 
The bishop, soon after, published a severe criticism on it, 
wherein he says, "I must tell you the declaration of your 
faith comes so short of what is required from people to deno- 
minate them Christians, that, except under each article you 
believe more than you have declared, you cannot be accounted 
Christians." Penn's defence is calm and respectful, but co- 
gent, and sometimes caustic ; showing that the bishop had 
made* unjust inferences from the omissions in the paper called 
"Gospel Truths," which was not intended to be a full expo- 
sition of Friends' principles, but a brief declaration on a single 
sheet concerning some important points on which their views 
had been misrepresented. 'f 

Thomas Story having embarked for America, in the latter 
part of autumn 1698, many of his friends went aboard the 
ship, near Deptford, to take leave of him, and among them 
t!ame William Penn, who, "after they had sat together in so- 
lemn silence, appeared in supplication for the well-being and 

* T. Story's Journal, 127 to 146. f Life prefixed to his works. 



LETTER TO AGENTS TN PIIILADELPIirA. 413 



preservation of all present, in reverent thankfulness for all 
the favours of God, and especially for the precious enjoyment 
of his Divine presence which they then experienced."* 

The province of Pennsylvania had, for some years past, en- 
joyed a state of tranquillity and prosperity ; but accounts had 
reached England that illicit trade was tolerated there, pirates 
harboured, and vice permitted to go unpunished. These exag- 
gerated or unfounded reports being communicated by Penn to 
his agents in the province, called forth, in the year 1698, a 
proclamation from the governor and council ; in which, after 
denying the accusations concerning illicit trade and harbouring 
pirates, they admitted that the drinking- houses in Philadelphia 
were too numerous, and they exhorted the magistrates to en- 
force the laws, and to suffer none to keep ordinaries or inns 
who would not observe order and discourage vice.f 

In the same year, the proprietary, having drawn bills upon 
his agents in the province for about X300, was informed that 
they remained unpaid, wdiereupon he wrote to them as follows : 

"2d 3d mo., '98. 
"Loving Friends: — I am surprised to hear my bills for three hundred 
and odd pounds should be refused. Is not my right by public obligation 
to six hundred pounds, in consideration of the law I relinquislied of cus- 
toms ;J my expenses in coming over and prosecuting the dispute with 
Lord Baltimore, which held near a year ; all my expenses in two years' 
withstanding of Edward Randall, &c., at my great charge ; and, last of 
all, my quitrents, of which I have not seen for twelve years one six- 
pence : I say, are not all these credit enough to give a governor and pro- 
prietor, too, his bills acceptance, or honour at least, for three hundred 
and odd pounds ? But in my own country to suffer that disgrace upon 
me, I cannot but think it hard and unworthy, and without examplo. 
These are, therefore, to desire you, forthwith, to call in my rents, and 
pay the said money, £318, and £157 ten shillings more, to the order of 
Philip Ford, who has assisted me here, and that with all the speed you 
3an, I entreat you. It must be in English sterling. I hope, this sum- 

* T. Story's Journal. t Troud. 

J This is supposed to refer to an obligation that had been executed tc him 

by S. Carpenter, J. Soughurst, Gr. Jones, and others, for £G00, to be paid 

to him by the province as a consideration for his relinquishing certain im 

posts or customs. This letter is copied from a lithographe 1 fac simile done 

in Baltimore. 

2K* 



414 LIFE OF WILLIAM PKXX. 



nier, to be with you, and shall gladly acknowledge your love and care 
herein : so, with my love that changes not to you, I end. 

''Your real friend, WM. PENN.'* 

The Society of Friends had now enjoyed, for some years, a re- 
spite from persecution ; but they still had painful evidence that 
there were those among the clergy of the established church 
who envied them the enjoyment of their religious liberty. 

In the year 1699, a discussion was held at West Dereham, 
in Norfolk, between some clergymen and the Friends, in which 
the former, being foiled and disappointed of a triumph, grew 
angry, and, being desirous to accomplish by the magistrate's 
sword what they could not achieve by argument, they pub- 
lished a pamphlet, called "A Brief Discovery," in which they 
misrepresented the principles and practices of Friends. In 
order to counteract the indulgence they enjoyed, with others, 
under the Act of Toleration, the authors of this abusive work 
presented it formally to the king and Parliament. This called 
forth from William Penn the following brief reply, viz : — 

" It does not surprise us to be evilly treated, and especially by those 
who have an interest in doing it ; but, if conscience prevailed more than 
contention, and charity overruled prejudice, we might hope for fairer 
quarter from our adversaries. 

"But such is our'unhappiness, that nothing less will satisfy them than 
breaking in upon the indulgence which we enjoy, if they could persuade 
the government to second their attempts to a new persecution ; in order 
to which, we perceive they have been hard at work to pervert our books, 
violate our sense, abuse our practice, and ridicule our persons ; knowing 
very well with whom they have to do, and that the patience of our pro- 
fession is their security in abusing it. 

" However, if it has weight enough with our superiors to make them 
expect a fresh defence of our principles and practices, we shall, with 
God's assistance, be ready, for their satisfaction, once more to justify 
both against the insults of our restless adversaries, who, otherwise, we 
take leave to say, would not deserve our notice, since we have already 
repeatedly answered their objections in print, and think it our duty, as 
well as wisdom, to use the liberty the government has favoured us with 
in as peaceable and inoflfensive a manner as may b \ 

"WILLIAM PENN," 

He now prepared to fulfil his long cherished purpose of re- 
moving with his family to Pennsylvania for a permanent resi- 



E.MIiAKKS F<»I( AMEKICA. 41'] 



dence. Previous to his embarkation, he composed a letter of 
advice to his children, "relating to their civil and religious 
conduct," which abounds with just and beautiful sentiments. 

On the 13th of the sixth month, (August, 0. S.,) he preached 
a "farewell sermon," at Friends' meeting-house, Westminster, 
which, being taken down and printed soon after, is still extant. 
The following extract may serve as a specimen : — " He that 
made us, knows our frame. He that created us and formed 
and fashioned us after his own image, and gave us powers and 
faculties to glorify and serve him, that we may come to enjoy 
him for ever, requires of no man or Woman more than he hath 
given them power or ability to perform. It concerneth us all, 
therefore, to live in the exercise of that Divine gift, and grace 
and ability which our Lord Jesus Christ hath distributed and 
communicated to every member of his body, that we may come 
to shine as stars in the firmament of glory. We should do 
good in our several places and stations, according to our dif- 
ferent powers and capacities. And as every member is, by the 
circulation of the blood, made useful and beneficial in the na- 
tural body, so the Divine life and blood of the Son of God circu- 
lates through his whole mystical body and reaches life to every 
living member. Here is no obstruction through unfaithfulness 
or inordinate love of the world, or any temptation from with- 
out us, or corruption from within us. Here is a free channel, 
here is an open passage for life and quickening influences from 
Christ, our glorious Head, in all his members. There is in 
Christ (in whom the fulness of the Godhead dwells bodily) a 
river whose streams make glad the city of God, a fountain to 
supply and refresh the whole generation of the righteous that 
desire to be found in him, (as the apostle speaks,) not having 
their own righteousness, but clothed with the robe of his right- 
eousness, which is the garment of salvation."* 

On the 9th of the 7th month, (September, 0. S.,) 1699, he 
sailed from Cowes in the Isle of Wight, having, two days pre- 
viously, addressed, from on board the ship, an epistle to the 
members of his own religious society, which concludes as fol- 
* ''The Friend," published in London. 



416 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



lows: — "I must leave you, but I can never forget you; for my 
love to you has been even as David's and Jonathan's, above 
the love of women : and suffer me to say that, to my power, I 
have, from the first, endeavoured to serve you, (and my poor 
country,) and that at my oivn cliarge%^ with an upright mind, 
however misunderstood and treated by some, whom I heartily 
forgive. Accept you my services ; and ever love and remem- 
ber, my dear friends and brethren, your old, true, and affec- 
tionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ Jesus, 

"William Penn." 

Previous to his embarkation, the Friends in England gave 
liim three certificates addressed to the meetings of Friends in 
Pennsylvania, which may be seen in the first Book of Records 
of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. 

These documents show that he was in full unity with the 
meetings of his own society, and greatly beloved among them. 

The first certificate is from "the Second-Day's Meeting of 
Ministering Friends" in London ; which, after alluding to his 
eminent services in the gospel ministry, his successful efforts 
in pleading the cause of the oppressed, his tribulations, arising 
from the malice of his enemies, and his meekness in forgiving 
them, concludes by stating that he parted with their meeting 
in great love, and was in true unity as an approved minister 
»>f Christ. 

The second is from the "Men's Meeting of Friends in the 
City of Bristol," where he had been for some time residing. It 
expresses their great reluctance to part with him, and their high 
esteem for him " as a man, a good Friend, and. a true Christian." 

The third, being a full and beautiful expression of Christian 
fellowship, is here subjoined. 

From our Monthly Meeting held at Horsham, Old England, 

14th of 6th mc, 1699. 

" To the churches of Christ in Pennsylvania, and to all the faithful 

Friends and brethren unto whom this may come. In the covenant of 

life and fellowship of the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in the 

unity of the one Eternal Spirit of our God, we dearly salute you; most 

earnestly desiriiig your everlasting prosperity in the blessed Truth. 

*' Now, dear friends and brethren, whereas our worthy friend and 



PENN LANDS AT CHESTER. 417 



elder, William Penn, did acquaint our Monthly Men's Meeting with his 
intended voya,:;e into his province of Pennsylvania, and although we are 
right sensible that he needeth no letter of recommendation from us to 
pass into his own country, yet, at his request, and for the good order's 
sake that God hath established in his church and amongst his people, 
and for the sincere love we bear to our well-esteemed friend, we could do 
no less than give this small token of our unity and communion with him, 
as a testimony for him and his service in the church of Christ; wherein 
he hath been a worthy and blessed instrument in the hand of the Lord, 
both in his ministry and conversation, and hath always sought the pros- 
perity of the blessed truth, and peace and concord in the church of 
Christ ; and hath walked amongst us in all humility, godly sincerity and 
true brotherly love, to our great refreshment and comfort: who hath, 
with much labour and great travail, on all occasions endeavoured the 
defence of truth against its opposers, and the preservation of true unity 
and good order in the church of Christ. So, in the unity of the one 
Eternal Spirit, which is the bond of true peace, we take our leave of 
him, with earnest breathings and supplications to the great God, whom 
the winds and seas obey, that he would mercifully be pleased to go along 
with him, and conduct him by the angel of His divine presence, to his 
desired port, and preserve him to the end of his days ; and in the end, 
that he may receive an immortal crown, and be bound up in the bundle 
of life amongst them that have turned many to righteousness, who shine 
as the sun in the firmament of God's eternal power, for ever and ever, 
amen/' 



CHAPTER XXX. 

William Penn lands at Chester — Sad accident to a young man — William 
Penn's charity — He lands at Philadelphia — Yellow fever in tliat city — 
Letter of J. Logan to William Penn, Jr. — Xotice of J. Logan — Col. 
Quarry and David Lloyd — Residence in Philadelphia — His employ- 
ments — Meeting of assembh" — Speech to the council — A new charter 
desired — Laws proposed concerning marriages of negroes, and selling 
rum to Indians — Col. Quarry's charges against D. Lloyd — D. L. ex- 
cluded from council — His enmity to William Penn — Old charter given 
up — Speech on the occasion. 

1699-1700. 
It was a joyful day to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania when 
the ship Canterbury was announced, bearing to their shores 
the illustrious founder of the colony ; who, after an absence 

27 



418 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



of fifteen years, had come with his family, intending to make 
it his permanent home. 

After a tedious voyage of more than three months, the ship 
arrived at Chester, on the 1st day of the 10th month, (Decem- 
ber, 0. S. 1699.) On the evening previous, William Penn 
came up in his barge to the house of Lydia Wade, near Ches- 
ter, where he arrived after dark ; and there, being met by his 
friend Thomas Story, they spent some time in social converse 
and lodged together.* 

The next day they went over Chester Creek in a boat, and, 
as the governor landed, some young men, contrary to the ex- 
press orders of the magistrates, fired a salute "with two small 
sea-pieces of cannon." On loading one of the guns a second 
time, one of the young men threw in a cartridge of powder 
before the piece was sponged, w^hich taking fire, his left hand 
and arm were shot in pieces. A surgeon being sent for from 
on board a ship lying at anchor before the town, he found it 
necessary to amputate the arm.f 

This untoward accident must have greatly marred the plea- 
sure of the governor's reception. So deeply was he interested 
for the sufierer, that he paid the expenses of the surgical aid, 
and continued to advance money for his relief and support, as 
appears by entries on the Proprietary Cash Book of various 
sums paid "for B. Bevan of Chester, who lost his arm." The 
last of these entries shows the sad termination of this affair ; 
It is on "April 20th, for his funeral charges."t 

After exchanging salutations with his friends in Chester, 
the governor again went on board, and the ship proceeded to 
Philadelphia, where he was greeted by the inhabitants with joy 
and respect. The city had lately been visited by that dread- 
ful epidemic the yellow fever, which carried off many of the 
inhabitants and spread a general gloom over the community. 

Thomas Story speaks of its effects in the following terms : 
*^In this distemper had died, six, seven, and sometimes eight a 
day, for several weeks ; there being few houses, if any, free 

* T. Story's Journal. f Ibid. 

X Mem. Hist. Soc. Ta. Fisher's Private Life of Penn. 



HIS RECEPTION AT PHILADELPHIA. 419 



of the sickness. Great was the majesty and hand of the Lord ! 
great was the fear that fell upon all flesh ! I saw no lofty or 
airy countenance, nor heard any vain jesting to move men to 
laughter, nor witty repartee to move men to mirth ; nor extra- 
vagant feasting to excite the lusts and desires of the flesh 
above measure. But every face gathered paleness, and many 
hearts were humbled, and countenances fallen and sunk, as 
such that waited every moment to be summoned to the bar 
and numbered to the grave." 

While the disease was most prevalent, the time arrived for 
Friends to hold their yearly meeting, and some wished to post- 
pone it till a more healthy season ; but the sentiment prevailed 
that there was no authority in individuals or subordinate meet- 
ings to change the time; and advices were issued that "such 
only should attend as were concerned in the service of the 
meetings, because of the great infection and the incapacity of 
Friends and inns in town to lodge and entertain them." The 
meeting was held with great solemnity and power ; the fear of 
contagion being much taken away, and the consolations of the 
gospel abundantly experienced. It was remarked that " there 
was not one taken ill during the whole time of the meeting, 
either of those that came there on that account, or of the peo- 
ple of the town."* 

Before the landing of William Penn and his family, the 
fever had ceased, and nothing could be better adapted to dispel 
the gloom that remained, than the long-desired arrival of their 
beloved and venerated governor. The circumstances attending 
his reception in Philadelphia are related in a letter from James 
Logan to William Penn, Jr., then in England, who was the 
only surviving son of the founder by his first wife. In order 
that the reader may fully understand this interesting letter, a 
brief account of the writer, and of two characters mentioned 
in it. Col. Quarry and David Lloyd, appears to be requisite, 
more especially as they will be introduced frequently hereafter, 
in connection with the afi'airs of the province. 

James Logan was born at Lurgan, in Ireland, in 1674 ; his 
parents were from Scotland, where their valuable estates were 



420 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



confiscated under a charge of participation in the conspiracy 
of the Earl of Gowrie. His talents must have been early de- 
veloped, for " he speaks of having attained a knowledge of 
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, before he was thirteen years of 
age, and also that in his sixteenth year, having met with a 
book of Laybourn's on mathematics, he made himself master 
of that science without any instruction." 

His father, having gone to Bristol, was employed in teach- 
ing, where James, being his assistant in the school, continued 
to improve himself in the classics, and learned the French and 
Italian languages, as well as some Spanish. In the year 1698 
he engaged in a trade between Dublin and Bristol ; but Wil- 
liam Penn having proposed to him to accompany him to Penn- 
sylvania as his secretary, he accepted the offer, and came over 
with him in the ship Canterbury in 1699. He was secretary 
of the province, commissioner of property, for some time 
president of the council, and afterwards chief justice of 
Pennsylvania. Notwithstanding his numerous employments, 
he found time to cultivate his taste for literature and science : 
he wrote some scientific works, corresponded with the literati 
of Europe, and received at his seat of Stenton all strangers 
of distinction who visited the province. He patronized men 
of genius and learning, and collected a valuable library, which 
he bequeathed to the Library Company of Philadelphia. 

He was educated as a Friend, and highly esteemed for his 
virtues ; but in one important point he differed from the so- 
ciety, being an advocate for military defences. 

His sagacity, prudence, and knowledge of business rendered 
him of great service to William Penn, to whom he was a wise 
counsellor and steadfast friend. 

Their voluminous correspondence is still preserved at Sten- 
ton, and a copy of it, transcribed by the late Deborah Logan,* 
with her interesting annotations, has been placed in the archives 
of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. 

In personal appearance James Loganf was tall and well pro- 

* Widow of Dr. George Logan, who died at Stenton in 182L 
f Logan MSS. and Watson's Annals. 



COLONEL QUARRY — DAVID LLOYD. 421 



portioned, with a graceful yet grave demeanour. His manner 
was dignified, yet kind and engaging. 

Col. Robert Quarry was for many years the determined op- 
ponent of the proprietary interest, and gave much annoyance 
to William Penn. 

He was a member of the church of England and Judge of 
the Admiralty, a court established by the British government 
in her American colonies, for the adjudication of maritime 
causes, and with the purpose of enforcing her navigation laws, 
which prohibited a direct trade with foreign countries. The 
official station of Col. Quarry, and that of John Moore, advo- 
cate in the same court, rendered them independent of the 
proprietary and of the colonial legislature, whose views and 
interests it was their study to thwart in every possible way, 
but especially by complaints and exaggerated reports, trans- 
mitted to the Board of Trade in London. 

Before the arrival of Penn, several of these injurious state- 
ments had been forwarded to the British government, charging 
the colonial authorities with harbouring pirates, and tolerating 
illicit trade, as well as complaining that oaths were not exacted 
in the courts, nor military defences provided for the colony. 

William Penn, by his influence with "the Lords of the Com- 
mittee of Trade and Plantations," had succeeded in baffling 
their designs, and now, being desirous to promote the harmony 
and welfare of the province, he felt inclined to overlook past 
offences and to cultivate friendly relations with all. 

David Lloyd was a Welshman by birth ; he had been a cap- 
tain in Cromwell's army, and was by profession a lawyer. 

He emigrated to Pennsylvania at an early date, and was 
commissioned by Penn as attorney-general for the pronnce, 
in the year 1686. He was a man of considerable abilities, 
and in private life bore a fair character, but in his public career 
he was a disturber that knew no peace himself, nor permitted 
any to others. Affecting to be the cliampion of popular rights 
he had great influence with the people, whose confidence he 
abused by leading many of them into factious opposition to 
the government,* and defeating some of the most salutary 

,fj * Proud, Watson, and Log^a MSS. 



422 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



measures proposed bj the proprietary. He was not mimical 
to the interests of Penn, until about the year 1700, when, as 
stated in the following letter, he took some offence, and became 
ever after his implacable adversary, although belonging to the 
same religious communion. 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN, JR. 

" Philadelphia, 7 mo. 25th, 1700. 

*• The highest terms I could use would hardly give you an idea of the 
expectation and welcome that thy father received from the most of the 
honester party here : Friends generally concluded that after all their 
troubles and disappointments, this province novr scarce wanted anything 
more to render it completely happy. The faction that had long con- 
tended to overthrow the settled constitution of the government received 
an universal damp, yet endeavoured what mischief they could by speak- 
ing whispers, that the proprietary could not act as governor, without the 
king's approbation, and taking an oath as obliged by act of Parliament ; 
but that in a great measure soon blew over. Colonel Quarry, judge, and 
John Moore, advocate, of the Admiralty, the two ringleaders, went 
down to the water side among the crowd to receive the governor at his 
landing, who not seeming to regard the very submissive welcome they 
gave him, and taking notice of an old acquaintance that stood by them, 
expected nothing but almost as open hostility from the proprietary as 
they were at before with Col. Markham, especially having heard that 
copies of Col. Quarry's letters to the Admiralty at home against the 
governor were also brought over. 

" Directly from the wharf the governor went to his deputy's, paid him 
a «!hort formal visit, and from thence, with a crowd attending, to meet- 
ing, it being about three o'clock on first-day afternoon, where he spoke 
on a double account to the people, and praying, concluded it ; from thence 
to Edward Shippen's, where we lodged for about a month. 

" For two or three days the governor seemed to admire at Col. Quarry's 
distance, and perceiving that he was not like to come pay a civil visit as 
might be expected, sent me to him with an inviting compliment, with 
which he presently complied, and entered into a very familiar conversa- 
tion with the governor, who endeavoured to make it appear that he would 
treat all parties with equal civility and regard in this province, that were 
not directly injurious to him, confessed he believed there was occasion 
^iven for the complaint that went home ; blamed the mal-administration 
uf affairs in some particulars, relative to the king, and resolved to have 
a hearing of the whole matter before himself and council. The two per- 
8ons chiefly struck at by Quarry, was the lieutenant-governor and David 
Uoyd attorney-general ; a man very stiff in all his undertakings, of a 



SLATE-ROOF HOUSE. 423 



sound judgment, and a good lawyer, but extremely pprtinacious and 
somewhat revengeful: he, at that time was one of the council, and those 
mighty wrongs that had been put on the king coming to be debated 
there, David resolutely defended all that had been done, and too highly 
opposed the governor's resolution of composing all by mildness and 
moderation, and reconciling all animosities by his own intervention, 
which he thought the only advisable expedient to put an end to those 
differences that had cost him so much trouble. This soon created some 
small misunderstanding, several of the most noted Friends were involved 
more or less in David's business, and, though troubled at his stiffness, yet 
wished him in the right, because the most active enemy and assiduous 
counsellor against the other party, who on all occasions would be glad, 
they thought, of their utter ruin. His obstinacy the governor could by 
no means brook ; he could not but think there was more deference and 
consideration due to his character and station ; the other knew not what 
it was to bend, he was engaged in the cause, and would stand or fall bj 
it, offering to plead it at Westminster Hall, but the governor, who was 
most sensible of the pulse of the court and affairs in general at home, 
knew this course would never take, and therefore was sometimes warm 
enough to inveigh highly against past proceedings, not sparing several 
in express words that were concerned in them, and laying open in large 
discourse what would be the consequence, if they took not some more 
effectual ways to satisfy superiors at home, who, perhaps, would be very 
well pleased with any occasion, by whatsoever hand administered, to 
wrench the government out of the proprietor's hands and throw it oU 
the king." 

" Friends' love to the governor was great and sincere ; they had long 
mourned for his absence and passionately desired his return. lie, they 
firmly believed, would compose all their difficulties and repair all that 
was amiss. 

It appears, from the foregoing letter, that the governor and 
his family, with his secretary, James Logan, went, on their ar- 
rival, to lodge at Edward Shippen's, where they remained about 
a month. Penn then took a house known as the slate-roof 
house, on Second street, between Chestnut and AValnut, at the 
south-east corner of Norris's alley.* Here was born, about two 
months after they landed, his son John, the only one of his chil- 
dren born in this country, and therefore called *'the American." 
The house is still standing, and though it presents a lowly ap- 
pearance in comparison with the stately mansions since erected 

* Watson's Annals. 



424 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PENN. 



in its vicinity, it will ever be regarded with deep interest by the 
antiquarian. Who can look at this venerable building, humble 
and degraded as it now appears, without feeling the influence 
of cherished associations, which bring before the mind's eye the 
long-vanished images of former scenes, when the founder of 
Pennsylvania passed through these doors, entertained his friends 
in these apartments, or partook here, with his family, the com- 
forts and enjoyments of domestic life? 

From the Colonial Records, and the Journal of Thomas Story, 
we can trace th'e movements of Governor Penn during nearly 
the whole winter of 1699-1700. He landed at Chester on 
the 1st of 10th month, (December, 0. S.,) was probably at Phila- 
delphia tlie next day, returned to Chester on the 15th to attend 
the Quarter Sessions, was Avith Thomas Story at various religious 
meetings in Pennsylvania and New Jersey during the winter 
months, and during the same season attended twenty-two meet^ 
ings of the provincial council, besides meeting the assembly in 
the 11th month, (January,) to obtain the passage of an act 
against piracy and illicit trade — a law considered necessary, in 
order to clear the colony of the injurious and mischievous re- 
ports that had been transmitted to the British government. 

An election for members of council and assembly having 
taken place agreeably to the provisions of the charter, the coun- 
cil met in Philadelphia the 1st of the 2d month, (April,) 1700, 
and having individually subscribed a declaration of fidelity to 
the king and the proprietary, they were addressed by William 
Penn in the following speech: — * 

" Friends : — Though this be a colony of nineteen years' standing, and 
not inferior to any of its age and establishing, yet we have much to do 
to make a free constitution and the courts of justice therein. There are 
in it some laws which may be accounted obsolete, others hurtful, others 
impei'fect, that will need improvement ; and it will be requisite to make 
some new ones. We cannot go too slowly to make them, nor too fast 
to execute them when made, and that with diligence and discretion. A 
few well made, and duly executed, will better answer the ends of govern- 
ment than a great bulk unexecuted. You, friends, are the people's 
•jhoice and my council. You will see what laws are fit to be left out, 

* Colonial Records, i. 568, and Mem. H. S. Pa. ii. part ii. 187. 



ADDRESS TO THE COUNCIL. 



and what are fit to be made; and you, with me, are to prepare and pro- 
pose them : I say this the rather, because of a false notion some have 
got, that Itocause you are my council, therefore, you are not the people's 
representatives. The a])lest men have always been chosen to be of the 
council to prepare the laws, and the assembly are to consent to them. 
Though two bodies, yet are we but one power — the one prepares, the 
other consents. Friends, if in the constitution by charter there be any 
tiling that jars, alter it. If you want a law for this or that, prepare it ; 
I advise you not to trifle with government : I wish there were no need 
of any ; but since crimes prevail, government is made necessary by man's 
degeneracy. Government is not an end, but a means ; he who thinks it 
to be an end, aims at profit, to make a trade of it ; but he who thinks it to 
be a means, understands the true end of government. Friends, away 
with all parties, and look on yourselves, and on what is good for all as a 
body politic ; first as under the king and crown of England ; and next 
as under me by letters-patent from that crown. At the late election in 
Philadelphia, I was grieved to hear some make it a matter of religion. 
It is merely a humane and moral thing relating to society, trade, traffic, 
and public good; consisting in virtue and justice ; where these are main- 
tained, there is government indeed. Study peace and be at unity. 
Provide for the good of all ; and I desire to see mine no otherwise than 
in the public's prosperity. The last assembly made two laws against 
piracy and forbidden trade. I hear they have not sat easy on the books 
of some ; but I hope we having therein been careful, we shall have thanks 
for making them before we had orders so to do ; and after so many calum- 
nies and complaints we have been loaded with, I hope those two laws 
will, in some degree, wash us clean. What concerns myself I also leave 
it with you to consider. I have been now nineteen years your proprietor 
and governor, and have at my charge maintained my deputy, whereby I 
have much worsted myself and estate. I hope it will be no wonder to 
any here to hear me make this mention of it. Some say I come to get 
money and be gone, but perhaps they that say so, wish it so ; I hope I 
or mine shall be with you while I or they live. The disasters of my ab- 
sence have been mine as well as yours ; and, as I am used, shall make 
suitable returns. I have lately two packets from Whitehall, an origina' 
and a duplicate ; also one for my cousin Markham, and two from Secre- 
tary Vernon; and am commanded by the Lords Justices to make laws 
against piracy and unlawful trade. I am glad we have prevented their 
commands in doing it before they came." 

After the delivery of the governor's speech, a motion was 

made by a member of council, that they might have a new 

charter; the governor asked them '-whether tliey thought the 

old charter was living, dead, or asleep;" is it, said he, "vacated 

2L* 



\20 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



by the act of settlement, or what state is it in ?" After some of 
the members had expressed their opinions that the fundamental 
principles of the old charter were still in force, the governor 
said: "The act of settlement served till I came; now I am 
come it cannot bind me against my own act, the charter, it being 
my grant, and the people my witness by their acceptance of it, 
and tho' some violence cannot be resisted, yet when the violence 
is taken off the charter returns, and how can it return but by 
writ?" He then resolved all the members of council into a 
grand committee, to meet in the afternoon "to read the charter 
and frame of government, to keep what is good, in either, to 
lay aside what is inconvenient and burdensome, and to add to 
both what may best suit the common good."* 

A^mong the measures proposed by the governor, was one 
"about the marriages of negroes," and another to prohibit the 
sale of rum to the Indians. 

These benevolent measures were agreed to by the council, 
but rejected by the assembly. 

At a meeting of council in the spring of 1700, Col. Robert 
Quarry brought a charge against David Lloyd for irreverent 
speeches and gestures, "against the broad seal of England 
and the king's picture,'" and being required to reduce his 
charges to writing, he deposed that "the said David Lloyd, at 
a country court where the marshal produced his letters-patent, 
with the broad seal of the high court of Admiralty attached, and 
the said patent having on the frontispiece his most sacred 
majesty's effigy stampt; the said David Lloyd, in a most inso- 
lent manner, taking the said commission in his hand and expos- 
ing it to the people said, ' What is this ? do you think to scare 
us with a great box (meaning the seal in a tin box) and a little 
baby V (meaning the picture or effigy as aforesaid.) ' 'Tis true,' 
said he, 'fine pictures please children, but we are not to be 
frightened at such a rate,' " &c. He further accused D. Lloyd 
of contempt of the court of Admiralty, in having advised the 
justices to force goods out of the king's warehouse in 1698. 

Col. Quarry, having produced his witnesses to prove his 
* Colonial Records, i. 570. 



PENNSBURY MANOR. 427 



charges, the governor submitted to the vote of the council 
whether what was exhibited and proved against D. Lloyd, a 
member of that body, was sufficient ground to suspend him 
from sitting at the board. The members having answered in 
the affirmative, Joseph Growden was appointed to inform David 
Lloyd of his exclusion, until he should have his trial. Tliis pro- 
ceeding doubtless increased the enmity of David Lloyd toward 
the proprietary, and prompted him to acts of unceasing hostility. 
The assembly and council, not being able to agree upon the 
provisions of a new charter, and being dissatisfied with the old 
one, appointed a joint committee on the 7th of 4th month (June) 
to deliver it up to the proprietary, who accepted it at their 
hands, and made the following speech : — * 

" Friends : — Since you were dissatisfied with the charter you had, and 
that you could not agree among yourselves about a new one, I sliall be 
easy in ruling you by the king's letters patent and act of union, and 
shall in the ruling of you, consider my grant from the king and you that 
I am to rule, and shall from time to time endeavour to give you satisfac- 
tion. I advise you not to be easily displeased one with another; be slow 
to anger and swift to charity ; so I wii?h you all well to your homes." 



CHAPTER XXXL 



Pennsbury Manor and Mansion — Furniture — William Penn's Mode of 
Travelling — Horses, Carriage, Barge — Anecdote of Rebecca Wood — - 
Fairs and Indian Canticoes — Letter of J. Norris — Anecdote of II. 
Penn — Letters of William Penn and his Wife— Note of D. Logan — 
Letters of J. Logan— T. Story— William Penn Visits a Yearly Meet- 
ing in Md. — Visits Indians at Conestoga — Rural Occupations — Slaves 
formerly owned by him — Extracts from his Letters — Rise of the Tes- 
timony of Friends Against Slavery — William Penn's Efforts to Im- 
prove their Condition — Minute of Phila. Mo. Meeting— William Penn 
Liberates his Slaves. 

1700-1. 
While perusing the lives of illustrious men, we are not con- 
tent to view them only in their public career, where their word3 
and actions bear the impress of studied propriety ; but we lovO 
* Colonial Records, i. 688. 



428 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



to follow them into the quiet retreats of private life, to s- 
them relaxing fi-om the cares of business, laying aside the re- 
straints of etiquette, and sustaining the more endearing domestic 
relations of the husband, the father, and the friend. With this 
purpose we will endeavour to follow William Penn and his 
family to Pennsbury Manor, his favourite place of residence, 
to which he removed in the spring or summer of the year 1700. 

This beautiful estate was situated in Bucks county, four miles 
above Bristol, on the river Delaware. It comprised upward 
of six thousand acres of fertile alluvial soil, mostly covered with 
majestic forests, and while in the possession of an Indian king, 
had borne the name of Sepassin.* 

It extended about two miles on the river Delaware, lying 
between Governor's Creek and Welcome Creek, the latter of 
which, making a bend, nearly enclosed it in the rear, at high 
water converting it into an island. 

This may account for the singular description given by Clark- 
son, who says, " it was a treble island, the Delaware running 
three times around it."t 

The mansion was built in 1682-3, and, with the other im- 
provements, cost X5000 — a large sum, when we take into view 
that money, in that day, was far less abundant than now, and 
consequently more valuable. The traveller who passes up the 
Delaware, looks with deep interest at this venerated spot, asso- 
ciated with some of the happiest days of the great philan- 
thropist. But scarcely any thing remains as it was in the days 
of the proprietary. The mansion is long since decayed and 
gone, a comfortable farm-house occupies its site, and a wooden 
building, much decayed, called the "Brew-house," is all that 
is left of William Penn's improvements, save a few old cherry- 
trees, said to have been planted by his own hand. 

Let us endeavour, with the materials that have been gathered 
by antiquarian researches, to delineate the scene as it was when 

* Logan MSS. 

f It is remarkable that Dixon, in liis Life of Penn, published since the above 
\vas -written, should have fallen into the same mistake. He says, "affluents 
from the great river bending no less than three several times around it," p. 295. 



PENNSBURY MANOR — FURNITURE. 42^ 



the founder of Pennsylvania retired hither from the cares of 
government, and engaged in the employments of rm-al life. 

" The principal mansion was about sixty feet in front, facing 
the river. It was two stories in height and of brick. Its ap- 
pearance was, it is said, stately, and it was entered by a hand- 
some porch and steps. On the first floor was a large hall, 
probably the whole length of the house, used on public occa,- 
sions for the meeting of the council and the entertainment of 
strangers and the Indians ; a little hall, and at least three par- 
lours, all wainscotted, and communicating by folding-doors. 
On the roof was a reservoir for water, to the leakage of which 
is attributed, in part, the ruin of the mansion. The out-houses, 
which were uniform and facing in a line with the house, were, 
1st, a kitchen and larder ; 2d, a wash-house ; 3d, a house for 
brewing and baking ; and 4th, a stable for twelve horses ; all 
these, one story and a half high. 

" The mansion-house was seated on a moderate eminence. 
A broad walk through an avenue of poplars led to the river, 
descending from the upper terrace to the lower grounds by a 
flight of steps. The house was surrounded by gardens and 
laAvns, and the more distant woods were opened in vistas look- 
ing down the river and upward to the falls. These woods had 
been laid out in walks, at the proprietary's first visit, and the 
])reservation of the trees is enjoined in several of his letters. 

" The proprietor sent out from England, walnuts, hawthorns, 
hazels, fruit-trees, and a great variety of the rarest seeds and 
roots ; while in this country (as we learn from his cash-book) 
he procured from Maryland several panniers of trees and shrubs, 
indigenous in that province, and he directed by his letters that 
tlie most beautiful wild-flowers should be transplanted into his 
gardens. On the whole, his directions indicate a love of nature 
and an elegance of taste which are very remarkable."* 

The furniture of the mansion was tasteful and substantial ; 
probably a medium between that of the English gentry and the 

* See J. F. Fisher's interesting discourse on the private life of William 
Penn, Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. iii. part ii., to which I am indebted for manj 
particulars. 



430 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Pennsylvania farmers. Two papers were obtained some yean- 
since, by J. F. Fisher, from John Penn, the grandson of thf 
founder, containing a list of the furniture at Pennsbury in 1701. 

The following particulars, extracted from it, may interest 
some readers.* 

" In the great hall was a long table, two forms, six chairs, a 
supply of pewter plates and dishes, wuth six vessels, called cis- 
terns, for holding water or beer. In the little hall, six leather 
chairs and five maps. In the best parlour, two tables, one 
couch, two large and four small cane chairs, four cushions of 
satin and three of green plush. In the second parlour, one 
great leather chair, probably used by the governor, one clock 
and a pair of brasses. The four chambers on the second floor 
were well supplied with beds, bedding, chairs, tables, &c. In 
three of them were suits of curtains, the first of satin, the 
second of camlet, and the third of striped linen. The garret 
chambers were furnished with four beds, and in one of the 
chambers were deposited three side-saddles and two pillions. 
In the closet were two silk blankets and two damask curtains 
for windows." 

Although pewter plates and dishes were used on common 
occasions, it appears that there was also "" a suit of Tunbridge- 
ware, besides blue and white china, some plate, and a large sup- 
ply of damask table-cloths and napkins. Mahogany was not 
then known, and the spider tables and high-backed chairs were 
of solid oak or of the darker walnut, "f 

These particulars may appear trivial to some readers, but 
they furnish a nearer view of the proprietor's homestead, and 
serve to fill up and complete the picture which we all wish to 
see of his domestic arrangements. 

The long tables and forms in the great hall were, doubtless, 
designed for the entertainment of his numerous guests on pub- 
lic occasions, among whom the Indians were not the least fre- 
quent. Tradition relates, that on one occasion, when he made 
a feast for his red brethren, a long table was spread for them 
in the avenue leading to the house, which was shaded by pop- 
* Watson's Annals, ii 106. f J. F, Fisher 



MODE OF TRAVELLING. 431 



lars, and among the viands provided were one hundred turkeys, 
besides venison and other meats. 

The three side-saddles and two pillions warrant the inference 
that the female part of the family were accustomed to go abroad 
on horseback, which, on account of the badness of the roads 
was then the most pleasant travelling. 

The governor was fond of horses, and made frequent visits 
on horseback, to New York, to Maryland, or to the Susque- 
hanna. 

He very often visited the meetings of Friends in Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey, when we may reasonably suppose that 
his wife and daughter sometimes accompanied him on horse- 
back. On one of these visits, when going to Haverford, he 
overtook a little girl named Rebecca Wood, who was going afoot 
from Darby, to attend the same meeting ; " on coming up with 
her," says the traveller Sutcliflf, "he inquired where she was 
going, and being informed, he, with his usual good-nature, de- 
sired her to get up behind him ; and bringing his horse to a 
convenient place, she mounted, and so rode away upon the bare 
back. Being without shoes or stockings, her bare legs and 
feet hung dangling by the side of the governor's horse." 

This incident, although unimportant in itself, affords a pleas- 
ing evidence of that kindness and condescension which the 
governor manifested toward all classes of society. 

Although the proprietor's family generally travelled on 
horseback, he had a coach, which was probably used in the 
neighbourhood of Philadelphia ; a calash, in which he some- 
times drove about to the country meetings ; and a sedan chair, 
which Hannah Penn may have used while visiting in the city.* 

Another mode of travelling, and the one generally adopted 
between Pennsbury and the city, was the governor's barge, 
which was of considerable size, with a mast and, probably, six 
oars. This boat was an object of much interest to Penn, a 
taste probably imbibed from his father, the admiral. In one 
of his letters to James Harrison, he says, "But above all dead 
things^ my barge ; I hope nobody uses it on any account, and 
* J. F. Fisher. 



432 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



that she is kept in a dry dock, or, at least, covered from the 
weather."* 

When passing in his barge between Philadelphia and Penns- 
bury, he frequently stopped at Burlington to see Governor 
Jennings, of New Jersey, who was also an eminent minister 
among Friends. "On one occasion, Jennings and some of 
his friends were enjoying their pipes, a practice which the 
gentlemanly Penn disliked. On hearing that Penn's barge 
was in sight, they put away their pipes, that their friend might 
not be annoyed, and endeavoured to conceal from him what 
they were about. He came upon them, however, somewhat 
suddenly, and pleasantly remarked that he was glad they had 
sufficient sense of propriety to be ashamed of the practice. 
Jennings, rarely at a loss for an answer, rejoined, that they 
were not ashamed, but desisted to avoid hurting a weak 

brother, "t 

Among the recreations of the governor and his family was 
the occasional attendance of "a fair, or an Indian cantico^' of 
both which his cash-book, kept by James Logan, gives evi- 
dence such as this : — "By my mistress at the fair, X2 Os. 8ii. 
By expenses given to Hannah Carpenter for a fairing, 8 shil- 
lings. By ditto to two children for comfits, per order. Is. 6t^. 
By the governor going to cantico, XI 18s. ^d.'' 

In his intercourse with the Indians, the governor is said to 
have shown his condescension, not only by partaking of their 
venison, hommony, and roasted acorns, but even by engaging 
in their athletic exercises — hopping and jumping with them, 
to their great delight. 

The esteem in which William Penn and his excellent wife 
were held by their neighbours may be seen from the following 
letter from Isaac Norris, a man of wealth and influence in the 
colony : — 

"The governor's ■wife and daughter are Avell ; then- little son is a lovely 
babe; his wife is a woman extremely well beloved here, exemplary in her 
station, and of an excellent spirit, which adds lustre to her character, 
and has a great place in the hearts of good people. The governor is our 

* Pemberton MSS •}■ New Jersey Hist. Collections, 91, 



penn's private life. 433 



Pater Patrie, and his worth is no new thing to us ; we value him highly, 
and hope his life will be preserved till all things (now on the wheel) are 
settled here to his peace and comfort and the people's ease and quiet." 

The annotator of the Logan Papers* mentions a tradition, 
heard in her youth from an old woman of Bucks county, 
''who went, when she was a girl, with a basket containing a 
rural present, to the proprietor's mansion, and saw his wife, a 
delicate, pretty woman, sitting beside the cradle of her infant." 

It is stated that there was a meeting regularly held at 
Pennsbury during the governor's residence there, and he had 
his family assembled three times a day for Divine worship. 
An anecdote is told, which illustrates his devotional spirit : — - 

"When he was visiting meetings in Pennsylvania, he lodged one night 
at Merion, where a boy, about twelve years old, son of the person at 
whose house he lodged, being a lad of curiosity, and not often seeing 
such great men, privately crept to the chamber, up a flight of steps on 
the outside of the building. On peeping through the latchet-hole, he was 
struck with awe in beholding this great man upon his knees by the bed- 
side and in henring what he said, for he could distinctly hear him in praj^er 
and thanksgiving that he was then provided for in the wilderness. "f 

During the residence of William Penn and his family at 
Pennsbury, he frequently wrote to James Logan concerning 
public business and domestic affairs. 

As these letters afford a glimpse of his household economy, 
and seem to bring us into nearer acquaintance with his private 
life, some extracts may not be uninteresting to the reader. 

On the 23d of 5th mo., ITOO, he writes to the secretary, 
that, because of an injury done his leg, he is unable to meet 
the council, and, therefore, desires that four of the council, 
with the collector, &c., come up to him by his barge, which be 
will send to Bui^lington. 

He adds, "Let the Indians come hither, and send in the 
boat more rum, and the match coats, and let the council ad- 
journ to this place." "Here will be victuals." 

Again, he writes, Tth 6th mo., 1700 : — 

"Pray, examine closely about those that fired on the Indians and 
frightened them by Daniel Pegg's ; it is of moment to us, and, if true, 

*• Deborah Logan. f SutcliflTs Travels. 

0\T 2S 



434 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



roguishly designed, I doubt not, and shall be severely punished. * * ' 
Fail not to send up a flitch of our bacon, and by all means chocolate, if 
to be had, and a cask of middlings flour from Samuel Carpenter's or J. 
Norris, and some coffee-berries, 4 pounds; some flat and some deep 
earthen pans for milk and baking, which Betty Webb can help thee to, 
and a cask of Indian meal. Search Lumbey's goods for an ordinary size 
side-saddle and pillion, and some coarse linen for towels."^ 

In the autumn of the same year, he met Governor Nichol- 
son at New York, on public business, as appears by his letter 
to James Logan. 

"New York, 1st 9br. 1700. 

" Give my love to Thomas Story, and tell him I hope he supplies my 
absence about the laws, [to be sent to England for the royal approba- 
tion,] what to alter or repeal, and do thou assist him therein. 

"(Jol. Nicholson has been very ill, and relapsed once or twice, and 
thereby our conferences have been retarded, which truly are of import- 
ance to the weal of America. 

" My dear love to Friends in general, and particularly tell Hannah 
Deleval that to be one of her witnesses [at her approaching nuptials with 
Capt. R,ichd. Hill] is not the least motive to hasten me. 

"Tell Thomas Story that Judge Guest salutes him, hut no lawyers 1 
see id- besi."f 

From this concluding sentence we may infer that Judge 
Guest, who accompanied him to the conference, did not help 
forward the negotiations ; his legal abilities being employed, 
probably, in raising objections instead of removing them. 

Thomas Story, to whom the message was sent, was bred a 
lawyer, but had renounced the professsion on becoming a 
minister of the gospel. He was the intimate friend of the 
governor, who appointed him master of the rolls and keeper 
of the great seal. 

At some period during the year 1700, Penn paid a visit to 
Maryland, of which John Richardson, in his journal, gives the 
following account : — 

" We were," says he, " at a yearly meeting at Treddhaven, in Mary- 
land, upon the eastern shore, to which meeting for worship came AVilliam 
Penn, Lord Baltimore, and his lady, with their retinue ; but it was late 
when they came, and the strength and glory of the heavenly power of 
the Lord was going off from the meeting; so the lady was much disap- 

* Logan MSS. t I^id. 



RURAL OCCUPATIONS. 435 



pointed, as T understand from William Penn, for she told him 'she did 
not want to hear him, and such as he, for he was a scholar and a wise 
man, and she did not question but he could preach ; but she wanted to 
hear some of our mechanics preach, as husbandmen, shoemakers, and 
suchlike rustics, for she thought they could not preach to any purpose/ 
William Penn told her, * some of these were rather the best preachers we 
had among us,' or near these words. I was a little in their company, 
and I thought the lady to be a notable, wise, and, withal, a courteously 
carriaged woman." 

In the spring of the ensuing year, he took a journey into the 
interior of his province, as appears from a letter of Isaac Nor- 
ris, who says, "I am just come home from Susquehanna, where 
I have been to meet the governor. We had a roundabout 
journey, having pretty w^ell traversed the wilderness. We 
lived nobly at the king's palace at Conostoga, from thence 
crossed it to the Schoolkil." 

We next find the proprietary at his country-seat, engaged 
in rural occupations, whence he writes to his secretary in the 
6th month, 1701. 

*' Send us up for cider what barrels thou canst get in town, by the very 
first opportunity, I mean such as are sweet and have had cider in them — ■ 
they will be cheapest : also an empty pipe or two to put the mash of the 
apples in, being sawn asunder. 

" I here inclose this honest but weak man's paper. I think I have 
convinced him that I am one of the poorest men in the government, and 
that my sin has been neglect of myself, and not selfishness, and there- 
fore ought and must make the best of every thing. It seems he has much 
stony and mountainous land, and he thinks two bushels (of apples) per 
100 acres an oppression. 

" I told him I must have but one weight and scale. He says ' but there 
are two, and some pay but one bushel by patents from the commission- 
ers under me.' I referred him to thee, and told him that I did believe 
thou wouldst be just and reasonable ; quiet him all thou canst, and 
hasten down again ; ask him what Joseph Grawder told him, and what 
the people below say ? tho' of little moment. I think we will send in a 
day or two for the casks. 

" S. Hall may help us to them cheaper. Vale. 

"AVILLIAxM PENN." 

(On the outside of this letter.) " He tells me of the hard circumstances 
of one James Davis, hear it." 

It appears from the Logan papers that the cleared Lnd at 



436 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



Pennsbury manor, in the year 1701, did not exceed ten acres; 
consequently the labourers employed there must have been 
few. In the cash-book are mentioned John Sotcher, steward ; 
Hugh Sharp, gardener ; Robert Beekham, man-servant ; Mary 
Lofty, housekeeper ; Ann Nichols, cook ; Dorothy Mullers, a 
German maid ; and Dorcas, a coloured woman. 

It contains no evidence that he owned any slaves, though it 
may be inferred from his correspondence some time before that 
he had owned them. In a letter to James Harrison, under 
date 25th of 8th mo., 1685, he says, "I have sent a gardener 
by this ship, or he soon follows, with all requisites ; a man of 
recommended great skill — let him have what help he can, not 
less than two or three at any time ; he will cast things into a 
proper posture. He has his passage paid, X30 at 3 years, and 
60 acres of land, and a month in the year to himself, not hin- 
dering my business ; and he is to train up two men and a boy 
in the art. It were better they were blacks, for then a man 
has them while they live." Again he writes under date, 4th 
of 10th month, '85. " The blacks of Capt. Allen I have as 
good as bought, so part not with them without my order." 

From these passages we may conclude, that like many others 
of the colonists, he fell into the practice of holding slaves. 
This was within a year after his return to England, from his 
first visit to Pennsylvania, at which time the subject had not 
claimed sufficient attention for the moral and social bearings 
of the system to be fully understood. Men whose characters 
were otherwise irreproachable, were induced, by the habits of 
thought then prevailing, and by the supposed convenience of 
slave-labour, to purchase the African captives brought to their 
shores ; thus entailing upon the descendants of the colourcl 
race a degrading bondage, and inflicting upon the country a 
severe injury, from which it has never yet recovered. 

George Fox was one of the first to obtain clearer views, and 
to inculcate a more humane treatment. 

As early as the year 1671, he advised the Friends of Barba- 
does to " train up their slaves in the fear of God, to cause 
their overseers to deal mildly and gently with them, and, after 



friends' testimony against slavery. 437 



certain years of servitude, they should make them free." But 
the subject does not appear to have been agitated or discussed 
in this country, until the year 1688, when the German Friends 
from Kreisheim, settled about Germantown, in Pennsylvania, 
brought before the Yearly Meeting a paper " concerning the 
lawfulness and unlawfulness of buying and keeping negroes." 
The record states that "it was adjudged not to be so proper 
for this meeting to give a positive judgment in the case, it 
having so general a relation to many other parts, and there- 
fore, at present, they forbear it." 

In 1696 the subject was again taken up by the Yearly Meet- 
ing, and advice was issued to its members "that Friends be 
careful not to encourage the bringing in any more negroes ; 
and that such that have negroes be careful of them, bring 
them to meetings, have meetings with them in their families, 
and restrain them from loose and lewd living, as much as in 
them lies, and from rambling abroad on first-days or other 
times." About this time it is probable that the most exem- 
plary Friends began to emancipate their slaves, though an 
entire prohibition of slave-holding was not engrafted into the 
discipline of the society until eighty years afterwards, during 
all which time they were labouring to remove a poison intro- 
duced into the system in an unguarded hour, which, though 
sweet to the taste, proved to be bitter and destructive in its 
effects. 

It has already been shown from the colonial records, that 
William Penn, in the spring of 1700, brought before the provin- 
cial council, a law for regulating the marriages of negroes, 
which was approved by that body, but lost in the popular 
branch. It is stated that " he mourned over the state of the 
slaves, but his attempts to improve their condition by legal 
enactments were defeated in the house of Assembly."* 

His efforts were more successful in his own religious society, 
as will appear by the following minute of Philadelphia monthly 
meeting, made in the same year: — " Our dear friend and govei- 

* Brief statement of the rise and progress of the testimony of Frienda 
sgiiintt slarerv. 



438 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



nor having laid before the meeting a concern that hath laid 
upon his mind for some time concerning the negroes and In- 
dians ; that Friends ought to be very careful in discharging a 
good conscience towards them in all respects, but more espe- 
cially for the good of their souls, and that they might, as fre- 
quent as may be, come to meeting on first-days ; upon con- 
sideration whereof, this meeting concludes to appoint a meet- 
ing for the negroes, to be kept once a month, &c., and that 
their masters give notice thereof in their own families, and be 
present with them at the said meetings as frequent as may be, 
&c." From this and other records, it is manifest that the first 
concern for their slaves, on the part of the Friends in that 
day, was to promote their spiritual good. They felt the vast 
responsibility they would incur by keeping them in ignorance 
and degradation, and as the hearts of their masters became 
interested in this good work, the avenues to their understand- 
ings and consciences were opened, the light of Divine truth 
broke in, and they were led to acknowledge that the captured 
Africans and their descendants, like all other human beings, 
have natural rights, which cannot be withheld from them 
without great injustice. 

William Penn was not accustomed to halt in carrying his 
principles into practice ; his eyes were now opened to the evils 
of slavery, and he liberated all the slaves in his possession. 
This fact is substantiated by a will he made in 1701, which is 
still extant, and contains this clause : — " I give to my blacks 
their freedom, as is under my hand already^ and to old Sam 
100 acres, to be his children's after he and his wife are dead, 
for ever."* 

* When William Penn left America, in 1701, he wrote the will above men- 
tioned, and placed it in the hands of James Logan. It is now in the pos- 
session of Thomas Gilpin, of Philadelphia. There is reason to believe his 
intentions with regard to his slaves were not fully carried out by his secre- 
tary, as appears by the following letter from James Logan to Hannah Penn, 
dated 11th of 8d month, 1721, copied from his letter-book, in the possession 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. " The proprietor, in a will left 
with me, at his departure hence, gave all his negroes their freedom, but 
this u entirely private ; however, there are very few left. 

♦' Sam died soon after your departure hence, and his brother James [this 



ASSEMBLY MEETS AT NEW CASTLE. 439 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

Assembly meets at New Castle — Speech of AVilliam Penn — Dissensions 
between province and territories — Grant of £2000 by assembly — Laws 
passed — Riot in East Jersey, and letter of Penn — Treaties with In- 
dians — Depredations of pirates — Precautions of the government — As- 
sembly meets at Philadelphia — Requisitions of the king for money to 
build a fort — Perplexity of the assembly — They decline to comply — 
Design of British government to annex the proprietary governments 
to the crown — Penn determines to return to England — His reluctance 
to go — Letter to J. Logan — Meeting of the Indians at Pennsbury — As- 
sembly meets — Governor's speech — Assembly's answer — Indians come 
to take leave of Penn — His speech to them — New constitution — Last 
meeting of Penn in Philadelphia — City charter granted — Appoints 
A. Hamilton deputy-governor — Petition of J. Norris and D. Lloyd — 
Penn's reply — Letter of instructions to James Logan. 

1700-1. 

In order to conciliate the inhabitants of the lower counties, 
and to preserve their union with the province, the proprietary 

name is not very distinct] very lately. Chevalier, by a written order from 
his master, had his liberty several years ago, so that there are none left but 
Sue, whom Letitia claims, or did claim, as given to her when she went to 
England, but how rightfully I know not. These things you can best discuss. 

*' There are besides, two old negroes quite worn, that remained of three 
which I received eighteen years ago of E. Gibbs's estate of New Castle co." 

If William Penn "died a slaveholder," it was not for want of having 
taken proper means to liberate his slaves. The will says they were " already 
free from under his hand." As he never was in America afterward, we may 
reasonably conclude that he had no knowledge of his secretary and commis- 
sioner of property having taken three negroes for debt about the year 1703. 

This inference is corroborated by the fact that his last will, by which his 
property descended, makes no reference to any property in slaves. 

It has been proved by the publications of Geo. M. Justice, in the Friends' 
Intelligencer, of Philadelphia, that the family of slaves mentioned in T. 
Matlack's letter, among the Historical Collections of Massachusetts, and 
cited by Bancroft in his History of the U. S., did not belong to William Penn, 
but to his son Thomas. Tliat the founder of Pennsylvania did at one time 
hold slaves, and, when he saw the evil, endeavoured, to the utmost of his 
power, to repair it, there can be no doubt. On this point, Dixon's Life of 
Penn is inaccurate, for want of documents to be found only in Philadelphia. 



440 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



summoned the legislature to meet him at New Castle, in the 
autumn of 1700. 

The principal subjects that required their attention were 
stated in the following speech of Governor Penn, which ia a 
model of conciseness : 

"Friends : — The calling you at this time was upon urgent occasionii; 
you know we want a frame of government and a body of laws, without 
which society cannot subsist. I recommend to you the revisal of tke 
laws ; what to be continued, what to repeal, what to alter, what to ex- 
plain, and what new ones is requisite to make. Secondly, I recommead 
to you the settling of property. Thirdly, a supply for support of govern- 
ment ; and I recommend to you amity and concord among yourselves."* 

Unhappily, the last and most important of these recommend- 
ations was not attained ; there was no concord between the 
representatives of the province and those of the territories ; 
the jealousies of the latter continued to increase, and "being 
fomented by designing men, who led them to believe that the 
rapid growth of the province would soon place them at her 
discretion on joint legislation, they insisted upon having, at all 
times, an equal representation in the assembly. "f This un- 
reasonable proposal being unanimously rejected by the mem- 
bers from the province, an immediate separation was threat- 
ened, and prevented only by the prudent intervention of the 
governor, who suggested that no law affecting the particular 
interests of the territories should be enacted without the con- 
sent of two-thirds of their members, and a majority of those 
of the province. This difficulty was no sooner removed than 
another arose about the support of government. The neces- 
sity of a tax being levied was admitted by all, but the terri- 
tories refused to contribute in the same ratio with the province. 

The governor was again obliged to interpose ; and, through 
his mediation, the province agreed to pay fifteen hundred and 
seventy-five pounds, and the territories the residue of two 
thousand pounds, to be raised " for the proprietary and go- 
vernor." In Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, this appro- 
priation is spoken of as "a largess to the proprietary," but 

* Colouial Records, i. f Grordon, Hist. Pa. 



TREATY WITH SUSQUEHANNA INDIANS. 441 



tliB terms of the bill show that it was "in order to a supply 
for the support of the government.'''^ 

During the remainder of the session, which continued six 
weeks, the governor and council were assiduously engaged in 
revising the laws, which were also considered and debated in 
the assembly, and many new statutes were enacted. The go- 
vernor then prorogued the assembly to the 1st of the 2d month 
(April) ensuing, but informed them he should not call them 
together so soon without a "verie emergent occasion." 

About this time, a riot, threatening serious consequences, 
occurred in East Jersey, and Penn, feeling a deep interest in 
the prosperity of the province, determined to lend his assist- 
ance in quelling it. Accordingly, he selected twelve of the most 
respectable members of his own society to accompany him, and 
they set out from Philadelphia for the scene of disorder, but 
on the way received intelligence that it had been settled. 

He, however, wrote a letter to his friends in that govern- 
ment, the purport of which is here inserted, to show the course 
he would pursue in such emergencies. 

" He tells his friends, that he 'had received the surprising news of tho 
nractices of some East Jersians, which were as unexpected to him as dis- 
honourable and licentious in them. It would be hard to find temper 
enough to balance extremes ; for he knew not what punishment those 
riotors did not deserve, and he had rather live alone than not have 
such people corrigible. Their leaders should be eyed, and some shq^ld 
be forced to declare them by the rigour of the law ; and those who were 
found to be such should bear the burthen of such sedition, which would 
be the best way to behead the body without danger. If lenitives would 
not do, coercives should be tried : but, though men would naturally bo- 
gin with the former, yet wisdom had often sanctioned the latter as reme- 
dies, which, however, were never to be adopted but with regret.' Further 
on in the letter he says, ' that by being an old, and not the least pre- 
tender to East Jersey, and a neighbour in his station, if he could yet be 
serviceable to compose or countenance a just prosecution of such rebel- 
lious practices, let an express reach him, and, God permitting, he would 
immediately take horse and go to them.' ''f 

In the spring of the year 1701, a treaty was made by the 

* Journal of Assembly, quoted by Clarkson and Colonial Records, i 
f Clarkson. 



442 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



proprietary and some members of his council with the Susque- 
lianna Indians, for the preservation of peace and the confirma- 
tion of titles to land conveyed in former treaties. 

It appears that Penn, before his return to England in 1684, 
had taken measures to purchase the lands on the Susquehanna 
from the Five Nations, (Iroquois,) who claimed a right to them 
by conquest. 

These Indians resided principally in New York, and Go- 
vernor Penn, not being able, at that time, to visit them per- 
sonally, engaged Thomas Dongan, governor of New York, to 
purchase for him "all that tract of land lying on both sides of 
the river Susquehanna and the lakes adjacent, in or near the 
province of Pennsylvania." Governor Dongan, having made 
the purchase, conveyed the same to William Penn, by deed 
dated January 13, 1696, in consideration of XlOO sterling. 

The Susquehanna Indians did not recognise the right of the 
Five Nations to make this sale ; and, in order to satisfy their 
demands, Penn entered into a treaty with two of their chiefs, 
named Widnaph and Andaggy Innekquagh, whose deed, dated 
September 13th, 1700, conveys the same lands and confirms 
the bargain and sale made to Governor Dongan. 

But it appears there was still another chief claiming an in- 
terest in those lands, viz. Connoodaghoh, king of the Conos- 
toga or Minquay Indians. This sachem, in company with 
th% king of the Shawnese, the chief of the Ganawese, inhabit- 
ing at the head of the Potomac, the brother of the emperor 
or great king of the Onondagoes, Indian Harvey, their inter- 
preter, with others of their tribes to the number of forty, met 
Penn and his council in Philadelphia on the 23d of 2d month, 
(April,) 1701, and entered into a treaty of amity, in which 
they also confirmed the sale of the lands on the Susquehanna.* 

This treaty stipulates that as there had always been a good 
understanding between William Penn and his lieutenants, since 
his first arrival in the colony, and said Indians, so "they shall 
for ever hereafter be as one head and one heart, and live in 
true friendship and amity as one people." 

* Smith's L.IWS of Ta., Rupp's Hist, of Northumberland, &c., and Col. Rec. 



REQUISITION OF MONEY FOR BUILDING FORTS. 443 



For the prevention of abuses that were too frequently put 
upon the Indians, it was agreed that no person should be al- 
lowed to trade with them but such as Penn and his successors 
should approve and furnish with a license under his hand and 
seal. 

At several meetings of the governor and council, the subject 
of the Indian trade was discussed, and it was resolved that a 
company be formed "who should take all measures to induce 
the Indians to a true value and esteem of the Christian reli- 
gion, by setting before them good examples of probity and 
candour, both in commerce and behaviour, and that care should 
be taken to have them duly instructed in the fundamentals of 
Christianity : it was further agreed that no rum should be sold 
to any but their chiefs, and in such quantities as the governor 
and council shall think fit, to be disposed of by the said chiefs 
to the Indians about them as they shall see cause."* 

At this time the people of the province and territories were 
under apprehensions of depredations being committed by pirates, 
who were said to be numerous on the coast ; and in order to guard 
againt them, a watchman was stationed at Cape Henlopen, 
near Lewes, in the county of Sussex, who was to give notice to 
the sheriff of the county when any suspected vessel entered the 
capes, and the sheriffs of the several counties were to send the 
information by express, till it should reach the governor at 
Philadelphia. 

In the sixth month, (August, 0. S.,) 1701, the governor con- 
vened the assembly, in order to lay before them a letter from 
the king, requiring a contribution of £350 sterling, toward 
erecting forts on the frontiers of New York. He made them 
a short speech expressive of his regret that he was obliged to 
call them together sooner than he intended, "but," he says, 
" the king's commands, by his letter to me now, have brought 
you hither at this time, which I now lay before you, and re- 
commend to your serious consideration, since, without it, it will 
be impossible to answer them."t 

This requisition, being for a warlike purpose, was extremciy 
* Colonial Records, ii. f Ibid. 



444 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



repugnant to the feelings both of the governor and assembly. 
He felt compelled by his fealty to the king to lay the letter be- 
fore them, but in abstaining from expressing his own views he 
endeavoured to cast the responsibility on the representatives 
of the people. They were thrown into a state of painful em- 
barrassment ; if they refused the subsidy, they had reason to 
dread the displeasureof the British government,but most of the 
members being opposed to war, and representing a constituency 
who were chiefly Friends, they could not comply without a vio- 
lation of their religious principles. To relieve themselves from 
this dilemma, they sent two of their number to request of the 
governor a copy of his speech ; to which he replied that his 
speech was only the king's letter — whatever was spoken beside, 
was only to excuse their meeting at a time so little designed. 

The assembly soon after desired leave to wait upon the go- 
vernor, and being admitted, their speaker read their answer 
from minutes in his hand ; but the governor desired them to 
consider of it more fully, and put it in writing. They retired, 
and soon after sent another message to the governor, for his 
speech ; who directed the secretary to send them a copy of the 
minutes taken in council when the speech was made. This 
being done, was not satisfactory to the assembly, who wished it 
written more at large. But finally, after some days spent in 
this manner, they sent their answer in writing, declining to 
comply with the king's requisition, assigning as a reason, the 
taxes already levied, and the quitrents due. They stated, 
moreover, that the adjacent colonies had done nothing in tho 
matter, and therefore they postponed it to another session ; de- 
siring that the proprietary would represent their condition to 
the king, and assure him of their readiness to comply with his 
commands, " as far as their religious persuasions ivould per- 
mit.'' The members for the territories made a separate 
answer, alleging that the lower counties, though most exposed, 
were in a defenceless condition, being without arms or ammu- 
nition, and having neither militia nor oflScers appointed to com- 
mand them. They prayed, therefore, to be excused from 
*' contributing to forts abroad while the}^ were unable to build 



DETERMINES TO RETURN TO ENGLAND. 445 



any for their own defence at home." This answer shows that 
the members from the territories were less imbued with the 
principles of Friends in relation to war than those of the pro- 
vince, and doubtless this was one cause of their frequent dis- 
agreements, for the pacific policy of Penn could only be carried 
into practice by persons thoroughly convinced of its feasibility. 

The governor having received the assembly's answer to the 
king's letter, dismissed it ; but little more than two weeks elapsed 
before he received information from England, which made it 
necessary to issue writs for the immediate election of another. 

He learned from the letters of his friends, that " strenuous 
endeavours were used by several united interests, to procure an 
act of Parliament for annexing to the crown the several pro- 
prietary governments, for which purpose a bill was then before 
the House of Lords, which had been twice read, and though not 
likely to pass that session, there was no hope of staving it off 
longer than the next, unless the proprietary would make his 
appearance in person, and answer the charges brought against 
his government by evil-minded persons." His friends in Eng- 
land urged the necessity of his coming, with as little delay as 
possible ; the welfare of the province as well as his own interest, 
seemed to require it, and he reluctantly consented to leave his 
adopted country to appear once more at his old post near the 
British court. His feelings on this occasion arc thus expressed 
in a familiar letter to his secretary, James Logan : — 

" Peiinsbury, 8th 7br. 1701. 

•' The necessity of my going makes it absolutely necessary for me to 
have a supply; and although I think a thousand pounds should be forth- 
with raised by Friends for me, at least to help me, yet, while land is 
high and valuable, I am willing to dispose of many good patches, that 
otherwise I should have chosen to have kept, as everybody's money. 
Who can I take that would go, that might be ministerial to me? 

" Caleb [Pusey,] if he could write well, has the best drudging sense, 
and would be observant. * ^ * Poor Phineas [Pemberton] is a dying 
man, and was not at the election, though he crept (as I may say) to 
meeting yesterday. I am grieved at it, for he has not his fellow, and 
without him this is a poor country indeed." " I cannot prevail on my wife 
to stay, still less Tishe : [Letitia :] I know not what to do ; Samuel Car- 
penter seems to excuse her in it. But to all that speak of it, say, I shall 
2N 



446 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



hare no need to stay, and a great interest to return." " All that I have to 
to dispose of in this world is here,* and that having no more gains by 
government to trust to for bread, I must come to sell, pay debts, and 
live ; and lay up for this posterity as well as that." " They may see that 
my inclinations run strongly to a country and proprietary life, which 
then I shall be at liberty to follow, together with her [his wife's] promise 
to return, whenever I am ready to return." *' I confess this one of the 
greatest arguments for some Friends of note going with us, to bring us 
back again; else they can do but little there, and their expense may bet- 
ter help me." ^ * * 

" I shall say no more, only let it be a measure fixed, that proprietor 
and freeholders can have but one interest, and that jealousies, as in Eng- 
land, are injurious. 

" The ass in the fable, and the dog likewise. 

"Vale. WM. PENN."t 

It IS evident by the tenor of this letter, that he contemplated 
but a short stay in England, as he wished to leave his family 
behind him ; but they being unwilling, he made preparations 
for removal without delay. 

About this time Governor Penn had a large assemblage of 
Indian guests at Pennsbury, who, having been informed of his 
proposed departure for England, came to take leave of him. 

A council was held in the governor's mansion, where they 
renewed their former covenants with many expressions of 
good-will and promises of continued fidelity. The Indians 
said, " they never first broke covenant with any people, for, 
as one of them said, and smote his hand upon his head three 
times, that they did not make them in their heads, but smiting 
his hand three times on his breast, said they made them there, 
in their hearts. "J Presents were made to them by the gover- 
nor, who spoke to them with much kindness, after which they 
withdrew to an open space near the house, where they kindled 
a fire, and around it performed their cantico, or dance, accom- 
panied with songs and shouts of triumph. 

A new assembly having been elected, met in Philadelphia, 
the 15th of the 7th month, (September,) 1701, when the gover- 
nor addressed them in a speech, expressing his regret that he 

* His estates in England and Ireland were settled on the children of bis 
first wife. f Logan, MSS. J J. Richardson's Journal. 



RELUCTANCE TO LEAVE PENNSYLVANIA. 447 



was obliged to call them so frequently together, and stating the 
business which then required their attention on the eve of his 
departure for England. " I cannot think of such a voyage," 
he said, "without great reluctancy of mind, having promised 
myself the quietness of a wilderness, and that I might stay so 
long at least with you as to render everybody entirely easy and 
safe ; for my heart is among you, as well as my body, whatever 
some people may please to think, and no unkindness or disap- 
pointment shall, with submission to God's providence, ever be 
able to alter my love to the country, and resolution to return 
and settle my family and posterity in it ; but having reason to 
believe I can at this time best serve you and myself on thnt 
side of the w^ater, neither the rudeness of the season, nor 
tender circumstances of my family, can overrule my inclina- 
tion to undertake it. Think, therefore, since all men are 
mortal, of some suitable expedient and provision for your 
safety, as well in your privileges as property, and you wil 
find me ready to comply with whatever may render us happy, 
by a nearer union of our interest. Review again your laws, 
propose new ones that may better your circumstances, and 
what you do, do it quickly, remembering that the Parliament 
sits the end of next month, and that the sooner I am there 
the safer." * * * 

"I must recommend to your serious thoughts and care the 
king's letter to me, for the assistance of New York with 350 
pounds sterling, as a frontier government, and, therefore, ex- 
posed to a much greater expense in proportion to other colo- 
nies ; which I called the last Assembly to take into their con- 
sideration, and they referred to this."* 

When the assembly had been five days in session, they re- 
quested a conference with the governor, which being granted, 
they informed him " that being incited by a petition of a number 
of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, they had drawn up an ad- 
dress requesting several things of the proprietary, some of 
which in themselves might look extravagant, yet they could do 
110 less, considering the aforesaid petition. "f The address 
* Colonial Records, iL 31. t ^^'^^^- ^^' 



448 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



consisted of twenty-one articles, some of which were truly 
" extravagant," being for concessions affecting his proprietary 
domains ; but the others, relative to the affairs of government, 
were less objectionable. 

After conferring with the council, the governor returned an 
answer, some extracts from which are here subjoined. 

To the first article, relating to the appointment of his suc- 
cessors, he replied, that he should appoint those in whom he 
could confide, and would give them sufiicient authority for the 
good of all concerned. In order to give entire satisfaction to 
the assembly, he offered to commission a deputy whom they 
should 7iominate. 

Several of the articles related to delays and abuses, alleged 
fo be practised by some of the ofiicers of the government, all 
which the governor desired should be rectified. 

lie granted them, at their request, the common use of some 
vacant land within the city limits, until inhabitants should pre- 
sent themselves to settle it ; and also, the free use of the river 
bank at the ejids of the streets on Delaware and Schuylkill ; 
but the islands near the city, which they wished reserved free 
for the supply of their "winter fodder," he declined to grant, 
as they wei-e, he said, " an independent property from the town 
Slid province." 

The members from the territories requested that lands in 
the lower counties might be disposed of at the old rent of a bushel 
of wheat to the hundred acres ; to which he replied, that it was 
unreasonable to limit him in that which was his own, and thus 
deprive him of the advantage which others derived from the rise 
of property, especially as he was "yet in disburse" for that long 
and expensive controversy with Lord Baltimore, promised to be 
defrayed, as appears by the minutes of council, by the public. 

They also requested that a thousand acres, formerly promised 
to the town of New Castle, should be laid out and patented, 
which he readily granted, saying " it was not his fault that it 
Lad not been done sooner." 

They desired, moreover, that " all the bay-marshes be laid 
out in p.ommon, except such as were already granted." To this 



GOOD-WILL TO INDL\NS. 449 



he answered that he took it for "a high imposition," but was 
willing they should lie in common until otherwise disposed of, 
and he would grant them in reasonable proportions and upon 
reasonable terms to such as should engage to drain them. 
They requested that the owners of land might have liberty to 
purchase off their quitrents, as formerly promised. To this 
he replied, ^' If it should be my lot to lose a public support. I 
must depend upon my rents for a supply, and therefore must 
not easily part with them ; and many years are elapsed since 
I made that offer, that was not accepted."* 

While the assembly was in session, and the governor busily 
engaged in preparations for his departure, he was visited in 
Philadelphia by the sachems of the Susquehannah and Shaw- 
nese Indians, who, with some of their people, had come to take 
leave of him. He received them with his wonted cordiality, 
and informed them that " this was like to be his last interview 
with them, at least before his return ; that he had ever loved 
and been kind to them, and ever should continue so to be, not 
through interest or politic design, but out of real affection ; and 
he desired them, in his absence, to cultivate friendship with 
those he should leave behind in authority." 

He informed them that the assembly was now enacting a 

law, according to their desire, to prevent their being abused 

^ by the selling of rum ; with which Orettyagh, one of the 

sachems, in the name of the rest, expressed great satisfaction, 

and desired that the law might be effectually executed. 

"The governor informed them that he had charged the members of 
council, and then also renewed the same charge, that they should, in all 
respects, be kind to them, and entertain them with all courtesy and de- 
monstrations of good-will, as he himself had ever done, which the mem- 
bers promised faithfully to observe ; and, making them some presents, 
they withdrew." t 

Although the time for the governor's departure drew nigh, 
and many important acts of legislation were required to secure 
the interests of the colony, the assembly made but little pro- 
gress. A bill being before the house confirmatory of the revenue 

* Colonial Records, 28-30. I" Il>iJ '1^'- 

2N* 29 



450 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



law passed at New Castle the previous year, the members from 
the lower counties protested against it, alleging that such a 
bill would lead to the inference that the laws passed at New 
Castle were not valid, because not enacted in the province of 
Pennsylvania, which would be a discouragement to the assem- 
bly meeting at New Castle hereafter. Finding their remon- 
strance ineffectual, they abruptly left the house, declaring 
their intention to return home. 

On laying their complaints before the governor, he appointed 
a conference with the assembly, during which he told them it 
was no small wound to him to think, that having, at the earnest 
desire of the lower counties, as well as the good-will of the 
upper, engaged in an undertaking which cost him at least 
£3000 to make them one, they should now endanger a rupture 
and divide themselves, after they had been recognised as one, 
not only by the king's commission to Governor Fletcher, but 
his letters-patent for his own restoration ; and therefore would 
not have any thing resolved on but what was considerate and 
weighty, lest it should look too unkind now at his departure, 
and carry a very ill report of them all to England. 

The lower county members saying they were great sufferers 
by the act of union, the governor told them they were free to 
break off, "but it must be upon amicable terms and a good 
understanding." 

After this conference, the assembly again proceeded to busi- 
ness. They had, some da3^s before, informed the governor 
that they could not comply with the king's requisition for a 
subsidy, alleging as an excuse their straitened circumstances ; 
and now they took into consideration the proprietary's offer 
for them to nominate a deputy governor, which they coyicluded 
to decline. They appointed two of their number to wait upon 
him with this information, thanking him for his good-will in 
leaving so much to their choice, and returning the charter of 
privileges, with some amendments.* 

The governor being about to go to Pennsbury for a few days, 
sent the assembly the following characteristic letter : — 

* Colonia.1 Piecords. 



NEW CONSTITUTION. 451 



*' Friends : — Your union is what I desire, but your peace and accommo- 
dation of one another is what I must expect from you. The reputation 
of it is something, the reality much more ; and desire you to remember 
and observe what I say — yield in circumstantials to preserve essentials, 
and being safe in one another, you will always be so in esteem with me. 
Make me not sad, now I am going to leave you, since 'tis for you as well 
as for Your friend, proprietor, and governor, 

"WILLIAM PENN." 

On the governor's return from Pennsbury, he signed various 
laws passed by the assembly, as well as the charter of privi- 
leges, which had been read in that body, " and every part 
thereof approved, agreed to, and thankfully received."* 

This constitution was the last granted to the province and 
territories, and in some respects was even more liberal than 
those which preceded it. The principal change was in allow- 
ing the assembly to originate bills, and to sit on its own ad- 
journments. It made no provision for the election of a coun- 
cil, which was appointed by the governor, and prohibited from 
taking cognizance of any complaint relating to property, un- 
less appeals should be provided by law. In regard to civil 
and religious liberty, the new constitution was as comprehen- 
sive as the old one. By a supplementary article, the province 
and territories were allowed to dissolve their union at any time 
within three years, by giving due notice. 

The proprietary, by letters-patent, appointed a council of 
state, consisting of ten members, chiefly Friends, who were to 
advise and assist him, or his deputy, in the affairs of govern- 
ment, and in case of the deputy's absence or death, to exercise 
the executive functions. 

The following letter, written by Isaac Norris, the day before 
the charter was signed, shows that, notwithstanding the cares 
and perplexities attendant on his station as governor, Peni. 
still enjoyed that highest of all social comforts, religious com- 
munion with his friends. 

''27th 8br. 1701. 
** This comes by our proprietor and governor, Penn, who with his 
family are undertaking this hazardous voyage at too hard a season. ' 

* Colonial Eecords. 



452 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



earnestly desire and pray for their preservation and safety : him we shall 
want. The unhappy misunderstandings in some, and unwarrantable op- 
position in others, hare been a block to our plenary comforts in him, and 
his own quiet ; but these things are externals only, our communion in 
the church sweetens all, and our inward waitings and worship [have] 
often been a general comfort and consolation; and in this I take a degree 
of satisfaction after all, that we part in love ; and some of his last [expres- 
sions] in our meeting yesterday, were, that 'he looked over all infirmities 
and outwards, and had an eye to the regions of spirit, wherein was our 
sweetest tye,' and in true love then he took his leave of us. His excel- 
lent wife, and she is beloved by all, (I believe I may say in its fullest 
extent,) so is her leaving us, heavy and of real sorrow to her friends; 
she has carried, under and through all, with a wonderful evenness, 
humility, and freedom ; her sweetness and goodness have become her 
character, and are indeed extraordinary. In short, we love her, and she 
deserves it,"* 

The ship being ready to sail, Penn convened the inhabitants 
of Philadelphia on the 29th of the 8th month, (October, 0. S.,) 
in order to take leave of them, and to present them, as an evidence 
of his good-will, a charter, or act of incorporation for the city. On 
the 30th he appointed Andrew Hamilton, formerly governor of 
East and West Jersey, to be his lieutenant-governor, and James 
Logan he made provincial secretary and clerk of the council. 

The ship having dropped down to New Castle, he was there 
presented with a petition from David Lloyd and Isaac Norris, 
executors of Thomas Lloyd, deceased, stating that the said 
Thomas Lloyd had served nine years as president or lieute- 
nant-governor of the province without any compensation from 
the public, whereby his estate was impaired and not sufficient 
to pay his debts, without selling his lands ; some of the lands 
he had bought were not located, and a bond he had given to 
the proprietary was still unpaid ; they prayed, therefore, that 
compensation should be made for his services, and other lands 
granted in lieu of 1000 acres on Indian River, taken from him 
by the Maryland claim. 

THE proprietary's ANSWER. 

" What I have not received I cannot pay. I am above all the money 
for lands I \iave sold, twenty thousand pounds sterling out of purse upon 

* Logan MSS. 



INSTRUCTIONS TO JAxMES LOGAN. 453 



Pennsylvania, I most solemnly affirm, and what has been given me pays 
not my coming and expense since come, as is well known to those con- 
cerned in my affairs. But I heartily recommend it to the public to be 
considered. I acquit the bond as a token of my love and remembrance, 
and allow that the thousand acres may be granted elsewhere, in lieu of 
them upon Indian River ; and that land the bond relates to, in Welsh 
Tract, formerly laid out to him, but in right of Charles, I would have 
confirmed, as also, his land of Christopher Taylor, &c., in Bucks, as is 
desired. WILLIA3I PENN.* 

" To my Commissioners of Property." 

From on board the ship, he wrote to his secretary a letter 
of instructions, which is here subjoined : — 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" I have left thee in uncommon trust, with a singular dependence on 
thy justice and care, which I expect thou wilt faithfully employ in ad- 
vancing my honest interest. 

" Use thy utmost endeavours, in the first place, to receive all that is 
due to me. Get in quitrents, sell land according to my instructions to 
my commissioners, look carefully after all fines, forfeitures, escheats, 
deodands, and strays, that shall belong to me as proprietor or chief go- 
vernor. Get in the taxes and Friends' subscriptions, and use thy utmost 
diligence in making remittances to me, with all my effects, by bills of 
exchange, tobacco, or other merchandise, or by any means that in the 
best of thy judgment, or the advice of my friends, skilled in those affairs, 
may be to my advantage — not only directly to London, but by the West 
Indies, or by any other prudent method whatever ; but take advice espe- 
cially of Edward Shippen and Samuel Carpenter, and others best expe- 
rienced in trade. 

" Thou may continue in the house I lived in till the year is up. Pay 
off all my notes and orders on thee, settle my accounts, discharge all my 
debts, honourably, but carefully ; make rent-rolls, draw up an estimate 
of my estate, and of what may be raised from it, which send over to me 
as speedily as . possible, for it may be of great use to me ; and of all 
things show thyself a careful and diligent agent, to justify my choice of 
thee for so great a trust. 

" Get my two mills finished ; make the most of them for my profit, 
but let not John Marsh put me to any great expense. 

" Cause all my province and territories to be resurveyed in the most 
frugal manner, with the assistance of my brother-in-law Edward Pening- 
ton, within the two years limited by the laAv, if possible, though that law 
ought not to be a bar upon me against doing it any other time. Carry 
very fair with my said brother-in-law, and prevail Avith him to be as ensy 

* Penn MSS. in possession of G. M. Justice. 



454 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



as possible in that great work. I have spoken to him about it. Thou 
must make good to Col. Hamilton, deputy-governor, two hundred pounds 
per annum of your money, till such time as I procure an approbation for 
him, and afterwards three hundred pounds. Also to John Moore, as at- 
torney-general, thirty pounds a year, so long as he shall serve me faith- 
fully, (but he is too much in Quarry's interest.) When my cousin Par- 
miter comes, he must have forty pounds. But I hope the assembly will 
take these charges off my hands. Pray use all your endeavours to obtain 
it. Judge Guest expects an hundred a year from me. I would give him 
fifty. Make him as useful and easy as you can. I hope Col. Hamilton, 
to whom I have recommended him, will prevail on him. 

" Let not my cousin Durant want, but supply her with economy. 

" Write to me diligently, advising me of every thing relating to my 
interest, and send me affidavits about Quarry, John Corfoe, &c. 

" Send all the household goods up to Pennsbury, unless thou inclines 
to keep sufficient furniture for a chamber to thyself, (for which thou hast 
my leave,) and take care that nothing be damnified or lost. 

" Give my dear love to all my friends, who I desire may labour to 
soften angry spirits, and to reduce them to a sense of their duty ; and at 
thy return, give a small treat in my name to the gentlemen at Philadel- 
phia, for a beginning to a better understanding — for which I pray the 
Lord to incline their hearts. 

" For thy own services I shall allow thee what is just and reasonable, 
either by commissions or a salary. But my dependence is on thy care 
and honesty. Serve me faithfully, as thou expects a blessing from God, 
or my favour, and I shall support thee to my utmost as 

" Thy true friend, 

*« Ship Dalmahoy, 3d 9br. 1701. WILLIAM PENN."* 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Logan correspondence — Penn's arrival in England — His solicitude about 
his son William — Death of the king — Accession of Queen Anne — Ad- 
dress of Friends — Letters to Logan — Pecuniary difficulties — Col. Quarry 
in England — Church party in Pennsylvania: their disaffection to the 
proprietary — Gov. Hamilton's attempt to raise a militia — Letters of 
Penn. 

1701-2. 
After the return of William Penn to England, lie maintained 
a constant correspondence with his secretary, James Logan. 
* Logan MSS. 



PENN'S arrival in ENGLAND. 455 



Their letters relating both to public business and private affairs, 
were of the most confidential nature, and disclose the views and 
feelings of the writers in a manner far more interesting than 
could be done by any other pen. The correspondence having 
been carefully preserved, and a copy of it placed, by the late 
Deborah Logan, in the archives of the American Philosophical 
Society, at Philadelphia, will henceforth furnish the staple for 
the preparation of this work. 

Soon after Penn's arrival in England, he wrote to Logan, 
under date 4th of 11th month, (January,) 1701. 

In the postscript he says — " We had a swift passage, 26 days from the 
capos to soundings ; 30 to Portsmouth, with five of the last days clear 
for observation, before -we came to the channel. The captain very civil, 
and all the company. Tishe [Letitia] and Johnne, after the first five 
days, hearty and well, and Johnne exceeding cheerful all the way." 

•K- * * << Nothing yet done in my affairs, but my coming I do more 
and more see necessary on divers accounts, tho' a troublesome and costly 
journey : my son has been very serviceable, but costly. * * * In 
some respects I am not without go^d hopes of a tolerable conclusion, 
tlio' it will not be obtained without charge and pains. Those who seek 
the ruin of the proprietaries, they say, will renew their bill, but try the 
commons first this time. * * * I hope thy eye is upon the means 
to retrench expenses, and pray see the utmost at a leisure hour of poor 
Marshe's project, of navigating flats up ' Schoolkill and Susquehanna 
rivers,' above the falls, he assuring me that he could make the experi- 
ment for forty shillings ; be it fifty, or three pounds, it were a mighty 
advantage." 

Under the same date he wrote again : — 

*' My son [William] shall hasten ; possess him, go with him to Penns- 
bury, advise him, contract and recommend his acquaintance. No ram- 
bling to New York, nor mongrel correspondence. lie has promised fair. 
I know he will regard thee. But thou wilt see that I have purchased 
the mighiij supplies at a dear rate. God forgive those wretched people 
who have misused me so, and preserve my spirit over it. Pennsylvania 
has been a dear Pennsylvania to me all over, which few consider, and 
with mo lay to heart. Be discreet. He has wit, kept the top company, 
and must be handled with much love and wisdom ; and urging the weak- 
ness and folly of some behaviours, and the necessity of another conduct 
from interest and reputation, will go far. And get Samuel Carpenter, 
Edward Shippen, Isaac Norris, Phineas Pemberton, Thomas Masters, 
and such persons, to be soft, and kind, and teaching ; it will do wonders 



4:56 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



-with him, and he is conquered that a\ ay. Pretends much to honour, and 
is but over-generous by half, and yet sharp enough to get to spend. He 
cannot well be put off. All this keep to thyself. Vale." 

It will be seen by the foregoing letter, that William Penn's 
only surviving son by his first wife, a young man of bright 
talents and accomplished manners, now began to give great 
solicitude to his father. 

When his parents removed to Pennsylvania, he, being married, 
remained in England, and during their stay fell into habits of 
dissipation and extravagance, which increased the burdens of 
his father, and eventually became the most severe of all his 
afflictions. He attributed this unhappy change in his son's de- 
portment, in some measure, to his absence from him, and in 
several instances speaks of it as one of the losses he sustained 
])y his connection with Pennsylvania. Soon after his return to 
England, the bill for converting the proprietary into royal 
governments, which was before the House of Lords, was Avith- 
drawn or defeated; but those who uro^ed the measure did not 
entirely abandon it: they intended to introdu.:e it into the 
House of Commons, and all the vigilance and influence of the 
proprietaries were required to avert the blow or mitigate its 
force, by obtaining such privileges and immunities as would 
secure them and the people from the abuse of power. 

The disposition on the part of the British ministry to super- 
sede the proprietary governments had been increasing with the 
growth of the colonies, and although it may have been first 
induced by false or exaggerated reports, propagated by the 
enemies of the proprietaries, there is reason to believe that 
there were, among the statesmen of Great Britain, some who 
favoured the measure from a conviction that it would contribute 
to the safety of the colonies and the prosperity of the kingdom. 
They probably considered the proprietary power as a check 
upon the exercise of royal authority and an impediment 'to the 
efficiency of the colonial governments. 

In the spring of 1702, William III. died, after having made 
preparations for another war with France, which was declared 
and prosecuted under his suecessor. 



PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES. 457 



He was an able statesman and general, but ambitious of mili- 
tary glory, and so infatuated with the idea of preserving the 
balance of power in Europe, that he kept England embroiled 
in expensive continental wars, to the great increase of her 
debt and the detriment of public morals. He was a sincere 
friend of religious toleration, and one of his last acts was, to 
sign a bill in favour of the "Friends," allowing their solemn 
affirmation to be accepted, instead of an oath. 

He was succeeded by Queen Anne, the daughter of James II., 
and wife of Prince George of Denmark. This princess having, 
on her accession, publicly declared her intention to maintain the 
Act of Toleration in favour of religious dissenters, the yearly 
meeting of Friends in London adopted an address, expressive 
of their acknowledgments, which was presented to her by Wil- 
liam Penn, accompanied by a deputation of Friends. 

The queen received them very graciously, and after the ad- 
dress was read she returned the following answer : — 

" Mr. Penn, I am so well pleased that what I have said is to your sa- 
tisfaction, that you and your friends may be assured of my protection.''* 

Penn had not been long in England before he found himself 
much straitened in his pecuniary affairs, owing to the expenses 
attendant on his colonial business, and the allowance required 
for the maintenance of his son. 

The extracts which follow, from his correspondence with 
James Logan, describe his situation and prospects at this time. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, 21st of 4th mo., 1702. 
* * -x- * "Never had poor man my task, Avith neither men nor 
money to assist me. I therefore strictly charge thee that thou represent 
to Friends there, that I am distressed for want of supply ; that I am 
forced to borrow money, and add debts to debts, instead of paying them 
off; besides, my uncomfortable distance from my family, and the un- 
speakable fatigue and vexation of following attendance, draughts of an- 
swer, conferences, council's opinions, hearings, &c., with the charge that 
follows them, guineas melting, four, five, six a week, and sometnnes as 
many in a day. My wife hitherto has been maintained by her father, 
whence she is coming next week to "NVorminghurst on my daughter's ac- 

„^ * Gough's History of Quakers, iv. 7. 



458 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



count, in likelihood to marry. I have been more sensibly touched fo« 
the honour of the country's administration than for myself." * * 

*' The scene is much changed since the death of the king. The church 
party advances upon the whig, and yet I find good friends, though 
severely against some people's v^alls. I have had the advice of some of 
the wisest and greatest men in England, that wish me well, about bar- 
gaining with the crown for my government. They all say, ' Stay awhile, 
be not hasty ;' yet some incline to a good bargain ; and to let Quarry be- 
gone, and change him to another province, if we can do no better. Perry 
and the Lords of Trade have talked of our being Friends. Pray, mind 
my directions in former letters, and make return with all speed, or I'm 
undone." * * * 

Again he writes thus : 

*' I must renew my pressing upon thee about returns, for I perceive by 
the votes of the day, the House of Commons have ordered the state of the 
plantations to be laid before them. And just now a lawyer sends me 
word he is offered to be feed against me by Col. Quarry, who is now come 
to do us all the mischief he can. Hasten over rents, &c., all thou canst, 
for many call upon me for old scores, thinking I have brought over all 
the world with me. The war is likely, and goods bear a price. Deer- 
skins and bear-skins, tobacco, good by itself and bad by itself, and then 
one sells the other. 

" The Jerseys' surrender is an ugly preface ; however, there is a higher 
hand to which I look. 

*' Let us do our duty, and leave the rest to God." ^ ^ % 

" The Lords of Trade have promised me to receive no complaints, with- 
out the party sending them give them to the party they are sent against, 
upon the spot, for their answers, in the nature of bill and answer in 
chancery, that nobody may be murdered in the dark. A great reforma- 
tion relief, and for which American governments owe me their good-will." 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

"Philadelphia, 29th 5th mo. 1702. 
" I have not much to advise of more than by the last post a packet 
arrived, with orders directed to thee, or the commander-in-chief of this 
place, to proclaim the war, which was accordingly done on the 6th day 
last, the 24th inst." 

"13th of Gthmo. (1702.) 
" The governor pushes forward a militia, but the church party, as they 
call themselves, leave no stone unturned to oppose it, for reasons I have 
before expressed. An approbation is much wanted, and makes the go- 
vernor very uneasy." 

The church party alluded to in the last extract, consisted of 



CHURCH PARTY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 459 



certain members of the church of England, residing in Penn- 
sylvania, who were disaflfected to the proprietary government, 
and making use of every means in their power to bring it into 
discredit with the British ministry. Among the accusations 
made against Penn and his friends, one was that they left the 
province in a defenceless condition, w^ithout a militia or military 
stores. 

It appears, from Logan's letter, that the churchmen w^ere not 
willing to lose this cause of complaint, for when Governor 
Hamilton attempted to organize a militia, they were no less 
zealous than the Friends in opposing the measure, though on 
entirely different principles. The tolerant and liberal policy of 
Penn had attracted towards his colony adventurers of every 
class and denomination. All enjoyed equal political privileges, 
but in the first settlement, the Friends, being much the most 
numerous, were generally chosen to the legislature and other 
public stations. 

In a few years the influx of immigrants not of their persua- 
sion was so great, that the Friends began to lose their prepon- 
derance, and the frequent demands of the British government 
for aid to military purposes, rendered them less willing to serve 
in public stations. 

In 1702, the population of the province was nearly equally 
divided between Friends and others. In the third month of 
that year James Logan, in a letter to Penn, says, "Philadelphia 
town being above one-half of the inhabitants, two-thirds of 
those, I believe, are no Friends, which brings town and coun- 
try, as I judge, near upon a balance, the greater part of the 
country being Friends." 

The churchmen, being accustomed to exclusive privileges in 
the mother country, were not satisfied with the equality secured 
to them by the laws of the province, and being desirous that 
Pennsylvania should, like the Jerseys, be transferred to a royal 
government, they raised the cry of persecution. This complaint 
was so groundless and absurd, that Penn supposed they would 
readily sign a paper contradicting the report, and at his request 
Logan applied to the leading members for that purpose. 



460 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



It appears, by the following extract from his letter to Penn, 
that they refused his request, and gave him a definition of per- 
secution which is probably without a parallel. 

" I can see no hopes," he says, " of getting any material subscription 
from those of the church against the report of persecution, they having 
consulted together on that head, and, as I am informed, concluded that 
not allowing their clergy here what they of right claim in England, and 
not suffering them to be superior, may justly bear that name." 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

"Philadelphia, 17th 7mo. 1702. 

" At New York they are suffering with a mortal distemper, much the 
same as what was here two years ago, which sweeps off great numbers ; 
'tis such a visitation, they say, as that place never knew before, carrying 
off eight, ten, or twelve in a day. They are very unhealthy likewise a\ 
Boston this post informs us." ^ * ^ 

" We are sensible of thy great exigencies for want of sufficient supplier 
there, but I can see no better way to remedy it than those I am upon 
AVhen thy son arrives he will be a witness of our circumstances, and that 
I pretend nothing for the sake of excuse, but what we too feelingly ex- 
perience to be true. Wheat, that when thou left us was our best com- 
modity, goes now begging from door to door, and can rarely find a buyer. 
The cheapness of grain in England allowing provisions from thence at 
much easier rates than our country will yet afford it. So that very few 
vessels have gone out this fall, which used to be the busiest time, and 
even these were long before freighted, and that not fully. The merchants 
thus forbearing to buy, the country can get no money. Wheat they offer 
in piiy, but for that there is no vent, nor indeed are the merchants much 
better supplied. They buy goods of the vessel at 150 per cent., but how 
they will be paid none can foresee — unless corn rise in England or a 
peace (which is not likely) open to us the Spanish trade. 

"This province seems in danger of being brought to an ebb." * * 

" I cannot advise against a bargain with the crown, if to be had on 
good terms for thyself and the people. Friends here, at least the gene- 
rality of the best informed, think government at this time so ill fitted to 
their principles, that it renders them very indifferent in that point, further 
than that they earnestly desire thy success in vindicating the country's 
reputation, and that they may not fall a spoil to such base hands as now 
seek our ruin. Privileges, they believe, such as might be depended on 
tor a continuance both to thee and them, with a moderate governor, 
would set much more at ease, and give thee an happier life as proprietor 
only, than tnou hast yet had as governor ; besides, that it would exempt 
thee from the solicitude they are under, both from their own impotence 
and the malicious watchfulness of enemies." * * * 



LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 461 



** I have spoken to those chiefly concerned in the iron mines, but they 
seem careless, having never had a meeting since thy departure. Their 
answer is, that they have not yet found any considerable vein/' 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"24th of 12th month, 1702. 

* ■* "I never was so low and so reduced. For Ireland, my old prin- 
cipal verb, has hardly any money. England — severe to her — no trade but 
hither — and at England's mercy for prices (save butter and meat to Flan- 
ders and the West Indies) — that we must go and eat out half our rents or 
we cannot enjoy them. 

" I have great interest, as well as my son's settlement to deduct, with 
three or fuur per cent, tax here and twenty or twenty-six per cent, exchange 
from Ireland to England, to answer.* I therefore earnestly urge supplies, 
and by the best methods, and least hazardous." 

" I know thy abilit}-, I doubt not thy integrity, I desire thy application 
and health, and above all, thy growth in the feeling of the power of truth ; 
for that fits and helps us above all other things, even in business of this 
world — clearing our heads, quickening our spirits, and giving us faith and 
courage to perform. 

" I am sorry to find by thine, thou art so much oppressed in thy station, 
and wish I could make it lighter. If my son will apply himself to busi- 
ness, he may, by the authority of his relationship, &c., render the post 
easier to thee. I know the baseness of the temper of too many of the 
people thou hast to deal with, which calls for judgment and great temper, 
with some authority. This year the customs upon goods from Penn- 
sylvania amount to £8000. The year I arrived there, 1699, but to £1500, 
at the most. A good argument for me and the poor country. It has a 
greater regard here, and made the care of an officer, (as well as Virginia 
and ^Maryland,) at the custom-house. New York not the half of it. 

" But oh I that we had a fur trade instead of a tobacco one, and that 
thou didst do all that .is possible to master furs and skins for me; they 
bear more, especially such as thou sent me. 

" Had I but two or three chests of them, I could have sold them for 
almost what I would ; 16, aye, 20 shillings a skin, at this juncture." 

* It seems that part of the rents of his Irish estates were settled on his 
son William, and he had heavy interest to pay on borrowed money. 



20* 



i62 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XXXIY. 

Penn takes lodgings at Kensington — Writes " More Fruits of Solitude" — 
Letter to Logan — George Fox's lot — Servants from R. Janney — Go- 
vernor Hamilton's administration — His death — Kindness of Penn to 
his family — Colonel Quarry's machinations — Difficulty about oaths — 
Lord Cornbury and the church party — Letters of Logan and Penn. 



William Penn having occasion frequently to wait on the 
queen, to promote the interest of his province, took lodgings at 
Kensington, where he wrote "More Fruits of Solitude, being a 
Second Part of Reflections and Maxims relating to the Conduct 
of Human Life." "After which he removed to Knightbridge, 
over against Hyde Park Corner, where he resided for some 
years."* In the year 1703, he wrote a Preface to a work of 
D. Phillips, entitled " YindiciseVeritatis," being a defence of 
"Friends' Principles," and another to the writings of Charles 
Marshall, called "Zion's Travellers Comforted." 

The affairs of Pennsylvania, as well as his own private con- 
cerns, continued to be the principal subjects of his correspond- 
ence with James Logan. In the first of the letters here in- 
serted, allusion is made to a lot of ground given by William 
Penn to George Fox, as a token of his regard, which, it seems, 
had not yet been located, and the same property having been 
given by George Fox to the meetings of Friends, application 
was made to the proprietary to have it located in the city of 
Philadelphia. 

EXTRACTS FROM A DECAYED LETTER FROM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

Sent hy Roger Mompesson, 

" I am solicited about George Fox's gift — indeed, it was mine to him, 
and therefore must take the liberty to say, that for the request I a little 
admire at it. The most considerable of those who sign it, must knoTV it 

* Life prefixed to his works. 



LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 



4G3 



was so. I shall willingly allow a field of twenty acres or twenty-five acres 
for Friends' use, out of liberty lands near any meeting ; but to allow it 
out of the city lots is what I will never do, unless I am upon the spot. 1 
still remember the collops cut out of my own, and my son's and daugh- 
ter's concerns, in my former absence, and will sufi'cr none of those things 
to be acted again. I have not forgot lot N. N.,* where our meeting-house 
stands ; it was reserved for Tishe, who, as appears by the list, is without 
any High Street lot at all ; now that is gone. I know who urge these 
difficulties upon me ; but alas ! they are in the power of one greater than 
I am, to humble, distress, and bring them to reflection. 

"However, I will honour his name who honoured truth, above all men, 
(G.Fox,) and loved me— but in my own way and time. I will not be dictated 
to. I can satisfy thee I have writ to none any thing that can give them 
the least occasion against thee. 

"The gentleman who brings this (Judge Mompesson) is constituted 
Judge of the Admiralty of Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and New York, and 
is yet willing to be my attorney-general to rectify matters in law, and to 
put you into better methods, in which respect he is thought by the 
judiciary here to be very able. Get him a sober, suitable house to diet 
in, as well as lodge. If you were together, 'twere to thy advantage in 
many respects. He is a moderate churchman, knows the world here, has 
been in two several Parliaments, and recorder of Southampton— only 
steps abroad to ease his fortune of some of his father's debts he was early 
unwarily engaged for. He is a favourite of Lord Cornbury's father, the 
Earl of Clarendon. 

"I have granted him a commission for chief justice, in case the people 
will lay hold of such an opportunity as no government in America ever 
had before of an English lawyer, and encourage him by a proper salary 
of at least £100, if not £150, per annum. 

"My son (having life) resolves to be with you per first opportunity; his 
wife, this day week, was delivered of a fine boy, which he calls William. 
So that now we are major, minor, and minimus. I bless the Lord mine 
are pretty well. Johnne lively. Tommy, a lovely, large child, and my 
grandson Springett a mere Saracen, his sister a beauty. * * * 

" I have sent some hats, one for Griffith Owen, and the other intended 
for Edward Shippen, which thou mayst take, with this just excuse, that 
the brim being too narrow for his age and height, I intend him one with 
a larger brim ; for as soon as. I saw it, I told the Friend who made it 1 
thought it handsome, though I pinch here to be sure. If my son sends 
hounlls, as he has provided tAvo or three couple of choice ones for de-r, 
foxes, and wolves, pray let great care be taken of them. 

* N. N. means not numbered. The lot was at the south-west corner of 
Market and Second Streets, where Friends' meeting-house formerly stood. 
Granted bv Governor M.irkbam. 



i64 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



* * * "I add no more, but my good wishes, and leave all to the 
secret, wise ordering of my good God, and close. 

" Thy real friend, WILLIAM PENN." 

"2d Sept. (7th mo.) 1703. 
" Friends have again made application for G. Fox's gift, and I have 
proposed their acceptance of a lot in Front Street, and another in High 
Street, with their proportion of liberty land," [Fair Hill.] 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

London, 1st 2d mo., 1703. 

"I have writ at large, six sheets if not seven, and sent by R. Mompes- 
son, Esq., to which I refer thee. I here enclose Randall Janney's bond, for 
two of his best servants, one a carpenter, the other a husbandman ; that 
the outhouses may be perfected in part within, (at Pennsbury,) and a 
moderate stable built, for eight or ten horses, and a shelter for cattle and 
sheep near the barn, as formerly, to which I refer to J. Sotcher. Yaff is 
also gone in the room of one who can't go from weakness, and I have 
resolved after Jour years faithful service he shall be free. Yet I have left 
it with him to return, if he will, passage free in the Messenger, (which he 
will more than deserve in any ship.) Nay, I leave it to him to return from 
Deal if he will. Thou art not to allow R. Janney any thing for him ; 
that going into £20 for the other two; also he wants three of his comple- 
ment, and must have paid as much had he not gone ; besides, I have been 
otherwise kind to him. Yaff is an able planter and a good husbandman, 
and promises fair, and Samuel has but one year more to serve, as I think 
by my note, if he has served well. I hope Randall carries a hat for 
Edward Shippen, of a mayoral size. 

" See if the town would be so kind as to build me a pretty box like Ed- 
ward Shippen's, upon any of my lots in town, or purchase Griffith Owen's 
or T. Fairman's, or any near, healthy spot, as Wicaco or the like, for 
Pennsbury will hardly accommodate my son's family and mine, unless 
enlarged. Let what is there be kept up, but only substantial improve- 
ments to be now followed. 

" I should like fruit at the distance of forty or fifty feet, in fields as 
should neither hurt corn or grass. 

"Now is the time to make earnings in the islands, wherefore fail not to 
use the opportunity, and let me see some chests of furs by the Messenger, 
and if thou canst, a copy of the laws to lye by me." 

" Thy loving friend, WM. PENN." 

P. S. " My dear love to all Friends, and salutes to all that deserve it. 
Take care of my mills. Remember me to my family, and let them be 
kind to poor Lucy and the Dutchman." 

The servants alluded to in the foregoing letter appear to 



GOVERNOR Hamilton's administration. 465 



liave been bound for a term of years : " Samuel," he says, 
"has but one year more to serve," and Yaif he was resolved 
should be free after ''four years of faithful service." 

There is no evidence tliat they were Africans, for the term 
servant was, and still is applied, in England, to all hired la- 
bourers. 

The administration of Gov. Hamilton was of short duration, 
and imbittered by dissensions between the representatives of 
the province and those of the territories, now composing the 
State of Delaware. 

The people of the territories declined to elect representatives 
to the assembly, at the time fixed by law, and writs being 
subsequently issued by the governor for an election, they chose 
delegates, who, when they arrived at the seat of government, 
refused to unite with the members from the province, claiming 
their privilege under the charter of dissolving the union. 

The governor having used every means in his power to re- 
concile their differences, was at last compelled to dismiss the 
assembly without the transaction of any business. This sepa- 
ration proved to be final. 

Gov. Hamilton died the 20th of 2d month, (April,) 1703, 
and his successor made a fruitless attempt to preserve the 
union, but the members from the province, who before, had 
been well affected toward it, then refused to unite with those 
from the territories, whose refractory conduct, for many years, 
had exhausted their forbearance. 

The death of Gov. Hamilton was lamented by Logan, who 
thought him well qualified for his office, but he was inimical to 
the proprietary government, as appears by the following letter : 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" Worminghurst, 27th 6th mo. 1703. 
*' Now I am to tell thee that when I told the Lords of Trade, ccc, that 
Col. Hamilton was dead, Secretarj^ Blathvvayt answered me, 'Then there 
is dead the man who of all others has written against proprietary govern- 
ments with the most neatness and strength.' I replied, * And yet with 
what difficult}^, besides charge, did I obtain this enemy of my interest and 
friend to yours, to be my deputy-governor;' but his moderation about the 

30 



i6(j LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



affairs of New York, renewed a good opinion of him, and I believe had 
he lived, by the help of his friends here he had been favoured in his con- 
cern. But of this passage of Secretary Blathwayt, say nothing, unless 
under secrecy, to S. Carpenter, or S. Jennings or Francis Davenport, but 
those two may remember, at Governor Hamilton's house in Burlington, 
I told you this as my jealousy ; at least to Davenport and Gardner. I 
told it there, and elsewhere, to Samuel Jennings, more than once. I sup- 
pose he (Hamilton) wished to ingratiate himself against they became 
king's governments. But I could have as soon picked a pocket or denied 
my friend or name. Yet what shall wo say of this wretched world ! 

"However I am, with the aid of Counsellor West, endeavouring to 
serve his creditors and family about the post-office." 

The last sentence in the above letter, evinces that beautiful 
trait in Penn's character — forgiveness of injuries — so conspicu- 
ous in all his conduct. Although he believed that the late 
governor, while employed in his service, had been the secret 
enemy of his house, he exerted himself to benefit his family, 
and obtained the post-office for one of his sons.* 

On the death of Gov. Hamilton, the executive duties devolved 
upon the council, who soon found themselves involved in diffi- 
culty, through the machinations of Col. Quarry. He had 
obtained from the queen an order that all the executive and 
judicial officers of the province should take "the oath directed 
by the law of England, or the affirmation allowed by the said 
law to Quakers," ''as also, that all persons who in England 
are obliged and willing to take an oath in any public or judicial 
proceeding, be admitted so to do, by the proper officers and 
judges in Pennsylvania." He presented himself before the 
council armed with this order, which empowered him, John 
Moore and two others, to administer the oath. There being 
only two members of the council, i. e. Judge Guest and Capt. 
Finney, willing to take an oath, and the other members being 
dissatisfied with the form of the affirmation, they were in some 
perplexity, but after several conferences they agreed to comply 
with the order. Col. Quarry however, whose object was to 
throw odium upon the proprietary government, refused to 
Qualify them, unless they would all submit to the same form 

* Note to the Logan MSS. 



DIFFICULTY ABOUT OATHS. 



4G7 



of oath. He affected to consider the executive as a unit, 
tliough composed of five members, and would only administer 
the oath to the whole council ; nor could he and his colleagues 
" see that they had any power to administer an affirmation 
at all." The council refusing to comply, he withdrcAV, chuck- 
ling at the success of his manoeuvre. 

The collector of the queen's customs being authorized to ad- 
minister the oath or affirmation, was called upon to supply the 
place of Col. Quarry, which he at first declined, but at the 
pressing solicitation of some of the members of council, he 
complied, and the wheels of government again moved on. 

The mischief occasioned by this order of the queen did not, 
however, stop here. Many of the judges and magistrates, being 
Friends, were as scrupulous about administering an oath as 
taking it themselves. The laws of Pennsylvania did not require 
it, and a simple affirmation had been sufficient in all judicial pro- 
ceedino-s. Now they were required to administer oaths to all 
who were willing to take them, and rather than comply they 
would resign their offices ; which the church party, under the 
direction of Quarry and Moore, would gladly occupy. 

When information of these proceedings reached the proprie- 
tary, he was grieved that the members of council had not been 
more firm. In writing to them he said — 

"For your perplexities in government, metliinks you have brought it 
too much upon yourselves. For why should you obey any order obtained 
by the Lords of Trade, or otherwise, which is not according to patent nor 
law here, nor the laws of your own country, which are to govern you till 
repealed ; and none are but one. 

" I desire you to pluck up that English and Christian courage, not to 
suffer youselves to be thus treated and put upon. Let those factious fel- 
lows do their worst. Keep them in evidence and in qualifications, who 
give you this perplexity, and I will bear you out. If you will resign the 
laws, customs, and usages, instead of persisting till you see what becomes 
of the laws now with the attorney-general, I cannot help it; but a decent 
refusal were wisest. * * * 

"This should have gone three or four weeks ago, and did attempt it in 
vain, since the great storm, that has, besides lives seven or eight thousand, 
done' millions of damage to the kingdom ; the like not remembered by any 
man living with us." 



468 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



After the proprietary government of ttie Jerseys was sur- 
rendered to the crown, Lord Cornbury was appointed governo 
by William III., which gave the church party in Pennsylvania 
great hopes of being able to effect the same change in that pro- 
vince. On the occasion of Cornbury's visit to Philadelphia, 
early in the reign of Queen Anne, he was received by the 
churchmen with great manifestations of regard. In a letter 
of Logan to Penn, dated 2d Sept. 1703, he says — 

"Col. Quarry, and the rest of the churchmen, congratulated him, and 
presented an address from the vestry of Philadelphia, who now consist, I 
think, of twenty-four, requesting his patronage to the church, and closing 
with a prayer that he would beseech the queen (as I am credibly in- 
formed) to extend his government over this province; and Col. Quarry, 
in his first congratulatory address, said, they hoped they also should be 
partakers of the happiness of Jersey, enjoyed under his government. 

"In answer to the vestry's address, he spoke what was proper from a 
churchman, to the main design of it, (for he was very good at extemporary 
speeches,) and to their last request, that it was their business, (meaning to 
address the queen, I suppose ;) but that when his mistress would be 
pleased to lay her commands on him, he would obey them with alacrity." 

A short time previous to the receipt of this information, Penn 
had written to Logan concerning a complaint that Cornbury 
himself had sent over, from which it appears that his lordship 
could lend a helping hand to his brother churchmen in dis- 
turbing the proprietary government. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" Worminghurst, 27th 6th mo. 1703. 
"A letter came from Lord Cornbury, 'your great friend,' importing a 
representation from the Church of England, with you, to him, complain- 
ing of a man's being lately sentenced to death by a jury of Quakers, not 
only not sworn, but not attested according to the act of Parliament in 
England. To which I answered I had heard nothing of it; and so soon as 
any advices came, should inform them of it. In the mean time it was not 
to be thought that a colony and constitution made by and for Quakers, 
would leave themselves and their lives and fortunes out of so essential a 
part of government as juries. That there and here, differed much, or we had 
never gone thither, with our lives and substance, to be so precarious in our 
security, as not to be capable of being jurymen. If the coming of others 
ihall overrule us, that av3 the originals, and made it a country, we are 



COMPLAINTS OF THE CHURCH PARTY. 469 



anhap]\y indoed : though it is not to be thought we intended no easier 
or bettex" terms for ourselves, in going to America, than we left behind us. 
"As yet, this has aUayed the spirit of objectors. But of none of this 
have I word, which has been some concern to me. Pray let me hear 
oftener. I have not had one penny, consequently, toward my support, 
since the taking of the two ships 1 advised thee of, [captured by the 
French ;] and have lived in town ever since I came over, at no small ex- 
pense ; having not been three months of twenty that I have been in Eng- 
land absent from court, putting all the time together that I have been 
at this place and Bristol, from whence I came three weeks ago, and was 
there but about fourteen or sixteen days, on account of my wife, who this 
day month gave birth to a daughter, whom we call Hannah Margarita." 

But the complaints of the churchmen were not confined to 
the disuse of oaths, they thought the ordinances of their church 
were not sufficiently respected. In another letter of Penn he 

says— 

" I had a letter from the Lords of Trade, &c., upon occasion of one from 
Sir Thomas Lawrence, that vox et prasterea nihil, complaining of con- 
temptuous expressions used by Thomas Story, in public meetings in Mary- 
land — last general meeting — against baptism and the Lord's supper. A 
silly knight! Though I hope it comes of officious weakness, the talent of 
the gentleman, with some malice, rather than an unnecessary attack on 
the part of T. Story, or in irreverent terms. I never heeded it : only 
said, if that gentleman had sense enough for his office, he might have 
known that his tale was no part of it. And that the rudeness and perpe- 
tual clamour of George Keith, and the rest of the priests in those parts, in 
their pulpits, with public challenges besides, gave occasion for what 
passed. That he was a discreet and temperate man, and did not exceed 
in his retorts or returns. But 'tis children's play to provoke a combat, 
and then cry out that such a one beats them. I hoped they were not a 
committee of conscience nor religion; and that it showed the shallowness 
of the gentleman that played the busybody in it. 

"IIoAvever, let Griffith Owen mention this to Thomas, lest time fail me." 

The difficulty of governing the colony on the peaceable prin- 
ciples of Friends arose from her connection with the mother 
country, whose foreign wars she was compelled to espouse; and 
it was enhanced by the opposition of those among her own citi- 
zens who wished to provide for military defences. The secre- 
tary himself Avas not satisfied without some martial prepara- 
tions, as a^^nears by his letters to Penn. 
■2P ^ 



170 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



The pecuniary wants of the proprietary, together with the 
embarrassment he experienced from the agent of the British 
government and the disaffected among the colonists, induce(i 
him to think of selling his government, but retaining to him- 
self his landed estate in the colony, where he still hoped to 
pass the evening of his days. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, 6th 4th mo. 1703. 

•' My son is now in earnest to be with you by the Virginia fleet, which 
sails, by orders, the 10th of the 6th mo., (2 months hence,) and so thence 
up the bay, unless better conveniency offer more directly, as early as that. 
I am actually in treaty with the ministers for my government, and as soon 
as it bears you shall be informed of it. I believe it repents some that 
they began it, for now 'tis I that press it upon pretty good terms, as well 
f »r the people as self, in the judgment of the wisest and best of my friends ; 
but this shall never weaken my love to and residence in Pennsylvania, and 
so I command by will my posterity. You will have an increase of Friends 
among you to support the superiority, or balance at least, in the province. 

" So after I have done with the government, and called upon Ireland, 
if the Lord give me life, I purpose to fly to you as fast as I can. 

"Jos. Groves paid me the other day, fifty pounds, when I never wanted 
it more, a guinea being less to me a year since, than a crown is now ; 
therefore remember me by all opportunities." 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

<<2d September, 1703. 
V X x- "-Qy last post we have accounts from N. England that the 
French and Indians, joining to the eastward, have cut ofi" several settle- 
ments, and killed and carried away 150 persons, a sore, unexpected blow. 
The governor having, even this summer, made peace by a solemn treaty 
with those very savages who have been chiefly concerned in the mischief. 
They are at open war with them now, having proclaimed it at Boston 
about fifteen days ago. The French have likewise settled among the Five 
Nations not at peace with them, and have their emissaries everywhere ; those 
of Connecticut are also like to break with the English, as letters by the same 
l>(ist inform us. Indian Harry of Conostoga, is now here, and informs us 
of the great endeavours of the French, but I have not yet fully discoursed 
with him. ***** I -ivish thee could find more to say for oui 
lying so naked and defenceless. I always used the ]>ost argument I could, 
and when I pleaded that vre were a peaceable people, had wholh^ renounced 
war and the spirit of it, that were willing to commit ourselvxis to the pro- 
tection of God alone, in an assurance that the sword can neither be drawn 



LETTER TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 471 



ncr sheathed, but by his direction ; that the desolation made by it are the 
doeUxration of his wrath alone ; that the Christian dispensation is exclu- 
sively of peace on earth and good-will toward men ; and that those who 
will not use the sword, but by an entire resignation commit themselves to 
his all-powerful providence, shall never need it, but be safe under a more 
sure defence than any worldly arm. When I pleaded this, I really spoke 
my sentiments, but this will not answer in English government, nor the 
methods of this region. Their answer is, that should we lose our lives 
only, it would be little to the crown, seeing it is our doing, but others are 
involved with us, and should the enemy make themselves masters of the 
country, it would too sensibly touch England in the rest of her colonies. 
This must be weighed, but still I hope such measures may be taken, as 
will prevent these base men from becoming our masters. 

" But what shall we say? Almighty Providence seems to be preparing 
the most dreadful scenes throughout the world. Rage and fury appear 
to be commissioned to carry desolation through the earth, and few will 
be the doors, I doubt, it will not visit. The most secure may find their 
enemies — the most naked be protected." 

"Philadelphia, 8th 7th, 1703. 
"As I said in my large letter, the justices who are Friends, having 
yesterday gone off the bench and left the court, to-day it has been held 
by the others, J. Guest, C. Finney, E. Farmer, A. B., who administer 
oaths to all who can take them, fining those that will not, and the af- 
firmation to all others." 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, 31st 10th mo. 1703. 
" Fear not my bargain with the crown, for it shall never be made 
without a security to the inhabitants according to the constitution and 
laws of the country, though my supplies to defend them come so costly 
and slowly to my support." 

WILLIAM PENN TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 

" London, 31st 10th mo. 1703. 
" Esteemed Friends: — I heartily salute you, wishing you and yours 
true happiness. I perceive by divers letters, as well as that I received 
from most of you, the restless endeavours of a few malcontents to throw 
the government into confusion, that they may have the better excuse and 
pretence fur changing the government, and shifting it from the hands in 
which it now is : as for instance, that you are careless about the laws of 
trade and navigation, because you are not cruel and extortionate, where 
facts relating thereunto have happened through ignorance or undesigned 
omission, as in the case of poor Lumby, Kule, and Righton, to say nothing 
of the barbarous treatiaent of George Clay pole and Thomas Masters, for 



i72 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



which Quarry and Moore deserve the aversion of all honest men, and I 
doubt not they will find it in due time. The next instance is their out- 
cry for want of a militia to defend them in time of danger, and then stre- 
nuously endeavour to defeat the means of obtaining and settling it. * * 
3dly. After all their aggravations about trying for life, without an oath, 
they have discouraged the methods taken by my lieutenant-governor 
Hamilton, to the obstruction of justice, which might accommodate that 
matter, than M^hich hardly any thing can appear more disingenuous. 
4thly. I was astonished at the address delivered by Quarry, in the name 
of the vestry of Philadelphia, to Lord Cornbury, at his last being there ; 
and I admire almost as much your extreme patience under so impudent 
an affront and injustice. I suppose it was out of respect to that noble 
lord, otherwise I think, had I been there, I should have made those gen- 
tlemen sensible of the smart of that power they have so often abused in 
your hands ; and for that reason, now, would have wrested out of them. 
But his answer, I confess, (as it comes from thence,) shows his prudence, 
and their folly; and, with the addition of what his father, the Earl of 
Clarendon, told me, the other day, upon my mentioning to him the unac- 
countableness of that passage in their address, as well as his great justice ; 
for, (says he,) I will never solicit the queen, or any one else, for that 
which is the property of another man. 5thly. I also understand that 
these open defiances to the government they have got their bread under, 
have excited many of my renters in the lower counties to refuse the pay- 
ment of my quitrents, an unhappiness to themselves, poor people ! at 
the long run. For I am determined to show them they are in the wrong, 
and forgive them when they have submitted to their old, kind, and abused 
landlord. But, perhaps, their leaders may have cause, one time or other, 
to wish they had not misled them from their duty and common justice. 
My present indisposition (which, they say, is the beginning of the gout) 
makes writing uneasy to me, or else you had had all this from my own 
hand. I shall conclude when I have said I expect from you that you will 
maintain my just rights and privileges, both in government and property, 
granted to me by King Charles II., under the great seal of England, 
and by James, Duke of York, his royal brother, and the constitution, 
laws, and customs, unitedly and universall}^ signed and established in that 
government long before the coming of those troubles of our race amongst 
us ; for you cannot think that I shall support them here, if you submit 
them there to the unjust, clamorous, and insolent practices of those no- 
torious enemies to our public peace. 

"I am your very loving friend, WILLIAM PENN." 



JR. 47y 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

William Penn, Jr., arrives in Pennsylvania — Visited by the Indians; 
Penn's letter to Logan — Col. Quarry — Oaths and affirmations — Lo- 
gan's letter to Penn — S. Banas imprisoned — Governor Evans's mea- 
sures — William Penn, Jr.'s, affray with the watch — Renounces Qua- 
kerism ; Returns to England — Evans disputes with assembly — P. 
Lloyd's artifices — Pretended remonstrance of assembly — Letters of 
Penn and Logan. » 

1703-4. 

The intention of William Penn to send his son to the pro- 
vince was probably formed during his residence there, and was 
expressed in several of his letters soon after his return to Eng- 
land, but not accomplished until near the close of the year 
1703. In one of his letters to Logan he expresses great soli- 
citude that wise measures and salutary counsels should be em- 
ployed to reclaim this unhappy son, who had fallen into habits 
calculated to destroy his o^vn peace and to imbittcr his father's 
declining years. 

" Take him," he says, " away to Psnnsljury, and there give him the 
true state of things, and weigh down his levities, as well as temper his 
resentments, and inform his understanding, since all depends upon it, as 
well for his future happiness as in measure the- poor country's." * * 

"Watch him, outwit hliU, and honestly overreach him, for his good. 
Fishings, little journeys, (as to see the Indians, &c.,) will divert him, and 
interest Friends to bear all they can, and melt towards him, at least 
civillv, if not religiously. He will confide in thee. If S. Carpenter, 
Richard Hill, and Isaac Norris could gain his confidence, and tender 
Griffith Owen— not the least likely, for he sees and feels— I should re- 
joice. Pennsylvania has cost me dearer in my poor child than all other 
considerations. The Lord pity and spare in his great mercy. I yet hope." 

William Penn, Jr., arrived in the province in the 12th month, 
1703, [i. e. February, 1704.] He was accompanied by John 
Evans, who had been appointed by the proprietary as deputy- 
governor, with the queen's approbation. Evans was recom- 
mended, in a letter of Penn to James Logan, as " a young man, 
2P* 



i''4 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



not above six and twenty, but sober and sensible ; the son," he 
sajs, "of an old friend that loved me not a little. He will be 
discreet, advisable, and especially by the best of our friends." 
renn was, however, deceived in him, for he proved to be an 
unsuitable companion for his son, and exceedingly indiscreet 
as a governor. The first impression made by both Evans and 
young Penn was favourable. Logan, with all his sagacity, was 
at fault, and expressed the most sanguine hopes of them both. 
Samuel Preston, in a letter written about the same time to 
Jonathan Dickerson, in Jamaica, mentions him in the following 
terms : — 

" Our young landlord, to say true, in my judgment, discovers himself 
his father's eldest son ; his person, his sweetness of temper, and elegance 
of speech, are no small demonstrations thereof. But I wish him more 
of his zeal.'' 

The Indians, hearing of his arrival, testified their respect for 
his father by repairing to Pennsbury to meet him, as appears 
by a letter of J. Logan, dated 14th of 1st mo., 1704. 

lie says, "Last week thy son, Judge Mompesson, and myself went to 
Pennsbury to meet 100 Indians, of which nine were kings ; Opewousi- 
unihook, the chief, with his neighbours, who came thither to congratu- 
late thy son's arrival, presenting the belts of wampum for a ratification 
of peace, and had returns accordingly. lie stayed there with the judge, 
awaiting Clement Plumstead's wedding with Sarah Ilighton, (formerly 
Biddle.") 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" Loudon, 10th first month, 1703-4. 

" I hope ere now my son and lieutenant-governor are arrived. This 
comes by Edward Shippen, Jr., and N. Puckle, to whom I refer thee as 
to generals and common news, and the prints that come with them. 

" And in the first place, know that I received none from thee since I 
writ largely to thee, by way of Barbadoes and Antigua, and since, a 
shorter, to the council, and so to thee, by way of New England ; duplicates 
of which go now. And I hope and please myself to think you will be 
quickened to show yourselves men in that affair, to wit, of Quarry's 
and his few venomous adherents' proceedings against the government. 
For if you could longer endure those contempts, it would be, I take it, a 
betraying of the rights of the people, as well as of mine, and my poste- 
rity's. I have made good use of the defence thou sent me. The coun- 
cil's letter, and passages out of thine, much to the purpose ; and the very 



LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 



lords commissioners themselves are come at last to dislike his busy and 
tur})ulent proceedings. And I hope for a letter next -week, (to send by 
this, or next opportunity, to New York, in twenty days' time,) from that 
board, to reprimand his behaviour ; having convinced them, by instances 
you gave me, of his disingenuous practices, as well as injurious ; as also 
that I have shown them that the counties he has seduced from their duty, 
are the only tobacco folks, and that the only enumerated commodity in 
our country ; as also, that the people of the territories, purged (by their 
address to the late king, anno 1G99-1700) the colony from Col. Quarry's 
imputations upon us about trade ; and who also, anno 1G84, did by their 
address to the king and duke (of York,) highly express their satisfaction 
in me, and their union with the upper counties, — and which was indeed 
their seeking, — returning their humble thanks to both, for sending them 
so kind a landlord and so good a governor. And, therefore, to Quarry's 
f,)ul practices, and the protection he brags there he has here, I owe that 
great defection those poor people have been led into of late. In short, I 
am now more likely to keep my government than ever, or to have some 
equivalent for it ; and take this from me, that if you do but the queen 
justice in her revenue, and discountenance illegal trade, and all own the 
administration their jurisdiction, so far as agrees with the attorney- 
general's opinion I sent you, you will not be molested hence, but pro- 
tected. This the ministry here assures me. 

" And I do require it of the lieutenant-governor, the council, and ma- 
gistrates, that they maintain to the utmost the powers of my grant, and 
the authority of the laws. And if Quarry, or any of his ungrateful 
gang, offer to invade or affront them, that they feel the smart of them. 
His being an officer in the revenue, shall not exempt him from correction, 
or support him in his seditious and factious practices with impunity. 

" I could almost send orders to have him prosecuted with the utmost 
rigour ; and if I find encouragement from the learned in the law, that it 
might be done to good purpose, I may think to do it. 

"I offered the lords commissioners, the other day, either that we might 
be bought out, or have liberty to buy out our turbulent churchmen, and 
they wished it were so ; the latter, they said. I desired them to forward 
it, and assured them I would find four amongst us that could and would 
do it. They are thoroughly apprized of your hardships, and so are 
greater persons, and Quarry will have a rebuke from that board by this 
opportunity, or by the New York convoy, as before noted. * ^ * 

" Salute me to all Friends as if named, the council, magistrates, offi 
cers, and inhabitants that behave discreetly. 

" With hearty good Avishes for thy true prosperity, and that wisdom 
may guide thee — that wisdom which is gentle and easy to be entreated 
(fur it comes from above, and will outlive all the false wisdom of the low 
and miserable world,) — being 

" Thv real friend WM PEXX." 



476 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

"8th of 2d mo. 1704. 
* * * "I am grieved to think that you ever gave way to any other 
affirmation than that appointed by law in the province ; by which you 
have given away a most tender point, not easily recoverable. My re- 
gard to this queen is known almost to a partiality, but I shall never obey 
her letters (against laws) into which she may be drawn by interested 
persons, or those who would make their court by other men's costs. The 
bishop of London himself is under humiliations. However, use thy 
utmost wits to get intelligence of the motions of our enemies there, in 
their designs, and with correspondences they hold at New York, Vir- 
ginia, and Maryland ; and communicate them to me by the quickest and 
safest opportunities." 

This false step gave much trouble to Friends in the colony. 
Some years afterwards, their opponents carried a law for the 
English affirmation. Whereupon Penn again expressed his 
regret as follows : — 

" I do abhor the new affirmation, carried here and then there, by abso- 
lute faction, and, if I can, I will waive it. For I would rather Friends 
were never in power, so our old affirmation were confirmed for Friends 
and others scrupulous, and oaths for the rest: — unless a short way of 
Bond's penalty, for truth of what is said, were made practicable and ac- 
ceptable, as I have often thought it might be." 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

"Philadelphia, 25th 3d mo. 1704, 5th day. 
** Honoured Governor: — I send this chiefly to let thee know that I am 
writing largely by the Virginia fleet, to be sent down on third day next 
by the Friends going to the Maryland meeting. * * * The provinces 
and territories are entirely disunited in pursuance of that unhappy char- 
ter, and the province now acting by themselves in assembly ; but what 
they will do, cannot yet be foreseen. Some hope for good, and some ex- 
pect but little. In the meantime, however, if thou hast an opportunity 
of making a good bargain for thyself and the many honest people that 
are still here, notwithstanding the endeavours of the spiteful or malcon 
tents, 'tis what I believe thy best friends will advise thee to. We are all 
well. Thy son and myself have taken William Clark's great house in 
Chestnut street.* Judge Mompesson will be with us, as I suppose, when 
here ; but he has lost all in his commission but New York, and Colonel 
Quarry is made surve^^or-general of all the main, and I believe the island, 

*Near the south-west coruer of Third street, afterwards the residence of 
Israel Pemberton. 



MILITIA FOR THE COLONY. 



477 



too. The governor acquits himself beyond what coulu possibly be ex- 
pected from his years ; is master of his temper to a great degree, which 
has been but too much tried by some of our humours. It will be a jus- 
tice due to him to get the queen's first commission to him. Judge Mom- 
pesson is certainly a man of consummate worth, but has not fallen into 
hands that know how to value him. I fear the assembly will give him 
no encouragement. He is of the council, and as he is of ability infi- 
nitely beyond the rest, so he has a willingness suitable to it. A militia 
is going forward with all vigour ; but our friends would not suffer the 
proclamation to be printed on their press. I shall not enter into parti- 
cular business here, referring it to the other opportunity, and conclude 
with all due respects. Thy faithful friend, JA]MES LOGAN." 

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

"Philadelphia, 26th 3d mo. 1704. 
* ^ ¥r "The governor acquits himself to the satisfaction of his 
and thy friends, and much better, I believe, than is desired by our ene- 
mies. There has not much passed that is very material, except that of 
the separation of the province and territories, all the steps to which will 
fully appear in the minutes and papers which accompany this." * * * 
" They have, this day, voted for raising a sum not less than a thousand 
pounds for public uses, but the methods not yet agreed on ; and, indeed, 
the country is so very poor, it will be very difficult, when laid, to make 
it answer in the collection. They design, I understand, presenting the 
queen with part of that £350— they say £200, and leave the rest to the 
territories ; but I hope otherwise, for to bring them so near us, in pro- 
portion, will be a disadvantage to us." * * ^ 

" The governor is settling a militia with all application. I send a copy 
of a proclamation, which the overseers of the press were not willing to 
tiave printed. There are three companies in this town, three in New 
Castle, two in Kent, and as many in Sussex. The captains of this place 
are G. Lowther, who had a commission under Colonel Hamilton ; George 
Roche, whom I mentioned per the Experiment, a stranger of great estate 
from Antigua ; and Captain Finney, who is also sheriff of the county." 

* * * «' The account of thy circumstances, and the exigencies I 
know thou must labour under there, with the difficulties I am oppressed 
with here, through the great decay of trade and poverty of the planters, 
from whom, chiefly, we receive our pay, makes my life so uncomfortable, 
that it is not worth the living. I'm ground on all sides. I know 'tis 
impossible to satisfy thee thus, and the condition of our affairs will not 
enable me to do better." 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, II th of 5th mo. 1704 

♦ ♦ * *' Give no occasion to exceptions or reflections, and value 



478 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



them not when made or thrown without a cause ; but command thy tem- 
per all that is possible in doing thy business ; for in Joseph Pike's case 
thou hast been hardly represented to him, and sorely is he provoked at 
thee, and displeased with me, of which more by another hand upon the 
spot. I know whence the arrow came ; 'tis provoking ; but this is the 
cross we are to bear to prove ourselves Christians indeed. Whatever thou 
dost, give no offence, ' be not high-minded, but fear.' I take the lesson 
to myself; we all need an hourly and daily remembrance of it." * * * 
"Be sure the very next assembly to let the laws pass with the queen's 
name, though under my seal, according to charter. The attorney-general 
making the want thereof an ugly objection against the confirming of 
them, though a good fee would go a great way to clear the scruple, if I 
had it to give him, for what with the decay of Ireland, half in half at 
present, and the loss of two ships, nothing coming in from the Islands 
and Carolina, with four shillings in the pound here, my son's part of the 
estate, and the interest money I have to pay; so that, with all these 
drawbacks, I live but from hand to mouth, and hardly that." * * * 

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

"22d5th mo. (1704.) 
* * -x- « J enclose a letter from Lord Clarendon to his son, your 
neighbouring governor, about Samuel Bownas, that if he is not at liberty, 
will, I hope, procure it. But I admire at his permissions, if not pro- 
ceedings, at this time of day, when the queen and ministry show so mo- 
derate a side towards Dissenters here ; and on complaint of this affair, 
would be very ready to reprimand such a different conduct. Send it to 
him by a discreet Friend, if needful." * * * 

Samuel Bownas was an eminent minister in the Society of 
Friends, who, being on a religious visit to America, was im- 
prisoned nearly a year on Long Island. 

He was preaching in the village of Hempstead, where he met 
with George Keith, who had before challenged him to a public 
dispute, which he declined. Keith was then on a mission as a 
minister of the Church of England, and manifested great enmity 
to "Friends," from whose communion he had been disowned. 
He had with him William Bradford, formerly printer in Phila- 
delphia, whom he sent to the religious meeting appointed by 
Samuel Bownas, in order to find matter of accusation against 
nim. When he stood up to speak, the reporter took out his pen, 
ink, and paper. The discourse was partly on the subjects of 
water baptism, and the Lord's supper, which Samuel en- 



fiOVERNOR EVAXS'S MEASURES. 479 



deavourcd to show were of themselves insufficient for salvation. 
Bradford took such notes as would answer his purpose, and 
calling in another witness, he, with the assistance of Keith, 
drew up an affidavit, attested it before two justices, and had a 
warrant issued for his apprehension. The justices required 
him to give bail, which he refusing, they sent him to prison, 
where he lay three months before he was brought to trial. An 
indictment was then prepared, and sent to the grand jury, but 
they rejected it, at which the chief justice, John Bridges, was 
much incensed, and remanded Samuel Bownas to prison, where 
he lay nearly nine months more, when being again brought 
before the court, the grand jury refused to find a bill, and he 
was discharged. During his imprisonment he learned the trade 
of shoemaking, by which he maintained himself. In this ma- 
licious prosecution, Keith and his party were encouraged by 
Lord Cornbury, who was governor of New York as well as the 
Jerseys. He was a corrupt politician, and an arbitrary go- 
vernor, having silenced a number of Presbyterian preachers, 
and placed churchmen in their room.* Under his patronage 
the church party increased in numbers and influence, though 
probably not in vital religion. Logan, in one of his letters 
about this time, remarks : — 

" The clergy increase much this way. Burlington and Chester have 
their churches and ministers; and several more are building. God 
grant that a spirit of charity and kindness may be cultivated among us, 
in place of hatred and persecution.'' 

Soon after the arrival of Gov. Evans, he increased the number 
of members in the provincial council, by calling to the board 
Judge Mompesson, William Trent, Richard Hill, James Logan, 
and William Penn, Jr. The latter, in honour of his father, was 
seated next to the governor, but he seldom attended, being 
probably more intent upon pleasure than business. A few 
months after his arrival, Logan, in writing to his father, evinces 
an increasing solicitude on his account : — 

* Gough's Hist, of Quakers. 



480 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



"Philadelphia, 14th 5th mo. 1704. 
"Honoured Governor: — " The governor [Evans] lodges at present at 
young Capt. Finney's, the sheriff of this county, but intends, if he can 
acquit himself of an engagement with Robert Ashton, to make one of our 
family in William Clark's house, in Chestnut street, which we were 
forced to take, the whole town not affording any suitable accommodation 
to thy son as a boarder, those that were able declining the trouble, and 
others not being fit to accept it. * * * I lie under a great hardship 
for want of a more full adjustment of matters in relation to his (Wm. 
Penn, Jr.) supplies here. Before he left England, he threw himself, he 
says, entirely upon thy generosity, and therefore resents it the more 
nearly, when I am not able to come up to his expectations, which tho' far 
from extravagant, are much above the limits set me. The directions 
given me can by no means satisfy him, nor answer what is thought suit- 
able to the presumptive heir of the province, upon his first appearance in 
it, even by the most reasonable. He expresses himself dutifully to thee, 
but notwithstanding it forces him on thoughts that render his visit of 
less service to him. It proves an hardship upon me between both, but 
I shall endeavour the best, tho' in so nice a point I do not expect the 
success of pleasing either." -h- * * 

Penn, in sending his son to Pennsylvania, placed great reliance 
on the prudence and good example of Logan, to whose care he 
recommended him. The secretary, though a young man him- 
self, fulfilled the trust with wisdom and fidelity, but unhappily, 
this degenerate scion of a noble stock was not be reclaimed. 

"Be as much as possible in his company," wrote the father, 
"and suiFer him not to be in any public-house after the allowed 
hours." The wisdom of this premonition was soon apparent; 
for young Penn and Gov. Evans, being late at night at a public- 
house in the city, got involved in a disgraceful affray with the 
watch. 

The grand jury, it seems, were so fully imbued with republi- 
can principles, that they paid no respect to hereditary rank, 
and presented the son of the founder, as though he had been 
of humbler lineage. 

The subject was brought before tlie council on information 
from the attorney-general, who stated that some gentlemen had 
received great abuses from the watch, " who were backed by 



W. PEXN, JK.'S AFFRAY WITH THE WATCH. 481 



the mayor, recorder, and one alderman," that the peace had 
been broken, and the mayor and recorder being parties, the 
trial could not be brought into the city court, &c. 

Those officers, with Alderman Wilcox, being summoned 
before the council, made it appear that they were no otherwise 
concerned in it, than to assist in quelling the disturbance ; on 
which the case was dismissed. 

Tradition relates that young Penn, in the aifray, called for 
pistols, but the lights being extinguished, one of his antagonists 
gave him a hearty beating ;* and that Alderman Wilcox " availed 
himself of the darkness to fail in recognising the chief magis- 
trate, to whom he gave a severe drubbing, redoubling his blows 
upon him as a slanderer, when he disclosed his quality."f 

The governor was greatly chagrined at the result of this 
affray, and young Penn was so indignant that he soon after 
declared his intention of leaving the country. 

Isaac Norris thus notices the affair in a letter to a friend: 

"27th9br. 1704. 
" William Penn, Jr., is quite gone off from Friends. He being in com- 
pany with some extravagants, that beat the watch at Enoch Story's, was 
presented with them. Which unmannerly and disrespectful act, (as he 
takes it,) gives him great disgust, and seems a waited occasion. He 
talks of going home in the Jersey man-of-war next month. I wish 
things had been better, or he had never come.'' 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" Bristol, 2d 8br. 1704. 
* * * " If my son proves very expensive I cannot bear it ; but must 
place to his account what he spends above moderation, while I lie loaded 
with debt and interest here : Else I shall pay dear for the advantage his 
going thither might entitle me to, since the subscribers and bondsmen 
cannot make ready pay, according to what he has received for his land 
there ; so excite his return or send for his family to him ; since I cannot 
come to him as soon as I wish. For if he bring not wherewith to pay his 
debts here, his creditors will fall foul upon him most certainly. * * * 

"I have done, when I tell thee to let my poor son know that if he be 
not a very good husband, I must sell there as well as here, and that all 
he spends is disabling me so far to clear myself of debt, and that he 
will pay for it at the long run. Do it in the friendliest manner, that he 
may co-operate with me to clear our encumbered estate and honours." 
* Watson i. 114. f Friend, xviii. No. 46. 

2Q 31 



482 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



The allowance of money received from Logan not being suf- 
ficient to meet the expenditures of this prodigal son, he sold his 
manor, called Williamstadt, to William Trent and Isaac Norris, 
for the sum of 850 pounds. 

It consisted of 7000 acres, and now constitutes Norristown 
township, Montgomery county. 

How much his conduct in Pennsylvania, and the disgrace 
attending it, contributed to augment his father's afflictions, may 
be judged by the ensuing correspondence. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, 16th of 11th mo. 1704. 

" I think I may say I have all thy letters, as well private as public, 
from my son, John Askew, &c. 

" A melancholy scene enough upon my poor child. Pennsylvania be- 
gan it by my absence here, and there it is accomplished, with expense, 
disappointment, ingratitude, and poverty. 

" The Lord uphold me, under these sharp and heavy burdens, with his 
free spirit. I should have been glad of an account of his expenses, and 
more of a rent-roll, if I must perish with gold in my view but not in my 
power. To have neither supplies nor a reason of credit here, is certainly 
a cruel circumstance. I want to know what I have to stand upon and 
help myself with. He [his son] is my greatest affliction, for his soul's 
and my country's and family's sake. * ^ "^ 

" Nor did thou send me word what my son sold his manor for, but 
after his arrival he drew a bill for <£10 to ride two hundred miles home, 
and which he performed in two days and a night. I met him by appoint- 
ment between this and Worminghurst ; we stayed but three hours to- 
gether. See how much more easily the bad Friends' treatment of him 
stumbled him from the blessed truth, than those he acknowledges to be 
good ones could prevail to keep him in possession of it, from the pre- 
vailing ground in himself, to what is levity, more than what is retired, 
circumspect, and virtuous. I have writ very copiously to thee, by 
several packets, two by E. Lane, a great enemy to Friends — a reviler — 
let kindness teach him his mistakes." * * * 

Soon after the arrival of Governor Evans, he summoned the 
members of the legislature, both for the province and territo- 
ries, to meet in Philadelphia ; and when they were assembled, 
he made a strenuous effort to reunite them in one body, but 
without success. 



DAVID LLOYD'S ARTIFICES. 483 



Finding this impracticable, he was compelled to acquiesce in 
their holding separate assemblies ; that for the province meeting 
at Philadelphia, and the other, for the territories, at New Castle. 

The assembly of the province, by its unwillingness to enter 
into the proposed reunion, incurred the governor's displeasure, 
which, with the disputes that soon after arose concerning their 
]U'ivileges, occasioned a misunderstanding and hostile feeling, 
that obstructed the business of legislation. 

Logan, who was less republican in his principles than Penn, 
attributed their dissensions to the too great indulgence of the 
proprietary, in granting them more political privileges than 
they were capable of enjoying. 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

"Phila. 14th 5th mo. 1704. 
* * * "This people think privileges their due, and all that can be 
grasped, their native right ; but when dispensed with too liberal a hand, 
as not restraining licentiousness, may produce their greatest unhappi- 
ness. Charters here are in danger of being made of fatal consequence, 
for some peoples' brains are as soon intoxicated with power as the 
natives are with their beloved liquor, and as little to be trusted with it. 
They think it their best policy to secure themselves in case of queen's 
government, but then, their privileges, could they obtain them, may 
prove as troublesome and opposite to the public good as now. A well- 
tempered mixture in government, is the happiest, the greatest liberty and 
property ; and commonwealth's men, invested with power, have been 
known to be the greatest tyrants." 

Col. Quarry, who was for some years so active in thwarting 
the measures of the proprietary government, had, since the in- 
fliction of a reprimand from the board of trade, become more 
respectful and submissive ; but there seemed to be no respite 
from trouble, for David Lloyd, the most designing demagogue 
• of that day, was rising into power, and beginning to exercise 
his baleful influence in the legislature. 

Isaac Norris, in a letter written some time afterward, says, 
" Things in Governor Evans' time ran to a great height be- 
tween him and the assembly. On his first arrival, and two 
years after, a niggardly and untoward temper seemed to reign 
in the assembly against the proprietor, and him, his lieutenant, 



184 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



fomented and managed bj the arts of some that were either 
professed or secret enemies of the proprietor. All his manage- 
ment from the beginning was nicely scanned, and from thence 
[was] raked together every thing that could be thought of as a ma- 
terial for remonstrances and reproaches, dressed up in the most 
indecent manner. And this was made a pretence to give nothing 
toward the support of government, but starve the deputy." 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

" 3d 8br. 1704. 

* * * * -x- " David Lloyd being recorder of the city, and likely 
in all probability to be speaker of the next assembly, from his temper, 
so well known, there seems but little good to be anticipated. The gene- 
rality, however, are honestly and well inclined, and out of the assembly 
are very good men ; but when got together, I know not how, they are in- 
fatuated, and led by smooth stories. David himself makes as great a 
profession as any man, but we can see no good effects from it. 

" The part thou hast hitherto had to manage in the world, will not 
suffer thee with any honour utterly to desert this people ; and on the 
other side, I cannot see why thou should neglect thy own interest, while 
no more gratitude is shown thee. Were one man from among us, we 
might, perhaps, be happy, but he is truly a promoter of discord ; with 
the deepest artifice, under the smoothest language and pretences, yet 
cannot sometimes conceal his resentment of thy taking (as he calls it) 
his bread from him. This expression he has several times dropped, 
overlooking his politics through the heat of his indignation. In reflect- 
ing upon this subject, I cannot but pity the poor misled people, who 
really design honestly, but know not whom to trust for their directors ; 
they are so often told that things want to be mended, that at length they 
are persuaded it is the case, and not knowing how to set about it them- 
selves, believe that those who can discover the disease are the most ca- 
pable to direct the proper remedies : how ends may be gained thus, is 
easy to imagine. I have a tenderness in my own thoughts for the people, 
but cannot but abhor the appearance of baseness; I believe in the whole 
assembly there are not three men that wish ill to thee, and yet I can 
expect but little good from them. Thy friends in the council are disabled 
from serving thee with the country by their being" so, for they are looked 
on as ill here as the court party at home, by those that some reckon the 
honest men of the country. I am sorr}' we have lost this election, two 
or three good men that were in the last, as Samuel Richardson and 
Nicholas Wain, who is now pretty right, but especially my late landlord 
Isaac Norris, who was the chief man of sound sense and probity amongst 
them, and the greatest clog in their way. 



PRETENDED REXf)NSTRANCE OF ASSEMBLY. 485 



" I have never been under a greater depression of thought than for 
these few months past. Thy estates here daily sinking by the country's 
impoverishment, with thy exigencies increasing, suffer me not to know 
what any of the comforts of life are." 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" 1704. 

* * * "As diflRcult as my circumstances are, and as mean a 
prospect as thou givest me of any supply, yet that hardly troubles me 
equally to the weakness and worse (I fear) of some of our folks in refer- 
ence to your government matters. If, at a time when monarchs on this 
aide the world, who will yet for some ages give law to that, seem almost 
of a mind to get as much power in their hands as they can, the people 
think such a law as thine mentions can succeed here, they are distracted, 
if not worse, for to say truth, 'tis incongruous, and a mere bull in con- 
8titution as the case stands. They will leave no government for me to 
dispose of, but take it upon themselves, and neither acquit me for a 
deputy-governor these twenty- three years at my cost, nor so much as 
settle a maintenance upon this gentleman. By no means let the present 
governor recommend himself to the queen or me, to succeed in the go- 
vernment at so preposterous a rate. Will they never be wise ? These 
assemblies held so unwisely, as well as so hazardously, will, in the end, 
subject the whole to laws made for them in Parliament. 

" I am sorry to have such a prospect of charges ; two houses and the 
governor's salary, my son's voyage, stay and return ; and no revenue nor 
Susquehanna money paid ; on which account I ventured my poor child 
so far from his wife and pretty children, and my own oversight. 
Pennsylvania, what hast thou not cost me ? Above £30,000 more than 
I ever got by it, two hazardous and most fatiguing voyages, my Straits 
and slavery here, and my child's soul almost; as I have formerly ex- 
pressed myself, but I must be short, — I shall be further loaded, instead 
of his coming being instrumental to relieve me. In short, I must sell all 
or be undone, and disgraced into the bargain." * * * 

JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

" Philadelphia, 27th 8th mo. 1704. 
"Honoured Governor: — Being yesterday returned from New York, I 
was surprised to hear of a letter sent from hence to England, directed to 
thee, signed by David Lloyd, speaker of the assembly, and in the name 
of the whole house. I heard the governor first mention it ; but the fol- 
lowing account is what I had from Is. Xorris, with whom alone of that 
assembl}' I have had an opportunity as yet to discourse. At the break- 
ing up of the last assembly, when the country members were eager lo be 
gone home, it was concluded by the house, and a minute made of it, that 
there should be an address to thee, upon some hearts then agreed upon; 
2Q* 



486 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



and because the whole house could not attend to it, it was committed to 
David Lloyd, J. Wilcox, Is. Norris, Jos. Wood, G. Jones, Anthony Mor- 
ris, Wm. Biles, and Samuel Richardson. But they, never meeting about 
it, Jos. Wilcox, (as Isaac tliinks,) drew it up, stuffing it with all the 
most scurrilous and scandalous reflections, and running upon a great 
many particulars, not before thought of, or once touched at, by the as- 
sembly. D. Lloyd contributed his assistance ; G. Jones and Jos. Wood 
were privy to it, and agreed to what was done ; but beside those, not one 
person saw it, that could be heard of, upon inquiry, except Samuel Ri- 
chardson, who, upon a cursory view of it, declared his dislike of it. 

"When they finished, David, without further communicating it to the 
persons concerned, signed it as speaker of the house on the first of October, 
(eighth month,) when the assembly, by charter, is dissolved, and, there- 
fore, he is no speaker at all. To warrant his signing, he produces an 
order for it in the minutes ; but that proves to be an interlineation in 
David's own hand, and in a difierent ink, inserted between the close of 
the paragraph and the adjournment. 

" The letter runs as if from the body of Friends, (in the house,) and 
even talks of money given thee by Friends, for thy assistance, when the 
authors of it are those four I have mentioned, viz. David Lloyd, whom 
scarce any man of sense believes to have any religion or principle, but 
that of his interest and revengp, — G. Jones, whose reputation has been 
very scandalous, was rejected by Friends, and is not yet received, — J. 
AVilcox, who has long entirely separated, — and Jos. Wood, who is pro- 
fessedly of the Church of England ; and that it — the remonstrance — may 
do the more execution, it is not only sent to thyself, but directed to such 
of London as they understood to be the most disafiected to thee, as W. 
Mead, &c., to be made use of as they shall see occasion. 

" A piece of unparalleled villany, and that needs no observation or 
remark to aggravate it. The letter, or letters, were delivered to Robert 
Barber, who went from hence in the brigantine, J. Guy, master, to New 
York. But, not liking the vessel, he talked there of returning home 
again, and not proceeding on the voyage ; which, if he does, 'tis possible 
he may bring back the letters, having had a strict charge to deliver them 
with his own hand. But if they should arrive, and come into any other 
hands than thy own, please give them a copy of this, and I will stand 
by it here upon the spot, if they think fit to transmit it. I wish I could 
have more time, but the post goes to day, and this will certainly be the 
last opportunity of writing by this vessel. 

"The generality of the assembly, who are acquainted with it, are 
much disturbed, but know not what course to take. He has such a 
faculty of leading them out of their depth ; and his accomplices in the 
house drown all others with their noise. Isaac Norris, two days ago, 
went with five or six more, who were members of that assembly, and 



LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 487 



being very sharp upon him for abusing them so, he told Isaac, he is now 
but a private man, and was not concerned in it — for he is left out last 
election. 

" The present assembly, after thirteen days' sitting, yesterday presented 
another bill for confirming and explaining the charter of privileges, con- 
taining all that was in the former, prepared for that purpose, with several 
large additions about elections. It is believed they will scarce do any 
thing but draw addresses and remonstrances ; unless the leading mem- 
bers should commit something against the rest so gross, that their eyes 
should be forcibly opened. 

" So that if thou canst bear to support all the heavy charges of govern- 
ment, both there and here, without any consideration, and suffer wounds 
from such ungrateful men to be repeated against thee, without redress- 
ing thyself, if in thy power, it will appear a patience something above 
human. 

"Thy friends are deeply grieved at these proceedings, and symprathize 
with thee. Nay, more, Jos. Growden declares his abhorrence of them, 
and their proceedings against thee. 

" That Almighty Being, who has always stood by thee, will, I hope, 
support thee over it all, for his own glory and thy happiness, is most 
heartily desired by thy dutiful and affectionate, 

" JAMES LOGAN." 

The spurious remonstrance fabricated by D. Lloyd and his 
party, was accompanied by a disingenuous letter, addressed to 
three prominent Friends in London, but they did not imme- 
diately reach their intended destination. 

The messenger by whom they were sent, being captured and 
taken into France, lost them, and a fellow-prisoner meeting 
with them, after they had been opened by the enemy, care- 
fully gathered them up and got leave to carry them to Eng- 
land, where he placed them in the hands of William Penn. 

But David Lloyd, as will hereafter appear, being determined 
to effect his malignant design, sent a duplicate to the same 
persons. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN.* 

*' London, 16th of 11th mo. 1704. 

"Now for the government: depend upon it, I shall part speedily from 

it ; and had I not given that charter, and got but £400 per annum fixed 

for governor, and not made such good conditions for them, I had had 

twice as much as I am now likely to have. If I don't dissolve it, th3 

* 'Friend," 1845. 



488 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



queen will ; after all David Lloyd's craft and malice — despised for its 
craziness. 

" [As] for selling all,* if I can clear my encumbrances without it, I 
shall do so: if not, then province or territories must go. But, alas! I 
can neither sell nor borrow, till I know what I have, to do either. Pray, 
mind this, and let it not be said, that after five years 'f time, I knoAv not 
what I have to sell or mortgage, if I would do either. I heartily ac- 
knowledge to Governor Evans his quietness, good disposition, integrity, 
and courage. Had he passed those laws, J he had destroyed me, and 
himself, too. I shall support him, if he do right, in those methods he 
has taken. 

" Had I not orders to turn out David Lloyd from the lords justices ? 
and to prosecute and punish him, and send word Avhat punishment I in- 
flicted, and that part of it should be, that he were never after capable 
of any employ in the country? And does he endeavour my ruin for not 

obeying? * * * And did I not almost as much for , having 

orders to treat him sharply ? And has Griffith Jones forgot the boons I 
have made him many a day? If those illegitimate Quakers think their 
unworthy treatment no fault towards me, they may find I can, upon bet- 
ter terms, take their enemies by the hand, than they can take mine. 
And unless the honest will, by church discipline, or government, (whilst 
it is mine,) take these Korahs to task, and make them sensible of their 
baseness, I must and will do so. 

"In short, upon my knowledge of the conclusion of this winter's as- 
sembly, I shall take my last measures. When the prosperity that attends 
the country is talked of, and what they have done for me, or allowed my 
deputies, that have supported them against their neighbour's envy,§ and 
church attempts here, and there, [people] seem struck with admiration 
[wonder] ; and must either think me an ill man, or they an ungrateful 
people. That which I expected was £300 or £400 per annum for the 
governor, and to raise for other charges, as they saw occasion. And if 
they will not do this willingly, they may find they must give a great deal 
more, whether they please or not, [under a royal government.] I only, 
by my interest, have prevented a scheme drawn up to new model tJie 
colonies. I was told so by a duke, and a minister, too. For, indeed, if 
our folks had settled a reasonable revenue, I would have returned, to 
settle a queen's government and the people together, and laid my bones 
with them; for the country is as pleasant to me as ever. And if my 

* He now speaks of land; he had before spoken of selling his right of 
jurisdiction. 

•j- Logan had been secretary five years. 

t Laws curtailing the power of the proprietary, and extending that of 
the people beyond tlie charter, 

\ Lord Baltimore attempted to possess himself of part of Peiinsylvaiua. 



MARRIAGE OF HIS DAUGHTER LETITIA. 489 



wife's mother should die, who is now very ill, I believe not only my wife 
and our young stock, but her father, too, would incline thither — who has 
been a treasure to Bristol, and given his whole time to the service of the 
poor; Friends first, (till they made eight per cent, of their money,) and 
next the city poor, by act of Parliament, where he has been kept in be- 
yond forms. He has so managed to their advantage, that the Bristol 
members [of Parliament] gave our Friends, and my father-in-law in par- 
ticular, an encomium much to their honour, in the House. 

•' Well, God Almighty forgive, reclaim, amend, and preserve us all. 
Amen \" 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

W. Aubrey, son-in-law of William Penn — William Penn, Jr. offers for 
Parliament — Letters of William Penn to J. Logan — To Friends in 
England — To R. Mompesson — Letter of Logan concerning charter of 
government — Note of D. Logan — William Penn's answer to D. Lloyd's 
allegations about charter, &c. — Meeting of assembly — Governor Evans's 
speech — Assembly's answer — They claim the quitrents for support of 
government — Governor Evans complains of W. Biles — Assembly dis- 
missed — Poverty of the colony at this time — Losses by privateers — 
William Penn to J. Logan about the "Wool Act" in England — Logan 
to Penn — Improving prospects of the colony — William Penn to J. L. 
about surrender — Boundary line and cost of colony — J. L. to W. P. — 
Harmony in the government — W. P. to J. L. about selling the govern- 
ment — Answer of J. L, 

1705-6. 

William Penn's daughter, Letitia, having married William 
Aubrey, a portion was assigned her, part of which was in 
Pennsylvania, under the care of James Logan. This match 
diminished the means without contributing to the satisfaction 
of the proprietary. 

Aubrey was a merchant, a keen, calculating man of business, 
and seems to have insisted rudely upon the payment of his 
.vife's portion fiister than the means of her father would allow. 

This, with the continual demands of his spendthrift son, Wil 
liam, increased the perplexities of the father, already borne 
down by the debts incurred for his province. In one of hia 
letters to Logan, speaking of his son Aubrey's aifairs, he says, 



490 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



"in the mean time, both son and daughter clamour, she to 
quiet him that is a scraping man and will count interest for a 
guinea — this only to thyself ; so that I would have thee fill his 
attorney's hands as full as thou canst." The secretary found 
it difficult to satisfy his pressing demands, and describes him 
as ''one of the keenest men living." 

The younger Penn still continued to recede from the prmci- 
ples in which he had been educated ; he had so completely 
thrown off all regard for his father's profession, that he in- 
tended to enter the army or navy, and made an unsuccessful 
effort to obtain a seat in Parliament. The accumulated trials 
of the father are touchingly described in his correspondence 
with his secretary. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

''Hyde Park, 30th 2d mo. 1705. 
* * * "lean hardly be brought to turn my back entirely 
upon a place the Lord so specially brought to my hand, and has hitherto 
preserved against the proud swellings of many waters, both there and 
here. My surrender is before the lords ; a copy of which, and condi- 
tions, as also the report of the attorney-general — as to the thirty-seven 
laws he excepts against, I send now, that you may obviate them before 
refused by the queen ; the rest shall be confirmed — I can do no more ; 
and what with the load of unworthy spirits with you, and some not 
much better here, with my poor son's going into the army or navy, as 
well as getting into Parliament, through so many checks and tests upon 
his morals as well as education ; with the load of debt, hardly to be an- 
swered, from the difficulty of getting in what I have a right to, of twice 
their value, which is starving in the midst of bread ; my head and heart 
are filled sufficiently with trouble ; yet the Lord holds up my head, and 
Job's over-righteous and mistaken friends have not sunk my soul from 
its confidence in God. 

* -X- *-5«- * 4fr * * 

"My son has lost his election, as also the lord keeper's son-in-law; but 
both hope to recover it by proving bribery upon the two that have it, 
Lord Windsor and Squire Argell. I wish it might turn his face to pri- 
vacy and good husbandry, if not nearer to us." 4<- * * 

Notwithstanding all his trials and perplexities, the mind of 
Penn was still stayed in confidence on the unfailing support 
of Divine power, which he found to be " an anchor of the soul 
hoth sure and steadfast." He visited, this year, the meetings 



LETTER TO ROGER MOMPESSON. 491 



of Friends in the western parts of England, "where he had 
good service, and his testimony was effectual for the informa- 
tion of many."* He also wrote a brief epistle, by way of ex- 
hortation, to the members of his own society, viz : — 

" My Dear Friends : — Hold all your meetings in that which set them 
up, the heavenly power of God, both ministers and hearers, and live 
under it and not above it, and the Lord will give you dominion over that 
which seeks to draw you again into captivity to the spirit of this world, 
under divers appearances ; that the truth may shine through you in 
righteousness and holiness, in self-denial, lung-suffering, patience, and 
brotherly kindness ; so shall you approve yourselves the redeemed of the 
Lord, and his living witnesses to an evil generation. So prays your 
friend and brother through the many tribulations that lead to the king- 
dom of God." 

In adverting again to the affairs of Pennsylvania, we find 
the following interesting letter : — 

WILLIAM PENN TO ROGER MOMPESSON. 

"Hyde Park, 17th 12th month, 1704-5. 

"HoxouRED Friend: — It is a long time since I have been obliged with 
any letter from thee, and then so short, that had not others furnished 
me with thy American character, I had been at a loss to answer the in- 
quiries of thy friends. But by my son I received one, more copiously 
informing me of those affairs that so nearly concern both the public, and 
my personal and family good. And for answer to the greatest part 
thereof, I desire thee to observe, first : that, with God's help, I am deter- 
mined to stand firmly to both ; and, for that reason, will neither turn an 
enemy to the public, nor suffer any under the style of the public good to 
supplant mine. And as I take thee to be a man of law, and justice, and 
honour, I do entirely refer my concerns, both as to the legality and pru- 
dence thereof, not only in government, but property, to thy judicious and 
judicial issue, so that it may hold water with the learned and honoui-- 
able friends here of both parties. 

"I went thither to lay the foundation of a free colony, for all mankind 
that should go thither, more especially those of my own profession. Not 
that I would lessen the civil liberties of others because of their persua- 
sion, but screen and defend our own from any infringement on that ac- 
count. The charter I granted was intended to shelter them against a 
violent or arbitrary government, imposed upon us ; but that they should 
turn it against me, that intended their security thereby, has something 
very unworthy and provoking in it; especially, when I alone have been 

* Life prefixed to his works. 



492 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



at all the charge, as well as danger and disappointment, in coming ao 
abruptly back and defending ourselves against our enemies here, and 
obtaining the queen's gracious approbation of a governor of my nomi- 
nating and commissioning — the thing they seemed so much to desire. 

"But as a father does not use to knock his children on the head when 
they do amiss, so I had much rather they were corrected and better in- 
formed than treated to the utmost rigour of their deservings. I, there- 
fore, earnestly desire thee to consider of what methods law and reason 
will justify, by which they may be made sensible of their encroachments 
and presumption ; that they may see themselves in a true light, in their 
just proportions and dimensions, according to the old saying, Metiri se 
quemque suo modulo ac pede, verum est. 

"No doubt, these follies have been frequent and big enough to vacate 
their charter, but that should be the last thing, if any thing else wouk' 
do. I would hope — that in the abuse of power — punishing the immo 
derate offenders, should instruct them to use it well. 

* * * « There is an excess of vanity that is apt to creep upon 
the people in power in America, who, having got out of the crowd, in 
which they were lost here, upon every little eminency there think nothing 
taller than themselves but the trees, and as if there M^as no after superior 
judgment to which they should be accountable. So that I have some- 
times thought, that if there was a law to oblige people in power, in their 
respective colonies, to take turns in coming over to England, that they 
might lose themselves again amongst the crowds of so much more con- 
siderable people, at the Custom-house, Exchange, and Westminster Hall, 
they would exceedingly amend in their conduo*- at their return, and be 
more discreet and tractable, and fit for government. 

"In the mean time, pray, help them not to destroy themselves. Accept 
of my commission of chief justice of Pennsylvania and the territories; — 
take them all to task for their contempts, presumption, and riots ; — let 
them know and feel the just order and economy of government, and that 
they are not to command, but to be commanded according to law and 
constitution of the English government. And till those unworthy people 
that hindered an establishment upon thee, as their chief justice,, are 
amended or laid aside, -so as that thou art considered by law to thy satis- 
faction, I freely allow thee £20 at each session ; which I take to be at 
spring and fall, and at any extraordinary session thou mayst be called 
from New York, upon mine, or weighty causes ; having also thy viaticum 
discharged. Let me entreat thee, as an act of friendship, and as a just 
and honourable man. * * * 

"I will write no news ; only I find that moderation, on this side of the 
water, is a very recommendatory qualification; nothing high-church nor 
violent whig ; neither seeming to be the inclination nor choice of the pre- 
sent ministry. I wish our people on your side had no worse disposition. 



THE CHARTER — LETTER TO LOGAN. 493 



" T cnnnot conclude this letter till I render thee, as I now do, my hearty 
acknowledgments for all the good advices thou hast given for the public 
and my private good ; especially thy sentiments to the governor, upon 
those three preposterous bills, foolishly as well as insolently presented 
him by David Lloyd, the last assembly. 

*' Lot him part with nothing that is mine ; for, had he passed them, 
they never wffuld have been confirmed here ; but he might have spoiled 
himself. 

" What a bargain should I have made for my government with the 
crown, after such a bill had taken from me the power I should dispose of 1 

"I will say no more at this time, but that I am, with just regards, 
" Thy very affectionate and faithful friend, 

" WILLIAM PENN.'' 

" P. S. The reason why I use another hand is my late indisposition, 
which has left my hand incapable of allowing me to write myself; but, 
I bless Almighty God, I am something better." 

In Logan's correspondence with the proprietary, he fre- 
quently alludes to the last charter or constitution of the pro- 
vince, in terms of regret. 

He did not consider it an improvement on the first " frame 
of government," and, though granted in accordance with the 
wishes of the people, he thought it was not in reality a boon 
to be highly prized. • 

The valuable immunities secured by the first constitution and 
confirmed by the last, he justly regarded, not as the gift of the 
proprietary, but as the basis of a compact between him and the 
first settlers. They were, however, in entire accordance with 
the judgment and feelings of Penn, who was always disposed to 
grant every privilege that appeared to be for the public good. 

JAMES LOGAN TO W^ILLIAM PENN. 

"5th of 2a mo. 1705. 
" In any letter thou writes to Friends, pray be pleased not to set such 
a value as thou dost upon the charter granted, for most are of opinion 
it is not worth so much, and I must own myself to be of this way of think- 
ing. Thou seems to be in a mistake about the time it was granted, 
which was either the night or the morning thou left this place, (it was 
then signed, I mean,) and bears date 28th 8br. 1701. I would beg leave 
also, to put thee in mind that one part of the people's inducement to 
come over, was the privileges thou proposed, as well as to have land at 
40 shillings per 100 acres, in which thou wast large in tliv declarations 
2R 



494 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



and prints, which, by their accepting of thy proposals, altogether becomea 
a part of the contract, and, therefore, (as all things of the kind should,) 
ought, as near as possible, to be observed. The baseness and ingrati- 
tude of some seems to me to lie in this, that they will not weigh [what] 
was truly thine ; the other, that they cannot be securely happy, whilst 
thou art otherwise; when, instead of this, they lay hold on thy own grants, 
and what thou hast furnished them with, (though they have no value for 
the thing contended for itself,) to clog and hinder business, they are 
[contributing] to thine, and their own destruction, the last especially, 
■s- * * * Yet, notwithstanding all this, when they have all the pri- 
vileges they at first contracted for, or were given to expect, 'tis certain 
they have no more than their due, and, therefore, these are not so much 
to be accounted acts of grace as performance of a covenant. I hope this 
freedom will not offend, nor be judged, according to the maxims of the 
times, too uncourtly. It arises from the best of principles — true friend- 
ship, and is built on the most sacred basis of all things to me — the ever- 
lasting and unalterable standard of justice." 4«- * * 

On the first clause of the foregoing letter, Deborah Logan 
has made this elegant annotation : — 

" This sentiment will probably create some surprise, as I own it did to 
me, until I recollected that the persons dissatisfied were, perhaps, ren- 
dered so by a comparison of this charter with one that had been lived 
under near twenty years, and which, tradition says, had been made to 
give place % a successor, because some of the more recent inhabitants, 
and the persons in government of other persuasions, thought it was only 
fit for a colony of Quakers, for whom it was designed, and of whose prin- 
ciples it was, indeed, an illustrious commentary; and, perhaps, it is not 
going too far to call the original frame of government, designed by Wil- 
liam Penn for his province, and the preliminary discourse affixed to it, 
the fountains from which have emanated most of the streams of political 
wisdom which now flow through every part of united America, diffusing 
civil and religious liberty, and favouring the expansion of happiness and 
virtue. In order, justly, to estimate the character of our illustrious 
founder, we must take into consideration the times in which he lived, 
and the difficulties with which he had to contend, and not judge him 
altogether as we should do one at the present day, when principles are 
acted on, and considered as unquestionable, which were then struggling 
for a reception amongst mankind, and which, when avowed, cost the 
gallant Sidney his life. 

** We should remember that the present times are profiting by the ex- 
ertions of those generous spirits, 'for in the progress of human affairs 
mankind build, in every subsequent age, on foundations formerly laid.' 
What veneration and respect must we acknowledge to be due to the man 



penn's answer to Lloyd's allegations. 405 



who, living at a period when the principles of civil and religious liberty 
had to contend for their existence with a base and sordid despotism, 
voluntarily stopped forth as their champion, and triumphantly rescued 
and handed down to us some of the proudest distinctions of his country. 
'A man who spent his whole life, and all the means which he possessed, 
in endeavouring to benefit mankind, and, finally, by exhibiting to the 
world a scheme of government founded on the benevolent principles of 
Christianity, and which Avas administered by himself in the same spirit, 
has shown, by the unexampled prosperity and success which has attended 
it, how consonant such principles are with the true interests of society.' 
Is not a character that efiected such noble purposes entitled to the gra- 
titude and esteem of the latest posterity?"* 

It will be seen by the following letter of Penn, in answer to 
the allegations of his adversaries, that he thought the new char- 
ter, or constitution, had been a disadvantage to the province. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"30th of 2d mo. 1705. 

" I would only observe that I know of and David Lloyd's false 

hood, and briefly mention, 

" 1st. The charter made in England was hut probationary , as the con- 
clusion shows, and when the real one was executed, it was with all the 
solemnity of an interior and exterior presence unanimously as any act 
could be performed. That which was the great objection at first, was 
that I would not stand, with my grant and estate, a security to the crown 
for their use of the negative voice. I, by that in London, having but a 
treble voice in all cases, unless they and theirs would be a counter secu- 
rity to me and mine, which, after two or three days' consideration, agreed 
to leave that power, and me the use of it, rather than to answer for them 
and theirs. 

" 2d. That charter was never altered by me, but by the suggestion of 
his present confederate, David Lloyd, to my regret, as my letters before 
and my conduct after plainly showed, and truly they have not prospered 
since. 

*' 3d. For the last method, established at my arrival, it was carried by 
so great a majority that I see no blame, and being nearer to English 
methods, (which they called for so often,) I acquiesced, having first showu 
aiy dislike, as at their disliking the model of an elected council to pre- 
pare, an assembly to resolve, and at throwing away the use of the ballot, 
which their children, as I told them, will perhaps see cause sufficient to 
repent of their folly therein. 

* Logan MSS. 



496 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



" 4th. I have not in the province so many manors as my tenths come 
to, viz. for every 100,000 acres, 10,000 acres, and for my children and 
Sir J. Flaggs, for my vrife, they bought dearly what they had, their 
mother lending her estate in land to the value of at least 3000 or there- 
abouts, to answer my debts, that was raised by selling her hereditary 
land, or being mortgaged, which was all one. 

" 5th. If any are deficient, it is their own fault, for they had time 
f^nough in two years before my return, and three and a half years since, 
to have taken it up. I have not had my due, I am sure ; I was defeated 
of my land Charles Ascom laid out in the county of Chester, 10,000 acres, 
great part of the manor of Springetsbury, Gilberts, and Highlands taken 
up by encroachers, as he well knows. And for the lands of my children, 
thou canst answer upon the spot, how Willie and Tishie's have been en- 
croached upon, tho' all first purchasers, viz. of 100 share men, and pray 
let the old surveyor-general's books be examined, and there will be war- 
rants for at least 40,000 acres of land never executed, 

" 6th. Neither himself or any other person ever once attacked me in 
the two years I was there, nor accused me, nor applied to me on any of 
these clamours, which shows what spirit has excited them since those days ; 
having myself lain at stake with purse these three years and a half, 
without half a crown from them to support me, and gained so many 
points for them, and held up their credit ; for were it not for my exer- 
tions, to-morrow we should be sacrificed to the envoy of New York, and 
to her enrichment, which these misguided people think not of. He ap- 
pears to be of that spirit Friends always told me he was of, and my kind- 
ness has been unable to change him. His character will soon come over 
by some old acquaintances. * * * 

" For David Lloyd's letter, it speaks for itself, and I desire, nay com- 
mand, the governor to call aselect'council and view the enclosed, and see 
under the greatest secrecy, what is practical and fitting to be done to 
thwart these intrigues ; but if not to be done to purpose, then to expose 
the villany and its authors. I think, if they own their letters, you have 
room enough to deal with them to purpose, of which let me hear per first 
opportunity. My son says he had but 205. your money weekly, and that 
all he spent over that allowance was his own money, from the sale of 
his land. 

" If thou thinkest confirming the present governor will be of service, I 
can get it done, or appoint another fit to settle me and mine in our pro- 
perty, which will do, and is preferable to selling all here, considering a 
peace is likely to take place this winter, and that many upon that will 
remove to you to settle among you, and the country will thrive beyond 
expectation or example. Pray let me have thy best digested and closest 
thoughts, for I cannot tell how to leave America, tho' the scene those ill 
men have opened to me after my two chargeable voyages and stay among 



GOV. Evans's defence of the proprietary. 497 



them, and never leaving them by choice, but by compulsion, and being 
always at stake here for them and the country, without a groat for twenty 
years, or thereabout, and by it sunk in my estate above £20,000, and 
might out of £1500 per annum have 700 a year besides, which is much 
more : I say, after my hazards, expenses, and pains, and absence from my 
own dwelling to attend that service, to be headed as a ' lurcher of the peo- 
ple, and one that had an interest against them,' as David Lloyd expressed 
it, is more, one would think, than any poor mortal man could bear." 

In the spring of the year 1705, the assembly met in Phila- 
delphia, when Gov. Evans addressed the house, ably defending 
the measures and interest of the proprietary, who, he stated, was 
much displeased at " the most scandalous treatment he had met 
with in letters directed to himself and others, in the name of 
the assembly." 

To the governor's speech, the house returned an ungracious 
reply, in which they asserted that the letters complained of not 
having emanated from that assembly, it was not concerned in 
answering the charge. 

The governor, who was an unflinching advocate of the pro- 
prietary, made another effort to awaken their sympathy and 
gain their support by representing the heavy expenses Penn 
had incurred in warding off the blow with which they had been 
threatened, and obtaining the confirmation of their laws, which 
could not be effected without considerable expense. He re- 
minded them that in the other English colonies, provision was 
made for the support of government, whereas, in Pennsylvania, 
" to the scandal of the place, all was done at the proprietary's 
charge." They rejoined, that the proprietary undertook to 
obtain the royal sanction to their laws, and to prevent the sur- 
render of the government to the crown, and if " he had found the 
money he had, and was to have, by the two thousand pounds 
act, had not been sufiicient," more would be raised on his speci- 
fying the particular charges incurred. 

They further maintained that the quitrents had been re- 
served for the support of government, being the first instance 
in Avhich this pretence had been advanced. The governor 
sharply reproved them for these expressions, asserting that the 
£2000 had been granted for another purpose — as in fact it 

9R* Qo 



498 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PENX. 



was — for it was levied before the emergency occurred which 
called Penn to England ; and, moreover, a considerable part 
of it had never been collected. As to the quitrents, he as- 
sured them their assertion was entirely groundless. 

The governor informed the house that William Biles, one of 
their members, had used '' scandalous and seditious expres- 
sions" toward him, and he therefore expected them to expel 
him. They replied that the words were not alleged to have 
been spoken in that house ; that William Biles had already 
been prosecuted at the governor's suit in the county court, and 
they declined to expel him, but were willing to intercede for 
his forgiveness. 

The governor, finding that no business was likely to be done, 
dismissed the assembly ; and, at the same time, reproached 
them for having spent tAVO sessions in fruitless debate about 
their privileges, without a single act being passed, or any thing 
done for the support of government. 

There can be no doubt that the assembly was exceedingly 
culpable in not providing a revenue for the support of govern- 
ment, and for the reimbursement of the proprietary's expendi- 
tures in the public service. They were probably misled by the 
artifice and sophistry of David Lloyd, who, as Logan said, "had 
the faculty of leading them out of their depth," and took ad- 
vantage of the governor's inexperience or misconduct to excite 
a jealousy toward the proprietary. 

The only extenuation that can be ofiered for their delin- 
quency, is the great scarcity of money at that time, and the 
depressed condition of the province, brought on by the general 
war in Europe. The American coasts and the high seas were 
infested with privateers and pirates ; the commerce of the colony 
had sufiered greatly, and its produce could scarcely be sold. In 
one of Logan's letters, dated in the 1st mo., 1704, he says : — 

" I am, every day, worn out by the great discouragement we lie under 
here. The country has no money. What little there is, the traders in 
town have it. Wheat — the farmer's dependence — bears no price ; and 
breaa and flour is a very drug ; notwithstanding so high in demand three 
year ago. 



IMPROVING PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 499 



" Things are at such a stand, that I know not whether to receive thy 
dues or not, seeing that they can, by no means, be had iu money." 

Again he wrote, at the close of the same year : — 

" Thy unfortunate losses by sea yield so melancholy a prospect, that it 
quite disheartens me, but it is not thy lot alone. AVilliam Trent and I. 
Norris, the chief traders in the place, have lost, this last year, I fear, one- 
third of their estates, for scarce any thing returns that is sent out.'^ 

It appears, by a passage in one of the proprietary's letters, 
that the colony was also suffering from the laws of England 
intended for the protection of her manufactures. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, 14th 7th mo. 1705. 

* * * " [As] for the wool ad here, in England, I will lay the mis- 
chief of it to America before the Council of Trade, and use my utmost en- 
deavours to have it amended this next Parliament ; though they are 
jealous here of encouraging manufactures there, and therefore demur to 
the law about tanning of leather."- 

It is pleasing to find that the colonists, generally, and the 
Friends especially, were dissatisfied with the factious proceed- 
ings of the last assembly, and took measures to clear them- 
selves of the odium, by an affectionate address to the proprie- 
tary, and the election of a new assembly, who chose a different 
speaker, and pursued a wiser course. 

WHLLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN 

"London, 14th 7th mo. 1705. 

" Thy letter of the 11th of 12th mo. contains four points. First, the 
late quiet state of government amongst you. Could I promise myself the 
continuance thereof, I should be induced never to part with it. The sur- 
render is not yet effected, nor do I know when it will. * * * 

" I am well pleased with the governor's speech, and as little pleased 
with the assembly's answer. I have not yet surrendered, and unless I 
3an do it on very valuable terms, I will not ; and, therefore, expect three 
things : 1st. The condemnation of David Lloyd's proceedings, as thou 
speakest of, and that, whether I surrender or not. Since one or t'other 
shall make no diflference as to my coming and inhabiting there, and 

*" The Eighth of Elizabeth, eh. 3, punished with imprisonment and the 
loss of the left hand the sending of live sheep out of the kingdom, or the em- 
barkation of them on board any ship : and this, too, without any exceptiou 

nf thft npppsKarv nrnvisidns far flip «liin'« frftw " — T.nnnn \f.^.^ 



500 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



placing some of my children among them. 2dly. That no law be passed, 
nor privilege granted, by my lieutenant-governor, till they have settled 
a revenue of £1000 per annum upon the government, at least. I, too, 
mournfully remember how noble a law I had, of exports and imports, 
when I was first in America, that had been worth, by this time, some 
thousands a year ; which I suspended receiving for a year or two, and 
that not without consideration engaged by several merchants. But T. 
Lloyd, very unhappily for me, my family, and himself, complimented 
gome few selfish spirits with the repeal thereof, without my final consent, 
which his commission required. And that has been the source of all my 
loads and inabilities to support myself under the troubles that have oc- 
curred to me on account of settling and maintaining that colony. For I 
spent upon it £10,000 the first two years, as appears by accounts here 
in England, which, with £3000 I overspent myself in King James's 
times, and the war in Ireland that followed, has been the true cause of 
all my straits I have since laboured under ; and no supply coming from 
Pennsylvania between my first and second voyage, (being 15 years,) to 
alleviate my burdens and answer my necessities ; — to say nothing of 
what my deputy-governors have lost me, from the beginning, even in 
Fletcher's time, and the vast sum of money I have melted away here in 
London, to hinder much mischief against us, if not to do us much good 
— which I can solemnly say has not been less, communibus annis, than 
£400 a year, which comes to near £10,000. Lord Baltimore's two shil- 
lings per hhd., with anchorage, tonnage, and other immunities, is a sup- 
ply far transcending what I can hope for, though he never took the hun- 
dredth part of the concern upon him that I have done : and when they 
gave it to him, they were in poorer circumstances than Pennsylvania is 
now, by many degrees. And I am ashamed to tell thee how opprobri- 
ously our people's treatment of me has been styled by people of almost 
all qualities and stations. * * * 

" To thy third paragraph, I only say, I wish I could see it, for I am a 
crucified man, between injustice and ingratitude there, and extortion and 
oppression here. The Lord support my spirit through it all ! ! ! ! 

" To thy twelfth paragraph, about the meeting-house and school lot, I 
wish some people had exercised some more tenderness towards my poor 
suffering and necessitious circumstances. * * * However, since I 
will hope it is the better sort of Friends that seek it, I consent, as my 
gift, both that the meeting-house and school-house ground be granted 
and confirmed to the meeting, and greatly recommend the caution that 
Bent for my authority. For though my commissioners have power to be 
just, they have no power to be bountiful."* 

•* This is supposed to be the lot at the corner of Market and Second 
streets, occupied for a Friends' meeting-house, erected in 1695, rebuilt in 
1755, and premises sold in 1808, when the Arch-street house was built. 



HARMONY IN THE GOVERNMENT. 601 



JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 

*«24th 8br, 1705. 

" Our new assembly for the province is now sitting, being, I presume, 
Dne of the best choices this government ever had, but cost no small pains 
to make it such. We have in it, Edw. Shippen, S. Carpenter, Caleb 
Pusey, and Richd. Hill, members of council, besides many more very 
good heads ; as I. Norris, J. Growden, who is now on the right side, and 
largely proved it last assembly, and the generality of the rest, as Row- 
land Ellis, R. Thomas, and Rd. Pyle, and are very honest pickt men. 
Only the corporation has given us D. Lloyd, after he was rejected by 
ballot, for the county, and even in the town it was unfair play got him 
in, our party was so strong. * * * 

" In short, we are all exceedingly easy in matters of government, and 
more happy in all our circumstances (trade and wealth excepted) than I 
have ever known since I have been here. But our losses are still great 
and the unhappiness of Maryland, by having their bills protested, deeply 
affects us, for now, though before they were not worth purchasing, there 
is not one to be had. J. L." 

The members of this assembly were all Friends, except one ; 
thej chose Joseph Growden for their speaker, and although 
D. Lloyd had been returned by the city of Philadelphia, he had 
but little influence. 

They proceeded to business with an earnest determination to 
retrieve the credit of the province, which had been impaired by 
the proceedings of the last assembly. At this session, which 
continued nearly three months, fifty bills were passed and re- 
ceived the governor's assent. 

Amonor them were several laws aorainst crimes and misde- 
meanours, a law for liberty of conscience, an act to confirm 
titles for land, an act to prevent the importation of Indian 
slaves^ an act for the relief of the poor, an act for raising a 
revenue, and an act " directing the qualification of magistrates," 
being for the relief of persons scrupulous of taking an oath. 
The last of these laws being objected to by the governor, was 
not to take effect for some months, in order to give time for ob- 
taining the royal sanction.* An act concerning courts of 
justice was rejected by the governor. 

* Colonial Records, ii. 239. 



502 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



At the close of this session, a dutiful and affectionate address 
to the proprietary was drawn up and adopted by the house. 

This was the most harmonious and effective session of the 
legislature that had been held for many years, and when its 
proceedings were reported to Penn, he was induced to hesitate 
in his purpose of selling his government. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" I do again a little complain of thee, to thee : for thou hast shifted 
thy judgment about selling the government. One time sell it with all 
speed, and another time keep it. One time sell all ; perplexities in pro- 
perty staring us in the face, as well as those in government ; another 
time, government only, and go thither and enjoy myself quietly, in the 
evening of my time, with my family and friends, and it would much ad- 
vance my property. And thou advisest me to sell government, and the 
millions of rough lands remaining — being about thirty millions of acres, 
unless the lakes divide me. Now the opinion I have of thy abilities, (as 
is well known to our secretaries and great men here, ) makes me stagger 
under diversity of directions. I know also thou hast two or three good 
heads in thy intimacy, and, that I make myself believe, love me and 
wish me well, that are good assistants to thee ; and I wish I had your 
solemn final resolve what I shall do." 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Misconduct of Gov. Evans — False alarm caused by him — Letter of Logan 
— Governor Evans loses public confidence — Conduct of Friends during 
the false alarm — The governor calls the assembly — Proposes military 
defences — Their answer — The governor levies a tax called "Powder 
Money" — Richd. Hill and others pass his fort at New Castle — The go- 
vernor foiled in his exactions — Reaction in the public mind — D. Lloyd 
again speaker of the assembly — Altercation between the assembly and 
governor about judiciary bill — Assembly impeach Logan — Characters 
of Logan and Lloyd — Charges against Logan, and his answer — Assem- 
bly's remonstrance to William Penn, about Evans and Logan — AYilliam 
Penn censures Evans — Determines to remove him — Letter to Logan, 
announcing the appointment of another deputy-governor. 

1706-7. 
The administration of Gov. Evans was disturbed, throughout 
nearly its whole coui^e, by the conflict of opposing interests and 



MISCONDUCT OF GOVERNOR EVANS. 503 



passions. At first, the assembly, by its extravagant pretensions, 
had arrested the progress of legislation ; and when the people, 
dissatisfied with their representatives, elected others qualified, 
and disposed to promote the public good, the harmonious action 
that ensued, was of short duration, for the lieutenant-governor, 
elated with the triumph of his party, proceeded to acts of dis- 
simulation and oppression, that resulted in his own disgrace. 
He had a strong inclination for military display, and the depre- 
dations of privateers and pirates on the commerce of the province, 
together with the incursions of the Indians in some of the 
neighbouring colonies, furnished him with cogent arguments for 
enforcing the directions of the British government to put the 
colony in a posture of defence. 

In the lower counties, called the territories, his views met 
with the concurrence of the people, few of whom were Friends, 
but in the province, where that peace-loving people were 
numerous, he found all his efi"orts to sustain a militia were in- 
effectual, and only rendered him the more unpopular. 

Not being able to appreciate the motives of the Friends, and 
perhaps doubtful of their sincerity, he determined to put their 
principles to a severe test, and for that purpose devised a scheme 
as puerile as it was mischievous. 

In a letter of Logan, dated 4th month, 1706, he gives a 
particular account of the alarm produced by the governor's 
stratagem. 

" To bring it about, he first procured a letter as from Col. Seymour, 
(Governor of Maryland,) counterfeiting his hand to it, and sent it to the 
sheriff of New Castle, with orders to send it hither in great haste by an 
express, informing of a French fleet upon the coast : and the next day, 
seconded this, with another report from Burlington, said to come from 
East Jersey, to the same purpose. But before this, I should have in- 
formed thee, that being that day to dine two miles out of town, at Cap- 
tain Roche's, on Schuylkill, he left word with Thomas Guy, that if any 
letter was brought to town, directed to him from New Castle, it should 
be despatched to him immediately ; which gave me, when it appeared, 
the first suspicion that it was a sham, and so I suspiciously told him, but 
he denied it positively. This order was obeyed, and hurrying to town 
with the members who were there, he caused a council immediately to 
be called, and with all due formality caused the letter to be read, and thf 



504 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



matter considered. The result of all this was that a proclamation should 
be forthwith issued, requiring all persons to furnish themselves with 
arms and ammunition ; and for two nights the militia kept regular guard 
of about forty men each night. 

" The sheriff of New Castle had orders, the night before the alarm 
here, to raise theirs through the whole country: which the unhappy 
man, being a diligent and obedient officer, was obliged with reluctancy 
to do. 

"Another letter was also framed, as sent from the sheriff of Sussex to 
New Castle, informing that Lewis was burnt. All which, being in pur- 
suance of what was first concocted here, shows the thought long, — but 
not deep ; unless purposely designed for the mischievous effects it is likely 
to have. He himself, in the time of the alarm, rode about the town with 
his sword drawn, forcing all, that could be induced to arms, to Society 
Hill. Powder was dealt out among the people, to the loss of several ap- 
prentices, now so many scores of pounds in value. The people threw 
their goods into wells and all manner of holes, greatly to their damage ; 
women were taken ill, and the distress was very great. Friends were 
generally the quietest, yet many of them fled, but were miserably insult- 
ed and menaced by those who bore arms." After other particulars, he 
adds : "It is believed 'twill now be utterly in vain to call the militia out, 
they are so disgusted with being so miserably imposed upon." 

" In short, the whole is looked upon to be a most mischievous, boyish 
trick, and has given many hearty well-wishers to the government occa- 
sion to remember Wm. Biles's words with much more charity." 

The words of William Biles, here alluded to, were, " He is but 
a boy, he is not fit to govern us, we will kick him out;" 
which the governor, construing to be seditious expressions, 
caused him to be prosecuted and imprisoned. The imprison- 
ment of Biles, the attempt to raise a militia, the affair with 
the watch, and the loose morals of Evans, had brought his 
reputation to a low ebb in the colony ; but this preconcerted 
attempt to drive them from their principles by a false alarm, 
subjected him, and all others concerned in it, to public indig- 
nation. 

Logan, living at the time in the same house with the governor, 
and being considered his general adviser, was charged with 
being an accomplice in this disgraceful transaction ; but we have, 
in his letters to Penn, an explicit denial ; and independently of 
hi^ high moral character, which ought to exculpate him, we may 



THE GOVKRNOR PROPOSES MILITARY DEFENCES. 505 



conclude that he had too much sagacity to advise so shallow an 
artifice, which could not fail to be discovered.* 

The Friends, instead of being driven to arms in this suppose(l 
emergency, evinced, by their calmness and self-possession, the 
firmness of their principles. "It being our meeting-day," ob- 
serves Logan, "and although the time and tide that was to 
bring them up, it did not prevent the meeting, nor did the sur- 
prise put many of our Friends into those military companies;" 
and Isaac Norris avers that "not a Friend of any note but 
behaved as becomes our profession." 

Soon after "the alarm," the governor and those members of 
the council who were not Friends, aifected to consider the con- 
sternation it had produced, a sufficient evidence of the neces- 
sity for military defences, and they even proceeded to convene 
the assembly for that purpose. When they were met, the 
governor stated to them his views on the propriety of establish 
ing a militia and erecting fortifications; but they replied thai 
they had levied a considerable tax last year for the support of 
government; that their crops having failed, and their trade 
decayed, they were unable to do more; and they earnestly 
desired of the governor, that those who brought up the false 
reports by which the alarm was caused, might be "brought to 
condign punishment." 

This address was just such as might have been expected, and 
the governor, finding the assembly impracticable, dismissed it. 

The indignation of the inhabitants at the governor's conduct 
was greatly increased by an unwarrantable attempt he made to 
levy an impost on their commerce. Having induced the assem- 
bly of the territories to pass a law for the erection of a fort at 
New Castle, all vessels navigating the Delaware were required 
to report themselves, under a penalty of five pounds, and an 
additional charge for every gun fired to bring them to. In- 
ward-bound vessels were subjected to a duty of half a pound 
of powder for every ton of their capacity. This illegal exaction 
was highly resented by the merchants, being in direct contra- 

* I am surprised that Gordon should give countenance to this charge. Se« 
Us Hi3t. of Pa. p. 189 



506 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



ventlon of the royal charter, which secured to them the free 
navigation of the river. Richard Hill, Samuel Preston, and 
William Fishborn, owners of a new sloop called the Phila- 
delphia, then leaving on her first voyage to Barbadoes, de- 
termined to withstand the exaction; and, acquainting the 
governor with their purpose, went on board. 

The governor hastened to New Castle and ordered watch to 
be kept for the vessel. 

As she approached, she anchored above the fort, when Preston 
and Fishborn went ashore and informed John French, the com- 
mandant of the fort, that she was regularly cleared, and they 
demanded their right to pass without interruption. This being 
refused, Richard Hill, who had been bred to the sea, took the 
helm and steered past the fort, with no other injury than a shot 
through the mainsail. French pursued in an armed boat, and 
coming alongside, they cast him a rope, by means of which he 
boarded the vessel, when those on board cut the rope, which 
caused the boat to fall astern, and making him a prisoner with- 
out a blow, they proceeded on their way. The governor, greatly 
exasperated, pursued them in another boat to Salem, where 
Richard Hill went ashore with his prisoner ; and Lord Cornbury 
being there, who claimed to be vice-admiral of the river Dela- 
ware, they brought the matter before him. He sharply reproved 
French for his conduct, and to Governor Evans he plainly ex- 
pressed his disapprobation.* Logan, in writing to Penn, says — 

"On the 3d, Lord Cornbury came to town ; I waited upon him and had 
a conference with him for about an hour. I entered fully into the matter, 
And protested, in thy name and behalf, against these proceedings, as be- 
ing not only against thy inclinations, but evasive of thy rights. I found 
he had resented the matter to our governor, and will resent it home to 
the Lords of Trade. * * * These are very cloudy times indeed, and 
to us a day of severe trial ; there is a mighty hand in it that lays the de- 
sign out of reach of prevention. For my own part, I have reasoned and 
thought as coolly, and I think as regularly, on these matters as ever I did 
m my life, and have used my best endeavours ; but things conspire so 
together, out of any particular reach, that to me the hand is very visible, 
and Pennsylvania, thy former darling, has now become thy heavy afflic 

i> * Proud's Hist. i. 472, and Logan MSS. 



ALTERCATION IN THE ASSEMBLY. 507 



tirn ; and I cannot but lament ray own fortune, that should be concerned 
in it, at such a time when it is made so. But I have the comfort to think 
that designedly, or accidentally I have contributed to no part of it. * * 

** May that Divine goodness that has hitherto so manifestly protected 
thee through so many floods, continue the same remarkable goodness, 
and deliver thee from the same pressing straits, which I believe will at 
length bring a real advantage. * * -x- 

" Friends are preparing their letter to thy assistance, but it goes on too 
slowly. They have missed the opportunity of the vessel from York to 
Bristol, and intend to take the next.'' 

The bold and successful passage of the sloop Philadelphia 
before the fort at New Castle showed its inefficiency as a 
means of defence, and put an end to the exaction of powder 
money. Hill and his associates were members of the Society 
of Friends, they stood high in the community, and their con- 
duct was generally approved. 

At the next meeting of the legislature, they, with many 
others, presented a petition on the subject, which occasioned a 
remonstrance from that body to the governor, on his illegal 
proceedings. 

The conduct of Governor Evans produced a reaction in the 
public mind, and at the ensuing election, the popular party, as 
it was called, was again triumphant. 

David Lloyd was elected speaker, and they forthwith began 
to inquire into abuses and complain of grievances with their 
wonted vehemence. 

The main points of difference between the assembly and the 
governor and council related to courts of justice, and the te- 
nure of office by the judges. Great pertinacity was manifested 
on both sides, and many conferences were held ; in one of 
which, David Lloyd, the speaker, neglecting to rise when he 
spoke, the governor commanded him to stand up, but he, not 
being disposed to conciliate, kept his seat, and affecting to re- 
present the majesty of the people, claimed "to be exempted front 
this tribute of respect in a conference where equality was in- 
dispensable and was sanctioned by precedent." 

The testy governor, who professed to represent the majesty 
of the queen, insisted upon the punctilio, and the members of ^he 



50^ LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



house retired from the conference, fearing, as they said, that 
"the difference might terminate in unseemly language."* 

More than a week was employed in debates and messages 
about this ridiculous affair ; when they again proceeded w^ith 
the judiciary bill, but the governor, not agreeing to its provi- 
sions, established a judicature by proclamation. 

David Lloyd and his party, being highly exasperated, and 
thinking the governor was, by his commission, placed beyond 
their reach, drew up articles of impeachment against James 
Logan, whom they considered obnoxious to censure as the 
secretary and leading member of the executive party. 

Logan had for some years been the most powerful antagonist 
of Lloyd, and in the heat of party spirit which arose, they each 
attributed to the other faults of the gravest character. 

The secretary was a man of sterling integrity, great learn- 
ing, and consummate ability ; but his manners toward persons 
of inferior acquirements were not always courteous. He was ac- 
cused of being aristocratic in his feelings, and his exactness in 
collecting quitrents and other proprietary dues had rendered 
him unpopular. In defence of proprietary interests, he stood 
like a rock, and proudly defied the waves of popular clamour. 

Lloyd, although he could not pretend to the learning of Lo- 
gan, was possessed of sufficient legal attainments to give him 
great influence in an assembly composed chiefly of farmers ; he 
was versed in parliamentary tactics, skilful in debate, pleasing 
in his manners, and affecting to be the champion of popular 
rights, he obtained an ascendency w^hich all his prevarications 
failed to destroy. 

The articles of impeachment against Logan accused him of 
endeavouring to deprive the people of their political rights, 
delaying to furnish patents to the purchasers of land, charging 
quitrents before tlie lands were located, and keeping the office 
of surveyor-general in his own hands. 

Logan, by permission of the council, made a speech in his 
own defence, and soon after laid before the board a full and 

* Colonial Kecords, ii. Oovdon's Hist. Pa. 



REMONSTRANCE ABOUT EVANS AND LOGAN. 509 



circumstantial answer, being a copy of one he had sent to the 
proprietary. 

The governor informed the assembly that he doubted hig 
power to try impeachments, as there was no express grant in 
the charter for that purpose ; but, it being his duty to heaY and 
redress complaints against all officers under him, he invited 
them to appear before him and exhibit their charges. A day 
being appointed, and a large concourse of citizens in attend- 
ance, the assembly presented their articles of impeachment, 
and required Logan to answer them separately, in ivriting. He 
demurred to this demand, until they should adduce evidence to 
sustain their charges. They insisted upon his answers being 
first given. He rejoined by a general denial of all the charges, 
and more especially the first, which, he said, it was impossible 
for him to be concerned in, as the transaction took place in Eng- 
land. The assembly still declined to exhibit their proofs, and 
some days were spent in angry altercations, during which, it 
must be admitted, that Logan did not treat the assembly with 
the respect due to them as the representatives of the people. 

The assembly, being foiled in their attack upon the secre- 
tary, now turned upon the governor, with whose conduct they 
and the whole country had good reason to be dissatisfied. 

They drew up, in the summer of 1707, a remonstrance, ad- 
dressed to the proprietary, in which they recited many in- 
stances of Governor Evans's misconduct : — as his immoral 
conduct on a visit to the Indians at Conestoga — his refusal to 
pass the judiciary bill — his impositions upon trade, by the duty 
at Newcastle — his proceedings in relation to the militia and 
tavern licenses — his propagation of "the false alarm" — his 
granting a commission for privateering — his beating a consta- 
ble in one of his midnight revels — and, finally, his great ex- 
cesses and debaucheries, whereby wickedness was encouraged 
and the hands of the magistrates weakened. Against the 
secretary, James Logan, it was alleged, that "he knew of th« 
. false alarm ; but, instead of using such means as were in hia 
power to prevent it, he, by his conduct, under pretence of 
coming at the truth of the affair, made it worse;" and tiat, 
2S^ 



510 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



as a commissioner of property, he had unjustly detained cer- 
tain deeds for lands from the owners, &c. It is remarkable 
that most of the charges against Logan, contained in their 
articles of impeachment, were omitted in the remonstrance, 
and others substituted that were probably equally groundless. 

The remonstrance of the assembly was transmitted to 
George Whitehead, William Mead, and Thomas Lower, in 
London, with instructions to present it to the proprietary, 
and to the Board of Trade and Plantations. William Penn 
had already been advised by Logan of the governor's miscon- 
duct, concerning whom the secretary had, during the past 
year, entirely changed his opinion. 

Before the date of the assembly's remonstrance, Penn, in 
consequence of information received from Logan and others, 
concerning the governor, wrote him a severe admonition, 
viz ; — * 

WILLIAM PENN TO J. EVANS. 

"Eatuy, 15th 3d mo. 1707. 

"Esteemed Friend: — As my dependence was entirely upon thy honour, 
BO I never thought myself unsafe with it : but three reports, strenuously 
improved to my disgrace in these parts, (for so I account every thing that 
affects thee and thy conduct, in which I am so much concerned,) makes 
me very uneasy. The first is the 'alarm' given the people by thy know- 
ledge, if not contrivance, when, at the same time, thou knewest there was 
no validity in the pretended reason of it, and thou gavest those persons 
the private hint of the fallacy, that, perhaps, could not more deserve that 
whisper than others that were left to be frightened, as the very best and 
most obliging of our Friends in town and country were ; and this just 
after they had shown their distinguished regards to thee and me, by the 
provision they had zealously made for governor and government, and for 
which singular token of wisdom and kindness they have been neglected 
in the last election, that being improved by mine and our friend's impla- 
cable enemies to misguide and blow up the present assembly to fall upon 
things either impracticable or inconvenient, as well as inflaming against 
us. I am truly sorry for these things. 

" The second report is the sufferings Friends lie under, as well as are 
exposed to, on account of not bearing arms. A thing which touches my 
conscience as well as honour. * He must be a silly shoemaker who has 
not a last for his own foot.^ That my friends should not be secure and 

* Penn's MSS., Letters, Am. Phila. Soc, Phila. 



LETTER TO GOVERNOR EVANS. 511 



easy under me, in those points that regard our very characteristic, but 
that fines, or a forced disowning of their own principles, they must 
stoop to ! * * * 

" The third complaint is, the encouragement and growth of vice, for 
want of power and countenance to suppress it. Now, this touches my 
reputation, that so fairly began, in both good laws and good examples 
too. * * * In all which I desire thy answer and utmost caution, 
on one hand, and care on the other to suppress vice, as by proclamation 
now sent ; and taking advice of the most eminent Friends and safe peo- 
ple of that city, of who are most deserving of encouragement, or best 
qualified to keep public-houses there. As I desire that vice may be sup- 
pressed, (one great end of government,) so I desire that care may be taken 
that no just ofi'ence may be given to the crown ofi&cers there, in reference 
to the revenue thereof; and hope Col. Quarry came to you last with a dis- 
position of living easily and fairly among you. And pray let no occasion 
be given him to change his resolutions ; for that has hitherto been the 
pretence to fall upon proprietary governments, though none so deserving 
of the [protection of the] crown ; being made and governed at their own 
charge. 

"Give no occasion to the inhabitants, nor yet court any selfish spirits, 
at my cost and my sufiering family's. Distinguish temper and places ; 
and let realities, and not mere pretences, engage thee. Redress real 
grievances, suppress vice and faction, encourage the industrious and 
sober, and be an example, as well as a commander, and thy authority 
will have the greater weight and acceptance with the people. 

" I am far from lending my ears against my own ofiicers — 'tis neither 
wise nor just — nor yet is it so to refuse to hear what is said by way of 
complaint, when the nature of the thing calls for it, and the exigency of 
afi'airs requires it. But there is, I know, a just caution to be observed 
in the use to be made thereof on all hands. 

" Thy friends, of which mine are not the least, (my relations, I mean,) 
inquire of thy welfare ; and those, and other stories, coming to their ears, 
have troubled them, as not savouring of the character they had before 
apprehended to have been thine, and suitable to one employed by me. I, 
therefore, earnestly desire thy utmost honour, prudence, justice, and cou- 
i-age, in my afi'airs ; and do not despond of a happy providence and suc- 
cet^s in them at last ; which, hitherto, has not failed to attend me in the 
slose of various and hazardous adventures in the world. And, for a con- 
clusive paragraph upon these things, what thy honest and friendly father 
and mother would advise thee, if living, to do for my service, and honest, 
though abused, interest, that do with all thy might, I desire thee. 

"Be wise and firm to the last, for I hope a reasonable issue. * ♦ 
" Thy friend, &c. WILLIAM PENN," 



512 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEN2^. 



This letter had a salutary effect : Governor Evans endea- 
voured to amend his conduct, and, according to Logan's ac- 
count, seemed to be really an altered man, but it was too late ; 
he had lost the confidence of the public, and nothing short of 
his recall could restore harmony to the distracted councils of 
the province. 

Penn was remarkably steadfast in his friendships, and having 
been well satisfied with the early part of Governor Evans's 
administration, he was sIoav in giving credence to the heavy 
charges brought against him, especially as they had been 
coupled, in the spurious remonstrance of 1704, with accusations 
against himself, which he knew were unfounded. 

After he became assured that his lieutenant was altogether 
unworthy of the station, he determined to remove him ; but 
his purpose was delayed, for some months, by the difficulty of 
finding a suitable successor. The following letter to his secre- 
tary announces his intention to appoint another governor, and 
discloses the kindness he still felt towards Evans : — 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" London, 3d of 3d mo. 1703. L'd Treas'rs. 

* * ' ^ "I have had none from thee since last 6th month, which 
gives me great uneasiness ; since the virulent treatment of D. Lloyd, &c. 
can much sooner find its way to Philip Ford, and by him to G. W., W. M. 
and T. L., who have been with me at my lodgings in Old Baily, to repre- 
sent the state of the province, and render it very lamentable, under the 
present lieutenant-governor ; and unless I will discharge him, and put in 
a man of virtue, years, and known experience, and of a moderate spirit, 
they cannot avoid laying the assembly's complaint before the queen and 
council ; in which they have enumerated all the fjiults, if not impru- 
dences, they can lay to his conduct. The alarm, the refusal of the law 
for courts, the New Castle law, to pay toll coming from, and going to 
Philadelphia, and the violent struggle upon it; the affair of young Susan 
Harwood, and conniving at the escape of the old one made from justice, 
and accompanying them to another province, for avoiding shame and 
punishment. To which they add a voyage to Susquehanna, with the 
\ilest character of his and his retinue's practices, in the families of the 
people at Conestoga. My soul mourns under these things, for the very 
fame of them, but much more if true. 

"I doubt not his regards for my interest, in the main, but this disjoints 
all, and cuts me down at once ; so that I have been forced to think, much 



PECUNIARY EMBARRASSMENTS. 



against my desire, of looking out for another to put in his place ; and, at 
last, I have found one,* of whose morals, experience, and fidelity I have 
some knowledge, and of his family, forty years, also a recommending 
character from persons of great rank. And, he assures me, he intends 
to centre with us and end his days in that country, being forty-six years 
of age, and has sold his estate in Europe, to lay out his money there, and 
be a good freeholder among you. 

"Highly commended by Lieutenant-general Earle and Major-general 
Cadogan, and the Ingoldsby family, as well as Major Morris, my steward, 
and some friends in Ireland : and if he goes, it will be as one resolved to 
retire, and absolutely disposed to recommend himself to you by sobriety 
and thriftiness, rather than luxury or rapaciousness. Which I thought 
fit to communicate. And pray break it to him, [Governor Evans,] and 
that the reason why I chose to change, rather than contest with the 
complaints before the queen and council, is, that he may stand the fiiirer 
for any employment elsewhere ; which would be very doubtful if those 
blemishes were aggravated in such a presence. * * * 

"WILLIAM PENN." 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

Penn's pecuniary embarrassments— Treachery of his steward— The 
Fords claim Pennsylvania— Letters of Penn and Logan about Ford's 
accounts— Suit in Chancery— Penn's friends o^ev a composition of the 
claim— Difficulty interposed by D. Lloyd's accusation— I. Norris's cer- 
tificate about the spurious remonstrance of 1704— Letter of Penn— 
Letter of I. Norris about Penn's arrest and imprisonment for debt- 
Ford's claim settled— Penn released from the Fleet prison. 

1706-8. 

While William Penn was struggling with the difficulties at- 
tendant on his station as proprietary, and burdened with sorrow 
for the dereliction of his son, he was subjected to the most gall- 
ing pecuniary embarrassments by the treachery of his steward. 

Philip Ford was a man of respectable standing ; a member of 
the Society of Friends, and much esteemed by Penn, who em- 
ployed him in the management of his estates, placing implicit 
confidence in his integrity, and accepting his accounts without 
scrutiny. It was this easy, confiding temper, so amiable in 

* Colonel Charles Gookin. 
3.3 



•14 LIFE or WILLIAM PENX. 



itself, that led the proprietary into many of the difficulties he 
encountered. In a letter to Thomas Lloyd and others, dated in 
1685, he thus speaks of Ford, who was one of the first pur- 
chasers of land in Pennsylvania, but resided in England: — "I 
would have you forthwith take care and order Philip Ford's city 
lot, for his ten thousand acres, * * and his hundred and fifty 
acres in the suburbs, to be laid out the very next of all that is 
not taken up, for he deserves of the whole country to be pre- 
ferred, that for the good of it has neglected the advancement of 
his own."''' Yet at that very time, or soon after, this unfaithful 
steward was weaving the toils that were to bind his unsuspect- 
ing friend and employer, and, when he had him completely in 
his power, he exacted without mercy his exorbitant demands. 

On the large sums of money that passed through his hands, 
for many years, he charged unreasonable commissions, and on 
his advances he calculated compound interest, every six months, 
at eight per cent., which was one-third more than the law allowed, 
by which means, although he had received seventeen thousand 
pounds and expended £16,000 only, he brought the proprietary 
in his debt to the amount of ten thousand five hundred pounds. 
Penn, from time to time, accepted his accounts, without sufii- 
cient examination, and finally to secure the debt gave him a 
lien upon his province, in the form of a deed of conveyance. 
After the death of Philip Ford, his widow and son Philip en- 
deavoured to obtain possession, which gave rise to the follow- 
ing correspondence. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

(about ford's claim.) 

"28th 10th month, 1705. 
*' I offered upon the adjusting the accounts, (against which I have great 
and equitable exceptions,) that the half should be then presently paid, 
and the other reasonably secured; and that, as I desired not to be a judge 
in my own case, I did propose to refer it to Friends of their and my own 
choosing. Both which (after three years agitation) they refused. On 
which, I complained to the meeting they belonged unto ; and had it not 
been for the young man's late illness, which hindered their attendance on 

* Peraberton MSS. 



THE FORDS CLAIM PENNSYLVANIA. 615 



the meeting, that adjoiu-ncd from week to week, mostly on that account, 
they had been disowned by the meeting, or had stopped their proceedings 
in chancery. Those people have been very dilatory, false, and changeable, 
as well as insolent and unmannerly; and their strength is not their cause, 
but their abettors — some of the worst among you, and of such here as 
have long laid a design to supplant both me and mine, I hope the Lord 
will disappoint them, to their shame. The reason why they will not 
refer their case, is supposed to be the blackness and injustice of the ac- 
count, which by chancery they hope to stifle, and have the oppressive 
sum allowed, being upon security. But my counsel (esteemed the top 
of that court) assures me otherwise ; and then, their £12,000 pretence 
must bear a considerable abatement ; whose accounts, though so volu- 
minous, have been, through Providence, rather than by my carefulness, 
preserved entire ; having never opened them, since the family delivered 
them sealed to me, till on this occasion. Some of the exceptions there- 
unto are these : First, He received more moneys of mine than ever he 
paid for me, as appears from the account enclosed. Second, That the 
pretended sum amounts to that height by an unreasonable and voracious 
computation of compound interest every six months, (sometimes sooner,) 
at six, but oftener at eight per cent. Third, The unusual and extravagant 
sum he sets down as salary money, for paying himself out of my money 
— and 2^ per cent, for money advanced, when the custom here is but ^ 
per cent. Fourth, That he did not set down any of the times on which 
he received £8000 of my money, whereby one might bring the account 
to a balance — but continued the first sum advanced, which was £2800, 
and the compound interest thereof, reckoned every six months ; with 
other demands, as aforesaid. There are many things more which I can- 
not insert, by reason of the shortness of time. 

" Friends' letter, with the many subscriptions [signatures] is come to 
hand. My dear love to them all, and let none be concerned about the 
lands they pui-chased, either before or since my last being among you, 
for care was taken therein : and let them know, that I neither have, nor 
willingly shall surrender, since they desire I should not.'' 

"London, 9th 12th month, 1705. 
•* Clear off" the Fords and I fly to you ; and, I believe, some here will 
advance half — at least one-third, did Friends there do the like ; and thou, 
out of mine own in thy hands, or due to me, help to crown all, — be the 
same six or twelve thousand pounds to be paid." 

Thomas Callowhill, Penn's father-in-law, wrote at this period 
to James Logan, from Bristol, under date of 23d of first month, 
1706:— 

" I have seen their accounts, stated under both their hands, ("W. P. 
and P. F.,) in which by his easiness and want of caution, (as 'hou oV 



51(5 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



serves it,) he gave the vrretch opportunities of his base, barbarous, and 
wicked extortions, that ariseth to so great a bulk ; which, had they been 
corrected in time, would not have amounted to the tenth part of what 
they now are. That little knowledge I have of it troubles me ; yet I 
have comfort in this, that though their concern seems great and exer- 
cising, neither him nor my daughter sinks under it, but from the Divine 
power have supports to their spirits ; and I pray God it may turn to their 
good, and be instruction to their posterity." 

And Isaac Norris, then in London, wrote about the same date to the 
secretary: — "After all, I think the fable of the palm good in him — 'the 
more he is pressed, the more he rises.' He seems of a spirit to bear and 
rub through difficulties ; and as thou observes, his foundation remains. 
I have been at some meetings with him, and have been much comforted 
in them, and particularly last first-day."* 

JAMES LOGAN TO THOMAS CALLOWHILL. 

*« 13th of 6th mo. 1706. 

" I fear we shall be engaged in great perplexities, by reason of that 
most unfortunate business of Philip Ford. Never was any person more 
barbarously treated, or baited with undeserved enemies. He [William 
Penn] has been able to foil all attacks from public adversaries ; but, 'tis 
his fortune to meet with greatest severities from those that owe most to 
him. One would think there was almost a commission granted, as 
against Job, for his trial ; for such an accumulation of adversaries has 
seldom been known to attack a person that so little deserved them. It 
must be confessed that something of it all is owing to his easiness and 
want of caution. 

** I wish some of those that are acquainted with the more effectual way 
of transacting such concerns would search into the bottom of it ; consider, 
by the most unbiassed advice, the strength of his antagonists, and endea- 
vour to fix on the most effectual means for his security ; for, as far as I 
can gather from the accounts which I have at such a distance, Philip 
Ford's designs were base and barbarous from the beginning. 

" And what an old, cunning, self-interested man, with such intentions, 
might be capable of doing, when he had so much goodness, open-hearted- 
ness, and confidence in his honesty to deal with, is not difficult to 
imagine." 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"London, 10th 4th mo. 1707. 
*' Our chancery suit is like to go to the House of Lords, not because the 
lord chancellor does not repute it a mortgage, and not a fee, (for that he 
has already done,) but because I have great hopes to have the accounts 

* The Frieii.l. 



SUIT IN CHANCERY. 617 



reduced to at least a moietj. * * * Many great men interfere for the 
ending it by reference, or lumping it, to prevent scanning those enownous 
accounts; and certainly that must be a base and wretched account, that 
cannot stand the inijuiry of an honest and able accountant. 

*' But my son-in-law, Aubrey, grows very troublesome, because he gets 
nothing thence, — almost an open break, did I not bear with him extreme- 
ly: all his last bills are protested; at which he has no patience, and 
truly it is provoking. * * * But I bless the Lord I am yet upon my 
rock — a lasting foundation ! and had [I] but supplies from thence, I 
could yet bear up my head till matters issue with the Fords, and should 
hope for a comfortable and easy conclusion of my present troubles, and 
d lys, too, in God's time. 

" I desire thee to hasten all the relief thou canst, both to me and my 
son Aubrey, of whom I Avould be clear, of all men ; he has a bitter 
tongue, and I wish I had nothing to do with him in money matters.'"' 

" 8th 5th month. 
" Prospects dark for the public, yet a good peace hoped for. Give 
honest and wise Samuel Carpenter, Caleb Pusey, T. Masters, Griffith 
Owen, and Thomas Story, too, my dear love, not forgetting Captain Hill, 
and his sweet wife ; indeed, all that love the truth in its simplicity, my 
love is for, and forgiveness for the rest. My God has not forsaken, nor 
yet forgotten me in all respects. Blessed be his name !" 

IS. NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" London, 14th of 5th mo. 1707. 

" Dear Friend, James Logan : — I am indebted for thine of 10th and 
20th, which is still the latest date I have from Pennsj'lvania. * * * 

" In the 3d month, came on a hearing before the lord chancellor, who 
declared, that let the accounts be ever so unreasonable, that considering 
the repeated closures, deeds, and confirmations thereupon, he would not 
set such a precedent as unravelling the accounts would be, though he 
were to pay the money himself; yet dropped several expressions, that we 
think it is his opinion that it would not exceed a mortgage. Since then, 
has been a trial at common law, they having arrested him, as their 
tenant, for above £2,000, for rent due since the deed of sale and lease ; 
and upon some mislaying there, it came to a special verdict, and that put 
off till their Michaelmas term ; and thus the matter lies. They have 
spread reports about the country that he is a prisoner in the Fleet, and 
are very bold with his reputation in all their discourses of him There 
has been some expectation of lumping it, from some former conversation 
of Philip's, but ho now appears adverse. * * To oblige George White- 
head and some [others,] E. Ilartwell, Jos. Wright, Jno. Frome, Jos. and 
Silvanus Grove, &e. have perused the whole accounts from the beginning, 
and, as one man, declare thev never saw nor heard of the like cxt<jrtion 
2T 



518 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



I'hej have, I think, given in their report to G. W., to shovr the widow, 
and to try what he can do to bring them to reason." * * * 

The friends of Penn, both in England and Pennsylvania, 
had begun to move in earnest to raise funds for his assistance. 

Logan, ever faithful to the interest of his patron, was using 
his utmost endeavours to procure subscriptions for a loan, and, at 
the same time, wrote to the proprietary advising him to sell his 
government to the crown, in order to obtain the desired relief. 

While these arrangements w^ere proceeding, Penn wrote to 
the secretary under date 16th of 8th month, 1707 : — 

" Now know, that divers of my friends, to whom I am indebted, as 
w^ell per bonds, as notes and book-debts, clear me here for bills at six 
months sight upon what is owing me there, and that is in thy hands. A 
great relief to me from clamour and charge here, and the greatest benefit 
that place (i. e. Pennsylvania) has yet yielded me. Pray, comply therewith 
and that in a respectful manner : and what thou canst not do in time, 
having so copious a fund sure, my friends there will assist thee, upon 
credit thereof, to comply handsomely with the said bills. I have drawn 
them at sixty per cent. (Bills drawn, thirteen names=£il39 5^. 0^.") 

But the progress of these measures was unexpectedly inter- 
rupted. The exaggerated reports and artful misrepresenta- 
tions sent over to England by David Lloyd and his associates in 
Pennsylvania, had poisoned the minds of some Friends in Lon- 
don ; it was manifest that Governor Evans had been guilty 
of many abuses in his administration, and they began to fear 
that Penn, who was slow in giving credence to the reports sent 
over, was not entirely clear of blame. This was one of the 
severest of all his trials, that those who stood high in society — 
who had been his companions in suffering — who had mingled 
Avith him in the sweet fellowship of religious communion, should 
now, in this season of adversity, doubt his rectitude, was like 
adding the w^ormw^ood and the gall to the cup of his afflictions. 

This circumstance is alluded to in the following letter from 
Isaac Norris to Samuel Carpenter : — 

" Perhaps David Lloyd may be uneasy or displeased at the certificate 
I have given under my hand, at the request of G. AV., «fcc., concerning the 
printed remonstrance of 1704. I was with several friends at the cham- 
ber, and when I saw the great stress laid upon it, as from an assembly, 



LETTER OF PENX. 619 



by William Meade especiall3% and that in the remonstrance of 1706 a 
reference was insinuated to former complaints, and in the margin, I 
could not forbear telling them that remonstrance was not fair, nor g;iiiie«l 
above-board. The copy of my certificate runs thus : — ' Having been a 
member of the assembly of Pennsylvania in the year 1704, I do certify 
and declare that this foregoing paper called, A Representation of the 
Freemen of Pennsylvania, dated the 25th day of 6th mo., 1704, signed 
as above by David Lloyd, speaker, did never duly pass the said assembly, 
nor was it once read therein, as witness my hand, &c. 

" Perhaps David Lloyd may pretend, because I have so worded the 
certificate, it is evasion, and not a full declaration of the matter. But I 
do assure thee, I acquainted Friends with a full and true state of thft 
matter, viz. that they read heads in the assembly, had a minute for 
drawing it up, and who were appointed to do it, and how many of those 
concerned acted in it, likewise the concern of some Friends about it, and 
they being all along refused a copy. Upon which G. W. declared it 
wrong, and that it was his opinion nothing ought to pass under the au- 
thority of the assembly without being first read and perfected therein, 
and thereupon pressed me to give it him, under my hand, that it was 
never read in the assembly, from whence it was dated. I have got a 
copy of the remonstrance, and 'tis pretty enough to see Griffith Jones's 
and David Lloyd's memorandum, upon their second reading it after the 
first was lost. I am thy cordial friend, 

"ISAAC NORRIS." 

In a postscript to the foregoing letter, I. Norris states that 
Penn had signed a paper directed to S. Carpenter, G. Owen, 
and T. Story, and observes that, ^' what is done serves the 
purpose." 

The folloTving is doubtless the paper alluded to : — 

TO SAMUEL CARPENTER, GRIFFITH OWEN, THOMAS STORY, CALKB 
PUSEY, ROWLAND ELLIS, AND RICHARD HILL. 

" London, 7th 8th mo. 1708. 

*' Dear Friends and Brethren : — In the ancient tender love that long 
since hath engaged our hearts to the Lord, and in Him to one unother, I 
salute you. 

" And whereas there hath been communicated to me by George White- 
head, AVilliam Meade, and Thomas Lower, the copy of an address made 
to me, from the late assembly of Pennsylvania, held 1706,* containing 
complaints of divers unfair and injurious things in the administratiou 

* This does not refer to the spurious remonstrance, which was written 
i- 1704. 



620 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. 



of the government, I have, at their request, and out of a desire to sati'^f_y 
the inhabitants in their just and reasonable expectations, writ to my 
deputy-governor, to exert the utmost of his authority to punish vice : and, 
in order to do it effectually, to reduce the number of public-houses.; and 
that such as are allowed within the city, be recommended to him by the 
magistrates of the city, and for the county, by the justices thereof, in 
open sessions. I have also severely checked his treatment of the con- 
stables of Philadelphia, and, likewise, the countenance he seemed to give 
to that false and reprovable alarm, that so much disturbed the people. 

" I have also shown my great dissatisfaction, indeed abhorrence, of 
the late treatment of my friends in the lower counties, by the militia law, 
(and far beyond it,) which I shall take all possible care here, to prevent 
being confirmed. In the mean time, I have ordered him to stop all such 
rash proceedings, and prevent them for the future. And in other mat- 
ters, wherein the inhabitants are really aggrieved, and which is in my 
power to redress, I shall not be wanting therein. 

" Of all which, I refer you to my deputy-governor, council, and assem- 
bly, as you shall find occasion to make your address and application unto 
them. I shall add no more, but my best wishes for yours and the whole 
people's prosperity, being their and your loving friend, 

"WILLIAM PENN." 



FROM ISAAC NORRIS TO 



"29th 9br, 1707. 

" Last fifth day, the special verdict at common law, for the rent (as 
they call it) on the lease, went against "William Penn. 'Tis no more 
than was to be expected, yet I perceive it goes near him to think of a 
prison, now it comes to ; though it has been his own, as well as his 
friends' opinion that he ought to do it rather than pay the money, (which, 
with costs, is near £3000,) and thereby bear his testimony as honourably 
against the extortion and fraud of that account, as against other evils, 
and bear it as a persecution. How it will be, I cannot yet say, but be- 
•ieve in a few days he must yield up or abscond, till the next term, when 
the principle will be determined in chancery, and he must appeal to the 
House of Lords." 

The 10th of eleventh month. Is. Norris wrote again : — " Governor 
Penn was, last fourth day, arrested at Grace Church street meeting, by 
order of Philip Ford, on an execution on the special verdict for about 
£3000 rent. He has, by the advice of all his best friends, turned him- 
self over to the Fleet. I w^as to see him last night, at his new lodgings 
in the Old Bailey. He is cheery, and will bear it well ; and, 'tis thought, 
no better way to bring them to terms. At some, there are hopes of a 
composition ; at other times, they appear cold and hardened ; so that 
there is no judgment beforehand how it will terminate. I have taken 



WILLIAM PENN ARRESTED FOR DEBT. 521 



some pains, and sometimes seem to have an interest with them ; but 
when they get wiih their lawyers, all is blown. 

*' This act of theirs, with the aggravation of dogging to a meeting, 
makes a great noise everywhere, but especially among Friends ; and 
people, who had not troubled themselves before, now appear warm, and 
I hope still a good issue." 

Another letter, near same date : — 

" Henry Goldney and Herbert Springett prevented their taking him 
out of the gallery, by their promise he should come to them, in a few 
hours, which he accordingly did, and then by a habeas corpus threw 
himself over to the Fleet, where he has commodious lodgings, and we 
hope is pretty easy." 

ISAAC NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" London, 6th 1st month, 1708. 

"Our proprietor and governor is still in the Fleet — good lodgings — and 
has meetings there, is often visited, and lives comfortably enough for the 
circumstances. 

" Last sixth day, I mean yesterday-week, I was at a hearing before the 
lord chancellor. It is like you know how the Fords have petitioned the 
queen to be put in possession of the country, and that the proprietor 
might be divested of the government, for that they could not expect im- 
partiality from his officers ; and produced the proclamation made by 
King Charles II. (at the time of the grant, that the people should yield 
obedience to William Penn) as an example; that the like might be to 
Governor Philip or to Governess Bridget, now ! 

" Sir Simon Harcourt and Sir Edward Northey pleaded : the first said 
all the case would bear, but the last overthrew the whole project, and 
observed, first, the Fords had no words assigning the government, and 
if they had, its possibility was still questionable: secondly, that the 
property was not alienated, for the matter in debate was not yet ended 
in that court ; therefore they had abused her majesty, to tell her they 
had recovered their right in her courts, and if it were so, yet equity of 
redemption remained ; and [he] positively (Avith all deference) declared 
the queen could not grant possession ; for the law must determine pro- 
perty between subject and subject; that they must begin in the courts 
of Pennsylvania ; — with much more. 

" The chancellor agreed to what he said, allowing it to be reasonable; 
declared positively that the equity of redemption still remained in "Wil- 
liam Penn and his heirs, though iheij should at last recover ; told the 
Fords they were too early to ask such a thing of the queen, if it were 
ever so proper ; and as to taking the government, that could not be, for 
it would not be decent (to use his own words) to make government am- 
bulatory. 

" Stated : — ' Suppose the queen should, as they desired, proclaim the 
2T* 



522 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



government, then, perhaps a year, or a year and a half or two years 
hence, Mr. Penn might, by himself or friends, pay the whole money de- 
manded, if recovered; or might in the mean time, have his plea of abate- 
ment to the accounts granted, (which he would not say was impossible,- 
though there was probability against it,) or might otherwise compound 
it, and then the queen must be petitioned to proclaim back again/ He 
spoke more fully and handsomely than I can repeat, and, in a word, their 
petition was laid aside, and the queen will be advised not to answer it." 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" London, 3d of 3d month, 1708. 
*' The Fords seem to embrace an accommodation, and several Friends 
and others not of our profession, interpose to mediate it. Seven thou- 
sand pounds looks to be the sum ; to be sure that or eight will do 
it effectually : (and though I don't like my friends' method, yet it will 
do, I hope, at last,) in which my poor recovering father, Callowhill, comes 
in for £1000, for his share. So that I hope to regain my property, and 
pay them by way of the government, or what arises there. The lord 
treasurer* I hope, will lend me seven thousand, and receive it in New 
York, for the service of the government, or for us, and give me nine 
years to pay it in ; and I find Secretary Lownds inclinable to encourage 
it as a practicable thing ; and then I may still keep the government, or 
at least for a time." 

Notwithstanding Penn had offered for ''peace sake' to pay 
such a sum as disinterested men might award ; and " even 
more' than "men of honour, conscience, and judgment should 
think just and reasonable," yet the Fords still remained inex- 
orable, and he continued about nine months within the prison 
bounds. 

The following letter from Penn to Friends in Pennsylvania, 
was written a short time previous to his release from prison 
and sent by Governor Gookin. 

It shows that he still looked towards Pennsylvania as the 
home of his old age, and he was cheered in his adversity by the 
consolations of religion : — 

" London, 28th 7th month, 1708. 
"Dear Friends and Brethren: — My ancient love, if you can believe 
it, reaches to you as in times past, and years that are gone ; even in the 
Divine root and principle of love and life that made us near to one an- 
other, above ah worldly considerations ; where our life, I hope, is hid 

* Lord Sidney Godolphin. 



RELEASED FROM IMPRISONMENT. 523 



with Christ in God, our Father; so that -whon he appears, we shall also 
appear with him in glory ; and in the mean time through us, to those that 
love and wait for his appearance, as the desire of nations, that we may 
glorify God, his, and our everlasting Father, in our bodies, souls, and 
spirits, in temporal and eternal affairs. * * * 

" Oh, my dear friends, let all below this keep on the left hand ; and 
wait to feel those blessed things, to inherit the right h.ind ; and in faitli 
and courage cry aloud to the Lord, for his renewing and refreshing power, 
that may revive and reform his work upon your hearts and minds ; and 
our humility, meekness, patience, self-denial, and charity, with a blameless 
walking, may appear and manifest the work of God upon our hearts, to 
those that are without; which is not only the way to bring up the loiter- 
ers, and gather in the careless ones to their duty, but fetch home and 
bring in the strangers and the very enemies of the blessed truth, to con- 
fess and acknowledge that God is in you and for you of a truth. 

"I earnestly beseech you to assist James Logan, and who else the 
trustees for the payment of the money here advanced shall nominate, not 
only to get in, but turn into money, the best you are able, that I may come 
lionoiirahly to you and speedily, which I hope to do, as soon as you and 
these friends here think fit. Let me have this pledge of your love, and it 
shall be a lasting one, to advise and assist you for the expediting of the 
matter; for be assured I long to be with you; and if the Lord bring me 
and mine there, I hope not to return on almost any terms, at least not 
without your advice and satisfaction ; for care of you, and settling planta- 
tions for my poor minors ; for planters, God willing, they shall be in their 
father's country, rather than great merchants in their native land ; and 
to visit friends throughout the continent: at least, their chiofest business. 

"In the first love I leave you and yours, and all the Lord's people 
amongst you ; my family and affairs, to the merciful providence and or- 
derings of our great and gracious God, that welcomed us in poor America 
with his excellent love and presence, and will, I hope, once more ; and 
remain your loving friend, WILLLA.M PE\X." 

During Penn's imprisonment his friends continued to exert 
themselves in his behalf; the Fords at last consented to give 
him a full acquittance on the payment of seven thousand six 
hundred pounds, and the amount being raised, as stated in his 
last letter to Logan, he was again set at liberty ; which he an- 
nounced to his faithful secretary in the following terms : — 

"Kensington, 29th xbr, 1708. 
"The ships being still at Spithead, I send this to lot thee know that a 
day or two after Col. Gookin left me, the Fords were paid, and the country 



524 LIFE OF WILLI A xM PENN. 



redeemed, to and by me ; and I granted my assistants a fresh mortgage, 
vrithout naming that base family therein. 

"Secondly, I have sent you a new lieutenant-governor, and also a 
charter for a free school for Friends, vrhich, vrith orders to Col. Quarry to 
accept of customs of tobacco in kind, vrill, I hope, strike all, even the vrorst 
of my enemies, with fear, respect, and confusion." 

Throughout the whole of this vexatious and humiliating busi- 
ness, he evinced the patience and fortitude of the true Christian, 
whose aiFections are fixed not on earthly, but on heavenly things ; 
and the beautiful remark of Isaac Norris seemed applicable to 
him, that "God darkens this world to us, that our eyes may 
behold the greater brightness of his kingdom." 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

Letter of "William Penn recommending Governor Gookin — Rumour about 
a silver mine — Address of assembly to Governor Gookin — His answer — 
Logan censured by assembly — He demands a trial, which they evade — 
Requisition of the queen for men and money — Assembly's answer — 
Another remonstrance against Logan — He prefers charges against D. 
Lloyd — The assembly pass an order to imprison Logan — The governor 
protects him — He embarks for England — Logan's acquittal in Eng- 
land — An entirely new assembly elected — Harmony restored — I. 
Norris's letters — William Penn's expostulatory letter to people of 
Pennsylvania — The assembly grant £2000 for the queen's use — Act to 
prevent the importation of negroes — Annulled by the crown. 

1709-12. 

Governor Gookin arrived in Pennsylvania in March, {then the 
1st month,) 1709. He was the bearer of a letter from William 
Penn to his friends in the province, in which he says — 

"Now, my dear friends, * * '••' I have sent a new governor of 
years and experience, of a quiet, easy temper, that I hope will give offence 
to none ; nor too easily put up with any, if offered him, without hope of 
amendment. 

"The queen very graciously approved him at first offer, and gave him 
lier hand to kiss ; and, at last, being introduced by the Earl of Godolphin, 
Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain, at Windsor, she added, * Sir, I 



ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR GOOKIN. 625 



wish you a good journey, and shall be ready to serve you.' lie is sober, 
understands to command and obey; moderate in his temper, and of what 
they call a good family; his grandfather, Sir Vincent Gookin, having 
been an early planter in Ireland, in King James the First and King 
Charles's days; and he intends, if not ill treated, to lay his bones, as well 
as substance, among you, having taken leave of the war, and of both 
England and Ireland, to live amongst you ; and as he is not voluptuous, 
80 I hope he will be an example of thriftiness. In short, he has instruc- 
tions as much to the virtue, justice, and peace of the country, as I can ex- 
press myself, or you desire, for your comfortable living. Pray, therefore, 
receive him kindly, and express it by a modest subsistence, or rather give 
it me to give him, or how you please."* 

In another letter, near the same date, addressed to the secre- 
tary, Penn alludes to a rumour that had reached him, of a rich 
silver-mine having been discovered in the province. The re- 
port of such a discovery appears to have originated in the 
mysterious movements of a Swiss named Michel, in the vicinity 
of Conestoga, which excited the suspicions of the Indians, one 
of whom conveyed the intelligence to the council in Philadel- 
phia. It seems that Penn had received information which 
induced him to suspect that the mine was secretly worked, and 
that Evans, his deputy, shared the profits. 

In one of his letters to the secretary, he says — 

*' Pray, scrutinize this matter well, and let me hear from thee with all 
the speed thou canst ; for the assurance Michel gives me, makes me soli- 
citous to pry into this affair, whence help may arrive to deliver me." 

It is not surprising that, in his embarrassed circumstances, he 
should indulge the hope of being relieved from his pecuniary 
troubles, by this supposed discovery ; but the cheering prospect 
ended in disappointment, for no such mine could be found. 

When Governor Gookin arrived in Philadelphia, the assem- 
bly, then in session, presented him an address, signed by David 
Lloyd, their speaker, in which, unhappily, they not only alluded 
to the conduct of his immediate predecessor, but requested 
that he might be prosecuted and punished for malversation in 
ofiice, and they intimated that he had been influenced by " evil 
counsel,'' to which they attributed his obnoxious measures. 

The governor, in his answer, expressed his regret that on his 

* Proud's History of Pennsylvania, ii. 4. 



>26 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



first apearance among them, subjects should be brought before 
him not within his cognizance ; for, although the measures 
complained of, were well known in England, he had no instruc- 
tions concerning them. He was desirous to redress all griev- 
ances within his power; but he thought the "most effectual 
method to free the people from the apprehensions of grievances 
would be to lay aside all former animosities and jealousies, and 
apply themselves to such business as they were concerned in 
for the public." 

The council, or those members of it who had been in office 
during the administration of Evans, considered the assembly's 
allusion to " evil counsel" as a censure upon them ; whereupon 
they presented an address to the governor, denying that they 
had advised the measures complained of, asserting that they 
derived no emolument from the office, and that they could have 
no other object in view than the public good. 

The assembly, in another address, replied that they designed 
the charge against the secretary^ and some others not of the 
council. Logan immediately applied for a trial upon the charges 
formerly preferred against him, but the assembly took no action 
upon it till near the close of the session. 

In the mean time, the governor, in obedience to an order 
from the queen, made a requisition upon the assembly for as- 
sistance toward a military expedition against Canada. The 
quota required from Pennsylvania w^as 150 men, and a contri- 
bution in money. The governor stated to the house, that being 
aware of the scruples of many of the inhabitants against bear- 
ing arms, he would excuse them from furnishing troops if they 
would raise a subsidy of four thousand pounds. 

After much debate, the assembly replied that they could not, 
for conscience' sake, comply with the requisition, but in grati- 
tude to the queen for her many favours, they had resolved to 
raise and present her with five hundred pounds, as a testimony 
of their loyalty. This was by no means satisfactory to the 
governor, who insisted upon a larger sum, and the assembly 
subsequently offered to add three hundred pounds for a present 
to the Indians and other public charges, and two hundred 



ASSEMBLY ORDER LOGAX TO BE ARRESTED. 527 



pounds for the governor's salary, expecting, in return, his con- 
currence in redressing their grievances.* The governor re- 
sented this condition as a want of confidence and courtesy, 
and the remainder of the session was spent in fruitless debates 
and messages. 

On the last day of the session the assembly adopted another 
remonstrance, containing heavy charges against Logan, in- 
tended, as he believed, for political effect, as he was not then 
allowed to answer it, and they had it publicly read in the 
several counties on the day of election. 

In the next assembly, which met in October, (then 8th mo.,) 
1709, the same party was predominant, and David Lloyd was 
again chosen speaker. 

Logan, who had hitherto stood on the defensive, now became 
the assailant, and preferred, through the governor, charges 
against Lloyd, for high misdemeanour, probably founded on the 
spurious remonstrance of 1704, and the correspondence con- 
nected therewith. He, at the same time, demanded a trial on 
the accusations made against himself, and stated that he was 
about to embark for England. 

The assembly, instead of attempting to prove their charges 
against the secretary, passed a resolution for his arrest and 
imprisonment, "for reflecting on sundry members of the house 
and charging their proceedings with unfairness and injustice." 

The governor interposed for his protection, by a supersedeas. 
to prevent the execution of the speaker's writ, and Logan em- 
barked for England. 

A letter of Isaac Norris, written soon after, exonerates the 
Society of Friends from much of the blame attached to these 
factious proceedings : — 

ISAAC NORRIS TO JOSEPH PIKE. 

"18th 12th month, 1709-10. 
" Most of these sticklers in assembly are either Koitheans, or such ad 
stand loose from Friends, who have other ends than \yhat is penetrated 
into by some pretty honest, but not knowing men." 

* Colonial Records, ii. 495. 



628 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



About the time of Logan's embarkation, the assembly "en 
tered upon their minutes, an assurance -which the speaker had 
received by letter from George Whitehead and Thomas Lower, 
that he should in England be brought to his trial upon the 
articles charged against him." It appears that, after a full 
hearing there, he was triumphantly acquitted, " both by Friends, 
and the ciAdl authorities."* The confidence of William Penn 
in his secretary never wavered ; and even in the province, a 
reaction took place soon after his departure. The friends of 
the proprietary rallied ; the eyes of the people were opened to 
the deceptions that had been practised upon them, and Lloyd's 
party was completely prostrated. 

In the election of 1710, not a single member of the last as- 
sembly was returned ; all were the friends of the proprietary ; 
they chose Richard Hill for their speaker, and their proceed- 
ings were characterized by order, decorum, and despatch. 

ISAAC NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"Philadelphia, 29th 8br, 1710. 
*' Our assembly met at the time, and adjourned to the 4th xbr., with 
consent »f the governor, and all, so far, in good humour and well. We 
met with difficulty in getting papers ; — they cull and keep back what they 
please ; — there is not a word to be seen of the foul minutes of 1704, but a 
fair, large, lying full one, stitched up in the book. Brother Hill, speaker ; 
— David Lloyd moved to Chester ; — the country pretty quiet and easy. 
Thou used to talk of astral influences; I am not very superstitious, 
though I cannot but take notice how universally and resolutely Friends 
were spirited about this election ; nay, some, from whose cautious or 
tjareful temper, so much could hardly be expected." 

The remark about astral influences was only a piece of plea- 
santry ; his sentiments are more seriously expressed below. 

ISAAC NORRIS TO WILLIAM PENN. 

"Philadelphia, 23d 9br, 1710. 
"Thine, directed to Edward Shippen, with the enclosed copy of thy 
welcome expostulatory letter to thy friends, and the people here, of 
29th fourth month, came to hand by the packet boat, three days since. 
Several of thy good friends have already seen it, and are extremely 
oleased therewith. It is so consolatory to thy friends, so tender and soft 

* Friend, xix. 210. 



penn's expostulatory letter. 529 



where it touches the others, and suitable to the present posture of aff\iirs 
here, that -we think it cannot be made too public. Notwithstanding, the 
contenders may perhaps cavil; and to-morrow, being our monthly meet- 
ing, [we] shall consider the most proper method to make it so. Had it 
happily arrived before the election, it might have fiicilitated the work, 
and been some support to Friends, under the exercise which seemed to 
fall on several, with more than usual weight; who, contrary to their in- 
clinations against mobbish contests, resolutely stemmed the insolent as- 
surances that some seemed to have, that they could not be laid aside. Sure 
an overruling hand directed that our thoughts and steps here should bo 
80 answerable to thine there; and I heartily pra}^ the providential hand 
which governs all, may particularly influence here, and direct us to peace, 
duty, moderation, and right things." * * * 

The expostulatory letter of Penn referred to above, is given 
in full by Proud and Clarkson, who attributed to its influence 
the remarkable change in the assembly; and Gordon, in his 
History of Pennsylvania, expresses the same sentiment ; adding 
that "Lloyd thus beheld the fragile staff on which he leaned 
break under him, and his violence against the secretary recoil 
upon himself." Norris was a prominent member of the new 
assembly, and it appears from his statement that Penn's letter 
did not arrive till after the election. Its effect, however, was 
most salutary ; being a beautiful exposition of his affectionate 
regard and parental care for the people of his province. 

"London, 29th 4tli mo. 1710. 

" My Old Friends: — It is a mournful consideration, and the cause of 
deep affliction to me that I am forced, by the oppressions and disappoint- 
ments which have fallen to my share in this life, to speak to the people of 
that province in a language I once hoped I should never have had occasion 
to use. But the many troubles and oppositions that I have met with from 
thence oblige me, in plainness and freedom, to expostulate with you con- 
cerning the causes of them. 

•'When it pleased God to open a way for me to settle that colony, I had 
reason to expect a solid comfort from the services done to many hundreds 
of people ; and it was no small satisfaction to me that I have not been 
disiippointed in seeing them prosper, and growing up to a flourishing 
country, blessed with liberty, ease, and plenty, beyond what many of 
themselves could expect, and Avanting nothing to make themselves happy 
but what, with a right temper of mind and prudent conduct, they might 
give themselves. But, alas ! as to my part, instead of reaping the like 
advantages, some of the greatest of my troubles have arisen from thence. 
2U 34 



530 LIFE OF "WILLIAM PEXX. 



The many combats I have engaged in, the great pains and incredible 
expense ^or your welfare and ease, to the decay of my former estate, of 
which (however some there would represent it) I too sensibly feel the 
effects, with the undeserved opposition I have met with from thence, sink 
me into sorrow, that, if not supported by a superior hand, might have 
overwhelmed me long ago. And I cannot but think it hard measure, 
that, while that has proved a land of freedom and flourishing, it should 
become to me, by whose means it was principally made a country, the 
cause of grief, trouble, and poverty. 

"For this reason I must desire you all, even of all professions and 
degrees, (for although all have not been engaged in the measures that have 
been taken, yet every man who has interest there is, or must be, con- 
cerned in them by their effects,) I must therefore, I say, desire you all, 
in a serious and true weightiness of mind, to consider what you are, or 
have been doing ; why matters must be carried on with these divisions 
and contentions; and what real causes have been given, on my side, for 
that opposition to me and my interest, which I have met with, as if I 
were an enemy, and not a friend, after all I have done and spent both 
here and there : I am sure I know not of any cause whatsoever. Were 
I sensible you really wanted any thing of me, in the relation between us, 
that would make you happier, I should readily grant it, if any reasonable 
man would say it were fit for you to demand, provided you would also 
take such measures as were fit for me to join with. 

"Before any one family had transported themselves thither, I earnestly 
endeavoured to form such a model of government as might make all con- 
cerned in it easy; which, nevertheless, was subject to be altered as there 
should be occasion. Soon after we got over, that model appeared, in some 
parts of it, to be very inconvenient, if not impracticable. The numbers of 
members, both in the council and assembly, were much too large. Some 
other matters also proved inconsistent with the king's charter to me ; so 
that, according to the power reserved for an alteration, there was a ne- 
cessity to make one, in which, if the lower counties (the territories) were 
brought in, it was well known at that time, to be on a view of advantage 
to the province itself, as well as to the people of those counties, and to 
the general satisfaction of those concerned, without the least apprehen- 
sion of any irregularity in the method. 

"Upon this they had another charter i)iissed, nemineconiradicenie, which 
I always desired might be continued while you yourselves would keep up 
to it and put it in practice ; and many there know how much it was against 
my will, that, upon ray last going over, it was vacated. But, after this was 
laid aside, (which, indeed, was begun by yourselves in Colonel Fletcher's 
time,) I, according to my engagement, left another, with all the privileges 
that were found convenient for your good government ; and, if any part of 
*f has been, in any case, infringed, it was never by my approbation. 1 



penn's expostulatory letter. 531 



desired it might bo enjoyed fully. But, though privileges ought to be 
tenderly preserved, they should not, on the other hand, be asserted under 
that name to a licentiousness : the design of government is to preserve 
good order, which may be equally broke in upon by the turbulent endea- 
vours of the people as well as the overstraining of power in a governor. 
I designed the people should be secured of an annual fixed election and 
assembly ; and that they should have the same privileges in it that any 
other assembly has in the queen's dominions; among all which this is ono 
constant rule, as in the parliament here, that they should sit on their own 
adjournments; but to strain this expression to a power to meet at all times 
during the year, without the governor's concurrence, would be to distort 
government, to break the due proportion of the parts of it, to establish con- 
fusion in the placeof necessary order, and make the legislative the executive 
part of government. Yet, for obtaining this power, I perceive, much time 
and money has been spent, and great struggles have been made, not only 
for this, but some other things that cannot at all be for the advantage of 
the people to be possessed of ; particularly the appointing of judges; because 
the administration might, by such means, be so clogged, that it would be 
difficult, if possible, under our circumstances, at some times to support it. 
As for my own part, as I desire nothing more than the tranquillity and 
prosperity of the province and government in all its branches, could I see 
that any of these things that have been contended for would certainly 
promote these ends, it would be a matter of indifference to me how they 
were settled. But, seeing the frame of every government ought to be regular 
in itself, well proportioned and subordinate in its parts, and every branch 
of it invested with sufficient power to discharge its respective duty for the 
support of the whole, I have cause to believe that nothing could be more 
destructive to it than to take so much of the provision and executive part 
of the government out of the governor's hands and lodge it in an uncertain 
collective body ; and more especially since our government is dependent, 
and I am answerable to the crown if the administration should fail and a 
stop be put to the course of justice. On these considerations, I cannot 
think it prudent in the people to crave these powers ; because, not only I, 
but they themselves, would be in danger of suffering by it. Could I believe 
otherwise, I should not be against granting any thing of this kind that 
were asked of me with any degree of common prudence and civility. But, 
instead of finding cause to believe the contentions that have been raised 
about these matters have proceeded only from mistakes of judgment, with 
an earnest desire notwithstanding, at the bottom, to serve the public, (which, 
I hope, has still been the inducement of several concerned in them,) I have 
had but too sorrowful a view and sight to complain of the manner in which 
I have been treated. The attacks on my reputation : the many indignities 
put upon me in papers sent over hither into the hands of those who oould 
not be expected to make the most discreet and charitable use of them ; the 
secret insinuations against my justice, besides the attempt made upon my 



582 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



estate ; resolves past in the assemblies for turning my quitrents, never 
sold by me, to the support of government; my lands entered upon without 
any regular method ; my manors invaded, (under pretence I had not duly 
surveyed them,) and both these by persons principally concerned in these 
attempts against me here ; a right to my overplus land unjustly claimed 
by the possessors of the tracts in which they are found ; my private estate 
continually exhausting for the support of that government, both here and 
there, and no provision made for it by that country; to all which I cannot 
but add the violence that has been particularly shown to my secretary ; 
of which (though I shall by no means protect him in any thing he can be 
justly charged with, but suffer him to stand or fall by his own actions) I 
cannot but thus far take notice, that, from all the charges I have seen or 
heard of against him, I have cause to believe, that had he been as much 
in opposition to me as he has been understood to stand for me, he might 
have met with a milder treatment from his prosecutors ; and to think that 
any man should be the more exposed there on my account, and, instead 
of finding favour, meet with enmity, for his being engaged in my service, 
is a melancholy consideration. In short, when I reflect on all these heads, 
of which I have so much cause to complain, and, at the same time, think 
of the hardships I and my suffering family have been reduced to, in no 
small measure owing to my endeavours for and dissapointments from 
that province ; I cannot but mourn the unhappiness of my portion, dealt 
to me from those, of whom I had reason to expect much better and dif- 
ferent things ; nor can I but lament the unhappiness that too many of 
them are bringing upon themselves, who, instead of pursuing the amica- 
ble ways of peace, love, and unity, which I at first hoped to find in that 
retirement, are cherishing a spirit of contention and opposition, and, 
blind to their own interest, are oversetting that foundation on which your 
happiness might be built. 

"Friends! the eyes of many are upon you; the people of many nations 
of Europe look on that country as a land of ease and quiet, wishing to 
themselves in vain the same blessings they conceive you may enjoy; but, 
to see the use you make of them, is no less the cause of surprise to others, 
while such bitter complaints and reflections are seen to come from you, of 
which it is difficult to conceive either the sense or meaning. What are the 
distresses, grievances, and oppressions, that the papers, sent from thence, 
so often say you languish under, while others have cause to believe you 
have Mtherto lived, or might live, the happiest of any in the queen's 
dominions ? 

"Is it such a grievous oppression, that the courts are established by my 
power, founded on the king's charter, without a law of your making, when 
upon the same plan you propose ? If this disturb any, take the advice of 
other able lawyers on the main, without tying me up to the opinion of 
principally one man, whom I cannot think so very proper to direct in my 
affairs, (for I believe the late assembly have had but that one lawyer 



penn's expostulatory letter. 533 



amongst them,) and I am frecl}^ content you should have any law that, by 
proper judges, should be found suitable. Is it your oppression that tho 
officers' fees are not settled by an act of assembly ? No man can be a 
greater enemy to extortion than myself. Do, therefore, allow such fees as 
may reasonably encourage fit persons to undertake these offices, and you 
shall soon have (and should have always cheerfully had) mine, and, I hope, 
lay lieutenant's concurrence and approbation. Is it such an oppression 
th-.it licenses for public-houses have not been settled, as has been proposed? 
It is a certain sign you are strangers to oppression, and know nothing but 
the name, when you so highly bestow it on matters so inconsiderable; but 
that business I find is adjusted. Could I know any real oppression you 
lie under, that it is in my power to remedy, (and what I wish you would 
take proper measures to remedy, if you truly feel any such,) I would be as 
ready, on my part, to remove them, as you to desire it ; but according to 
the best judgment I can make of the complaints I have seen, (and you once 
thought I had a pretty good one,) I must, in a deep sense of sorrow, say, 
that I fear the kind hand of Providence, that has so long favoured and pro- 
tected you, will, by the ingratitude of many there, to the great mercies of 
God hitherto shown them, be at length provoked to convince them of their 
unworthiness; and, by changing the blessings, that so little care has been 
taken by the public to deserve, into calamities, reduce those that have 
been so clamorous and causelessly discontented, to a true, but smarting 
sense of their duty. I write not this with a design to include all ; I doubt 
not, many of you have been burdened at, and can by no means join in, 
the measures that have been taken ; but, while such things appear under 
the name of an assembly, that ought to represent the whole, I cannot but 
speak more generally than I would desire, though I am not insensible 
what methods may be used to obtain the weight of such a name. 

" I have already been tedious, and shall now, therefore, briefly say, that 
the opposition I have met with from thence must at length force me to 
consider more closely of my own private and sinking circumstances in re- 
lation to that province. In the mean time, I desire you all seriously to 
weigh what I have wrote, together with your duty to yourselves, to me, 
and to the world, who have their eyes upon you, and are witnesses of my 
early and earnest care for you. I must think there is a regard due to mo 
that has not of late been paid ; pray consider of it fully, and think soberly 
what you have to desire of me, on the one hand, and ought to perform to 
me on the other; for from the next assembly I shall expect to know what 
you resolve, and what I may depend on. If I must continue my regards 
to you, let me be engaged to it by a like disposition in you towards me. 
But if a plurality, after this, shall think they owe me none, or no more 
than for some years I have met with, let it, on a fair election, be so declared , 
and I shall then, without further suspense, know what I have to rely upon. 
God give yon his wisdom and fear to direct you, that yet our poor country 
ria-; be Vie:-s J w'.tli peace, love, nnd industry, and we may once m^ rs 



534 LIFE OP WILLIAM PENN. 



meet good friends, and live so to the end, our relation in the truth having 
but the same true interest. 

" I am, with great truth and most sincere regard, your real friend, aa 
well as just proprietor and governor, 

"WILLIAM PENN." 

By the election of the new assembly, harmony was restored 
to the government, and all its branches were distinguished by 
sedulous and successful application to business. The right to 
adjourn at pleasure was yielded : the expenses of the state were 
cheerfully supplied, and the judiciary was established by law. 
The voice of complaint was hushed, while the manifold blessings 
enjoyed by the inhabitants were frankly acknowledged."* 

In 1711, another requisition was made by the British govern- 
ment, for aid in prosecuting the war against Canada, which being 
communicated by the governor to the assembly, they, after 
some delay, passed a law for "raising ,£2000 to the queen's 
use." There is extant a letter of Isaac Norris in reference to 
this law, in which he says, "we did not see it inconsistent with 
our principles to give the queen money, notwithstanding any 
use she might put it to, that not being our part, but hers." 

In the year 1712, the ascendency of the Friends in the as- 
sembly is indicated by the passage of "an act to prevent the 
importation of Negroes and Indians into the province, "f 

But this wise and humane law was annulled by the crown, 
in pursuance of that nefarious policy of the British government, 
which sought to enrich her merchants by keeping open, in her 
colonies, a market for men. J 

It is pleasing to reflect that, during the last three years -of 
William Penn's participation in colonial affairs, harmony pre- 
vailed in the government of his province, and that an act so 
consonant with his feelings and principles was then passed ; for, 
though at that time unsuccessful, it entitles Pennsylvania to the 
honourable distinction of having led the way to a more humane 
system of legislation on the subject of slavery. 

* Gordon's Hist. Pa. 163. f Colonial Records, ii. 578. % Gordon 



AGAIN TRAVELS AS A MINISTER. 535 



CHAPTER XL. 

Penn travels as a minister— Ilis health declines— Composes a preface to 
J. Bank's journal— Contracts for the sale of his government— His let- 
ter to the council— Letter to Logan — Severe illness — Last letter to 
Logan — Second attack of his disease — Letters from Hannah Penn — 
William Penn's intellect impaired by disease— His health gradually 
declines— Hannah Penn's management of colonial affairs— Her cor- 
respondence with Logan— Death of William Penn— Address and pre- 
sent of the Indians to Hannah Penn— William Penn's will— Death of 
William Penn, Jr., of Hannah Penn, of James Logan. 

1709-18. 

Although the infirmities of age began to require some respite 
from physical exertion, the mind of William Penn still continued 
vigorous, and, in 1709, he was engaged in travelling as a minis- 
ter of the gospel, being then sixty-five years of age. 

In this service he visited the "western part of England, as 
well as the counties of Berks, Buckingham, Surry, and other 
places." 

For some years past he had resided about eight miles from 
London, and within a mile of Brentford, where a meeting was 
established by the Friends, to be held once a month, as well for 
the accommodation of his family, as for the general service of 
their profession. 

In the year 1710, the air near London not suiting his de- 
clining constitution, he took a handsome seat at Ruscombe, near 
Twyford, where he resided the remainder of his life.* 

In 1711, he composed a preface to the Journal of his ancient 
friend, John Banks, which he dictated to an amanuensis. 

While composing it "he walked the floor to and fro, with a 
cane in his hand, and gave occasional answers to other matters 
intervening." This being the last piece he published, an ex- 
tract is here inserted to show the brightness of his intellect, and 
the freshness of his religious feelings in the evening of his day. 
* Life prefixed to his works. 



536 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



" Friendly Reader : — The labours of the servants of God ought always 
to be precious in the eyes of his people, and for that reason the very frag- 
ments of their services are not to be lost, but to be gathered up for edifi- 
cation, and that is the cause why we expose the following discourses to 
public view; and I hope it will please God to make them efi"ectual to such 
as seriously peruse them, since we have always found the Lord ready to 
second the services of his worthies upon the spirits of the readers, not 
suffering that which is his own to go without a voucher in every con- 
science — I mean those divine truths it hath pleased him to reveal among 
his children by his own blessed Spirit, without which no man can rightly 
perceive the things of God, or be truly spiritually minded, which is life 
and peace. And this, indeed, is the only beneficial evidence of heavenly 
truths, which made that excellent apostle say in his day, * We know that 
ice are of God, and that the whole world lieth in loickedness :' for, in that 
day, true religion, and undefiled before God and the Father, consisted in 
visiting the fatherless and widows in their afiiictions, and keeping un- 
spotted from the world, not only a godly tradition of what others have 
enjoyed, but the experimental enjoyment and knowledge thereof, by the 
operation of the divine power in their own hearts, which makes up the 
inward Jew and accomplished Christian, whose praise is not of men, but 
of God ; such are Christians of Christ's making, that can say with the 
apostle, ' It is not we that live, but Christ that liveth in us, dying daily 
to self, and rising up, through faith in the Son of God, to newness of 
life.' Here formality bows to reality, memory to feeling, letter to spirit, 
and form to power ; which brings to the regeneration, without which no 
man can inherit the kingdom of God ; and by which he is enabled, in 
every estate, to cry, Abba Father t * * * 

"Now, reader, before I take my leave of thee, let me advise thee tc 
hold thy religion in the spirit, whether thou prayest, praisest, or minis- 
terest to others ; go forth in the ability God giveth thee ; presume not to 
awaken thy beloved before his time ; be not thy own in thy performances, 
but the Lord's ; and thou shalt not hold the truth in unrighteousness, as 
too many do, but according to the oracle of God, that will never leave 
nor forsake them who will take council at it; which that all God's people 
may do, is, and hath long been, the earnest desire and fervent supplication 
of theirs and thy faithful friend, in the Lord Jesus Christ. 

" WILLIAM PENN."* 

"London, 23d of 12th mo. 1711." 

For some years past he had been negotiating with the British 
cabinet for the sale of his government. He was impelled to 
this step by two principal motives: the first arose from pecu- 
niary embarrassments — the province being still under a mortgage 

* Clarkson. 



NEGOTIATES FOR SALE OF HIS GOVERNMENT. 53' 



to those friends who released him from his debt to the Fords; 
the second was the difficulty he found in his administration, 
being, on the one hand, often thwarted by a faction in the 
colony; and, on the other, restrained by his allegiance to the 
crown, from the full development of his peaceable policy. Per- 
haps a third motive may have been the unfitness of his eldest 
son to succeed him as proprietary and governor. 

There were, however, other considerations which inclined him 
to keep his government : the original purpose of the enterprise 
was to found a "free colony for all mankind," and to adminis- 
ter Its government on Christian principles. This favourite Idea 
had been more nearly realized than in any other instance on 
record ; and he still indulged the hope that, if a peace were con- 
cluded In Europe, and he settled with his family at Pennsbury, 
he might yet see all his plans accomplished, and spend the 
evening of his days in serene tranquillity. 

Another strong motive for retaining the government was to 
secure for the Friends in Pennsylvania that religious liberty 
which had been one of their main inducements to emigrate. 
This object, together with political privileges for the people^ 
he kept constantly in view during his negotiations with the 
cabinet, by which means the completion of the contract was 
delayed for some years. 

His letters to Logan, already quoted, show how sedulous was 
his care, and how firm his determination on this head. 

The advice of his secretary, and some of his best friends In 
the province, was in favour of the sale, though they regretted 
the necessity that seemed to require it. In the summer of 
1712, the terms of the surrender were agreed upon, as appears 
by the following letters, viz: 

"For my dear Friends, S. Carpf.nter, Ed. Sitippex, Rich. Hill, I. Nor- 
Ris, C. PusEY, S. Prestox, T. Story, Gr. Owen, &c., at Philadelphia, 
in Pennsylvania. 

"Ruscombe, Berks, 24th 5th mo. 1712. 
'*Dear axd worthy Friexds: — Having so fair an opportunity, and 
having hoard from you by the bearer, Jolm French, I choose by him to 
fialute you and yours ; and all unnamed Friends that you think worthy, 



538 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



for my heart loves such, and heartily salutes them and theirs, and prays 
for your preservation in the Lord's everlasting truth, to the end of time ; 
and the way of it is, to take the Lord along with you in all your enter- 
prises, to give you right sight, true counsel, and a just temper of modera- 
tion in all things ; you knowing right well the Lord our God is near at 
hand. Now know, that though I have not actually sold my government 
to our truly good queen, yet her able lord treasurer and I have agreed it, 
and that affair of the prizes the bearer came hither about, is part of the 
queen's payment, viz. her one-third ; and the other comes very oppor- 
tunely, that belongs to me, which I hope J. Logan will take care of, in 
the utmost farthing, and remit it to me first, to whom I suppose orders 
will go by this opportunity from the treasury to that ejQTect. 

*' But I have taken effectual care that all the laws and privileges I have 
granted to you shall be observed by the queen's governors, &c. ; and that 
we who are Friends shall be in a more particular manner regarded and 
treated by the queen. So that you will not, I hope and believe, have a 
less interest in the government, being humble and discreet in our conduct. 

"And you will find all the charters and proprietary governments an- 
nexed to the crown, by an act of Parliament next winter ; and perhaps 
Col. Quarry, if not J. Moore, may happen to be otherwise employed, not- 
withstanding the politic opinion of one of my officers in that government, 
that is still for gaining them, which I almost think impossible. But be 
that as it will, I purpose to see you, if God give me life, this fall, but I 
grow old and infirm, yet would gladly see you once more before I die, and 
my young sons and daughter also settled upon good tracts of land, for 
them and theirs after them, to clear and settle upon, as Jacob's sons did. 
I close when I tell you that I desire fervent prayers to the Lord for conti- 
nuing my life, that I may see Pennsylvania once more before I die, and 
that I am your faithful, loving friend, WILLIAM PENN.'' 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" 24th of 5th mo. 1712. 
* * * "I rejoice that I am yet alive to write to thee, and if ever 
thou lovest me, or desirest my welfare, show it now, I pray thee, in my 
poor concerns, though I hope I have made an end with the lord treasurer 
about my business, (twelve thousand pounds, payable in four years, the 
price; with certain stipulations,) which I recommend to thy great care 
and diligence ; for since the Lord has continued my life, I hope by the 
same token to see an end of my encumbrances." 

These expressions seem to refer to a recent attack of illness ; 
probably the same alluded to in the codicil to his will, dated 
27th of the 3d month, in which he says he had been ill of a 
fever at London, but was then recovered. 



SECOND ATTACK OF SEVERE ILLNESS. 



It was not long, however, before he had a second attack of 
what his wife called a ''lethargic illness." It came upon him 
suddenly, while he was writing to Logan, — so suddenly, that 
his hand was arrested by paralysis in the beginning of a sen- 
tence, which he never completed. 

This letter possesses peculiar interest, being the last he wrote 
to his faithful friend and secretary. 

WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAX. 

"Bristol, 4th 8th month, 1712. 

*' I desire thee to move all springs that may deliver me from my pre- 
sent thraldom, as thou v^^ilt answer it to the great all-seeing God, and all 
just and good men; for it's my excessive expenses upon Pennsylvania 
that has sunk me so low, and nothing else ; my expenses yearly in Eng- 
land ever exceeding my yearly income. 

'* And that which urges me more, is thy deep silence to my earnest ex- 
pectation, upon my pressing order to thee to dispose Friends there to come 
in with Friends here to sink the present encumbrance on the country. It 
would have been a kindness I should not have forgotten ; but I see such 
a hold-fast disposition in the most of men, that I almost despond. Yet 
the attorney-general assures me I might have made over my patent to 
any number of my friends, or a less number, as 48, 24, or 12, for the 
whole, as an incorporated body, to have ruled in my stead [including 
myself or family (with) a double vote] and so Friends would have had 
a country ; which Friends there and here may have time hereafter to 
consider of. And truly so great is the number and interest of Friends 
here, that they would always have had it in their power to have preserved 
their interest in the province to the end, in all revolutions in government 
here. But I am not to be heard either in civils or spirituals till I am 
dead. 

" I am now to tell thee that both my daughter and son, Aubrey, are 
under the greatest uneasiness about their money, which I desire, as well 
as allow thee, to return per first. ^Tis an epidemic disease on your side 
the sea, and the worst of all the seasoning, to be too oblivious of returns; 
which I beseech thee to contradict by the most speedy methods possible. 
But as thou sayest the money intended [for] me was placed to account 
of my mortgages, but still kept there, and so from me — so I have paid 
"William Aubrey (with a mad, bullying treatment from him into the bar- 
gain,) but £500, which, with severiil hundreds paid at several times to 
him here, mikes near £1100, besides what thou hast sold and put out to 
interest there ; — which is so deep a cut to me here ; — and nothing but 
my son's tempestuous and most rude treatment of ray wife and self, too, 
Bhould have forced it from me. Therefore, do not lessen thy cire to j-ay 



540 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



me, or, at least to secure the money on her manor of Mount Joy, tor a 
plantation for me or one of my children. 

" I writ to thee of our great and unhappy loss and revolution at Bris- 
tol, by the death of our near and dear friends, father and mother Callow- 
hill; so shall only say that he has left all his concerns in America to 
poor John, who had almost followed his grandfather, and who, by his 
sorrow at his death and burial, and also by his behaviour since, has jus- 
tified my special regards to him, as of an uncommon character and capa- 
city. Now, through the Lord's mercy, he is on the recovery, as I now 
likewise am, by the same Divine goodness ; for I have been most dan- 
gerously ill at London. 

" A peace certainly — and that whether the Dutch will or not ; and 
whom our folks threaten shall pay for the recovering of it, too ; which 
will not bo less than a million of money ; and I advise you to be discreet 
in those parts of the world, and may the simplicitv", humility, and se- 
rious sincerity of the Christian life and doctrine be your aim and attain- 
ment in the peace and plenty you are blest withal. 

" I am glad to see Sybilla Masters, who has come down to the city and 
is with us, but sorry at M. Phillips's coming, without a just hint of it. 
She" 

HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"Bristol, 13th 8br, 1712. 

"Esteemed Friend: — The enclosed my poor husband wrote, but had 
not time to finish before he was taken Avith a second fit of his lethargic 
illness, like as about six months ago at London, which has been no small 
addition to my late most severe exercises. But it has pleased the Lord, 
in the midst of judgment, to show us mercy, in the comfortable pros- 
pect of his recovery ; though as yet but weak. And I am ordered by 
the doctors to keep all business from him till he is stronger ; and yet, 
loth to let what he has wrote be left behind, I, therefore, thought best to 
send it, though unfinished, for thee to make the best use of, there being 
several things of moment. 

" I pray thee use thy utmost diligence to settle things and returns for 
our comfort. 

" I ought to say more in answer to thine, intended for my dear, de- 
ceased father ; only pray show the regard thou hadst for him, in assisting 
his poor, helpless descendants. Time and trouble forbid my enlarging. I 
am called on, in haste, the wind coming fair ; so conclude with my well- 
wishes to thee and love to my good and kind inquiring friends. 
" From thy real friend, 

"HANNAH PENN." 

There are a fevr words added by Williaai Peun, of which only the fo\ 



LETTER FROM IIAXXAII PEXX. 541 



lowing were legible: — "Farewell, and pursue former exact orders, and 
thou wilt oblige thy real friend, W. PENN. 

" My dear love to all my dear friends." 

HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"Ruscombo, 5th 12th month, 1712. 
"Esteemed Friend: — I wrote to thee about three months since, in f 
P. S., or rather a conclusion of a letter from my husband, who was then 
very ill there, [at Bristol,] but recovered so as, by easy journeys, to reach 
London, and endeavoured to settle some affairs, and get some laws passed 
for that country's ease, and his own and family's comfort ; but finding 
himself unable to bear the fatigues of the town, he just reached R.us- 
combe, when he was seized with the same severe illness that he has twice 
before laboured under. And though, through the Lord's mercy, he is 
much better than he was, and in a pretty hopeful wa}' of recovery, yet 
I am forbid, by his doctors, to trouble him with any business till bet- 
ter." * * * 

The third paroxysm of his disease left his constitution in a 
shattered condition, from which he never recovered. 

During six years he lingered an invalid, gradually sinking 
to the grave. 

His memory was impaired — his noble intellect was clouded, 
but the sweetness of his temper remained, and he was favoured 
to retain the highest and best of his endowments — a sense of 
spiritual enjoyment, and a heart overflowing with love to God 
and man. 

His wife, in one of her letters, speaking of his serene state 
of mind, and lively sense of the Divine presence, very happily 
terms it " his translation." 

Previous to his second or third paroxysm, he had succeeded 
so far in negotiating for the sale of his government, that he 
had received, in advance, a payment of a thousand pounds 
from the treasury ; but, the deed not being executed, the crown 
lawyers gave it as their opinion that he was not capable of com- 
pleting the surrender. In this emergency the whole burden 
of his public and private affairs devolved on his wife ; for his 
son William, who ought to have been the stay of his father's 
declining years, was, by his intemperate habits, rendered un- 

worthv of trust, if not incapable of business. Two years after 
2V 



542 LIFE OF AVILLIAM I'ENN. 



the commencement of his father's malady, Hannah Peiin 
wrote — 

" I have not seen him this half-year, nor has he seen his father these 
eighteen months." 

And more than a year afterwards, notwithstanding a report 
of his reformation had reached America, she said — 

"He is exactly ditto. I wish I could say otherwise. I might then 
have, in many respects, help and ease from some of the burthens which 
I now labour under. But he has now put himself out of the way of 
every thing, except the enjoyment of that which has brought him to 
where he is." 

And again, after the interval of another year : — 

" I left both my daughters, Aubrey and Penn, to take care of their 
father and the family until my return, the [latter] to he j^iHed, for, poor 
woman, her husband continues the same."* 

Hannah Penn was a woman of extraordinary energy, talent, 
and fortitude ; but the accumulation of business requiring her 
attention, was truly appalling. The heavy encumbrances on 
her husband's estate were to be liquidated, an expensive family 
to be provided for, and the proprietary affairs required a fre- 
quent correspondence with the secretary, as well as many con- 
ferences with men in authority. 

In addition to all these cares, she had a young family to 
educate, and her husband required a large share of her atten- 
tion ; for her presence had become indispensable to his comfort. 
Her arduous duties were faithfully and successfully performed ; 
the return of peace in 1713 brought prosperity to the colony ; 
the increasing value of property there enabled her, after some 
years, to discharge the mortgage ; and during her husband's 
declining health, the voice of complaint was seldom heard from 
the assembly or people of Pennsylvania. 

Logan continued in her service as secretary and one of the 
commissioners of property. Having served William Penn faith- 
fully for ten years without any definite agreement as to salary, 

* "Friend," xviii, 369. 



pexn's health gradually declines. 543 



the proprietary asked him to name a suitable compensation. 
Logan has left the following memorandum concerning it : — 

"Considering his melancholy circumstances in 1711, I set it at only 
£100 a year, currency, for all manner of services whatever, but told 
him I could stay in his service no more than two years ; but he was 
seized with an apoplectic fit in less than one year, which tied me down 
to liis business, and vastly, as it proved, to my loss." 

JAMES LOGAN TO HANNAH PENN. 

"23d of 12th mo. 1712-13. 
" My Honoured Mistress : — Last week, by New York post, to our very 
great joy, I was favoured with thy most welcome lines of the 13th 8br ; 
welcome on their own account, as coming from such a hand, yet abun- 
dantly more so, as they dissipated those clouds of sorrow that had univer- 
sally, for some weeks before, been cast over us, by the reported accounts 
of our proprietor — my master's — death. The story first arose from a 
foolish fellow, * * who said he saw his funeral, being imposed 
on (as we now judge) by that of Col. Quarry. I was heartily afiected 
at the loss of thy worthy father, for whose clearness of judgment and 
great solidity, both in thinking and acting, none, that truly knew him, 
could forbear entertaining a very great value. I should gladly have 
served him in his lifetime, and now, since his departure, shall be ready 
to do the same to those that succeed him in his interest in this pro- 
vince." * * * 

HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

*«16th 12th mo. 1713. 
" My husband's and my dear love to our friends, Thomas Wilson and 
James Dickenson, if with you. Let Thomas know that my husband is 
better than when he was here. He was at Readino- meetino; last first- 
day, as also two or three times before, and bore it very comfortably, and 
expressed his refreshment and satisfaction in being there, as he fre- 
quently does in the enjoyment of the Lord's goodness to him in his pri- 
vate retirements. He frequently expresses his loving concerns for that 
country's good, and sends his love in a general manner to all its well- 
wishers." 

An intimate friend of William Penn, who went to see him 
in the spring of 1713, 

" Found him, to appearance, pretty well in health, and cheerful of dispo- 
sition, but defective in memory ; so that, though he could relate many 
past transactions, yet he could not readily recollect the names of absent 
persons, nor could he deliver his words so readily as heretofore ; yet 



544 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



many savoury and sensible expressions came from him, rendering hia 
company even yet acceptable, and manifesting the religious stability of 
his mind. 

"The same friend, in his second visit, which he made to him in the 
spring of 1714, found him very little altered from what he had been last 
year. He accompanied him in his carriage to Reading meeting. He 
describes him as rising up there to exhort those present ; as speaking 
several sensible sentences, though not able to say much ; and, on leaving 
the meeting to return home, as taking leave of his friends with much 
tenderness."* 

In the autumn of the same year, his old friend, Thomas 
Story, being in England on a religious visit, went to Ruscombe 
to see him, and thus describes his condition : — 

"He was then under the lamentable effects of an apoplectic fit, which 
he had had some time before ; for his memory was almost quite lost, and 
the use of his understanding suspended, so that he was so not conversable 
as formerly, and yet as near the truth, in the love of it, as before, wherein 
appeared the great mercy and favour of God, who looks not as man 
looks; for, though to some this accident might look like judgment, and, 
no doubt, his enemies so accounted it, yet it will bear quite another in- 
terpretation, if it be considered how little time of rest he ever had from 
the importunities of the affairs of others, to the great hurt of his own 
and suspension of all his enjoyments, till this happened to him, by which 
he was rendered incapable of all business, and yet sensible of the enjoy- 
ment of truth as at any time in all his life. When I went to the housn, 
I thought myself strong enough to see him in that condition ; but when 
I entered the room, and perceived the great defect of his expressions for 
want of memory, it greatly bowed my spirit under a consideration of the 
uncertainty of all human qualifications, and what the finest of men are 
soon reduced to by a disorder of the organs of that body with which the 
soul is connected and acts during this present mode of being. "When 
these are but a little obstructed in their various functions, a man of the 
clearest parts and finest expression becomes scarcely intelligible. Never- 
theless, no insanity, or lunacy,t at all appeared in his actions ; and his 
mind was in an innocent state, as appeared by his very loving deportment 
to all that came near him ; and that he had still a good sense of truth is 
plain by some very clear sentences he spoke in the life and power of 
truth in an evening meeting we had together there, wherein we were 
greatly comforted ; so that I was ready to think this was a sort of seques 
tration of him from all the concerns of this life, which so much oppressed 

* Life prefixed to his works, and Clarkson. 

f It was reported by his enemies that William Penn had gone mad. 



HANNAH PENN'S LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 545 



him, not in judgment, but in mercy, that he might have rest, and not be 
oppressed thereby to the end."* 

HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

"Rusc'be, 22d eleventh month, 1714. 
* ******* 

" The surrender remains as yet unfinished, and when it vrill be other- 
wise I cannot tell; but I am persuaded, that had my husband minded 
his own and his family's interest, but as much as he did the country's, it 
had been finished years ago ; for the answer I receive from all the great 
men is, that my husband might have long since finished it, had he not 
insisted so much on gaining privileges for the people. 

" iNIy poor husband has had two or three little returns of his paralytic 
disorder: but, I thank the Lord, it went off, and he is now in pretty good 
health — not worse in his speech than for some months past, nor can I 
say he is better; but when I keep the thoughts of business from him, he 
is very sweet, comfortable, and easy, and is cheerfully resigned to the 
Lord's will, and yet takes delight in his children, his friends, and do- 
mestic comforts, as formerly. It is the public and his family who feel 
the loss, and myself the trouble of his (I may say) translation. How- 
ever, I bless the Lord, who has hitherto upheld me. 

" Our daughter Pennf and Gully are now here, and salute thee — the 
two boys at G. Thompson's ; all under my care. 

" My children, I thank the Lord, are all in health, and as yet at home 
with us, under the care of a tutor. John inclines to be put apprentice 
at Bristol, to some merchant or linen-draper ; which I am pleased with, 
if a suitable place would present. Thomas's inclination, at present, 
looks towards physic ; but how or where that will centre, I cannot yet 
tell." 

HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" 2d second month, 1715. 
" I have lately been at London, and, by advice of friends concerned, I 
have got a sight of the deed of surrender. Thomas Story has looked 
into it, and, with others, thinks there is as much care taken for keeping 
the lower counties, and confirming the people's privileges, as can be at all 
expected ; and, therefore, all wish it could but be accomplished on so 
good a footing, as it was then like to be done, and to which I am advised 
to try. 'Tis now under consideration of Counsellor West and the trus- 
tees, who are desirous to forward it." 

* T. Story's Journal, 4G3. 

t Wife of William Penn, Jr., and their children— Springett, Gulielma. and 
William. 

9V« HH 



646 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



The harmony prevailing in the province for some years past 
was now disturbed by the perverseness of Governor Gookin. 

An act, passed in 1710, allowing affirmations to be adminis- 
tered to persons scrupulous of taking an oath, had been re- 
pealed by the queen, but was supplied by another in 1715, to 
which the governor gave his sanction ; but afterwards he un- 
dertook to nullify it, under the plea that it was contrary to 
the laws of England. Many of the judges and magistrates, 
as well as jurymen, being Friends, were excluded from serving, 
and the whole judicial system was deranged or suspended. 
The assembly and council remonstrated, but the governor was 
obstinate in his purpose. He also assailed, unjustly, the poli- 
tical character of Isaac Norris and James Logan, and pro- 
ceeded in such a course of rashness and folly that he was 
thought to be partially deranged. 

The assembly and council unanimously requested his recall, 
which was readily granted, and Sir William Keith appointed 
as his successor. 

HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 

" Ruscombe, 2d 1st mo, 1717. 

" Dear Friend : — I have already wrote to thee by the new governor, 
who, from the character given of him, we have accepted, and hope the 
country and our family will, in the end, reap the advantages, which 
I, at present, refused in another, who offered not less than £200 down, 
with thanks and good promise ; and which would have been a useful 
recruit to me in my toiling circumstances. But I let it slip, to oblige 
those that recommended the present governor for the country's good, and 
in whose power I hope it will be (by attending to the country's pros- 
perity) to more than make up that loss to me and mine. *' * * 

" My poor dearest life is yet continued to us ; but I know not how long 
that may be, for he is very weakly. 

"I have, for these last three or four years, continued on in this large 
house and expense, only to keep him as comfortable as I can ; for he has 
all along delighted in walking and taking the air here, and does still, 
when the Aveather allows ; and, at other times, diverts himself from room 
to room ; and the satisfaction he takes therein is the greatest pleasure I 
have in enjoying so large a house, which I have (with the necessary ex- 
penses and loads I bear) long found too much for me and our shrunk 
income." * * * 



HIS DEATH. 547 

The time of William Penn's release from the body now 
drew near. In the summer of 1717, his strength was so much 
decayed, that he could scarcely walk without leading. 

" After a continual and gradual declension for about six years, his 
body drew near to its dissolution ; and on the 30th day of the 5th month, 
(July,) 1718, in the 74th year of his age, his soul, prepared for a more 
glurious habitation, forsook the decayed tabernacle, which was committed 
to the earth on the 5th of the 6th month [August] following, at Jordon's, 
in Buckinghamshire, where his former wife and several of his family 
had been before interred."* 

His funeral was attended by a large concourse of Friends, 
and persons of other denominations. 

Thomas Story speaks of it, in his journal, as a season of 
great solemnity. 

"We arrived," he says "at Ruscombe late in the evening, where we 
found the widow and most of the family together. Our coming occasioned 
a fresh remembrance of the deceased, and also a renewed flood of many 
tears from all eyes. A solid time (of worship) we had together, but few 
words among us for some time ; for it was a deep baptizing season, and 
the Lord was near at that time. On the fifth, I accompanied the corpse 
to the grave, where we had a large meeting ; and as the Lord had made 
choice of him in tne days of his youth for great and good services — had 
been with him in many dangers and difficulties of various sorts, and did 
not leave him in his last moments — so he was pleased to honour this oc- 
casion with his blessed presence, and gave us a happy season of his good- 
ness to the general satisfaction of all." 

In a letter of Hannah Penn to James Logan, written the 
year after her husband's death, she thus acknowledges the re- 
ceipt of a letter of condolence from Friends in America : — 

" Pray, let the Friends of the Women's General Meeting know I received 
their affectionate and serious letter, on occasion of the death of my dear 
husband, (as I did likewise the testimony from the Men's Meeting,) and 
that I take most kindly the tender expression of their love and respect 
to me, and heartily return mine to them." 

The Indians in Pennsylvania, hearing of the death of their 
great and good friend Onas, in order to testify their regard for 
his memory, and their sympathy with his widow, sent her an 
address of condolence, accompanied by a present. In the fol- 

* Life by Besse, prefixed to bis works. 



548 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



lowing letter to James Logan, she alludes to their gift, which, 
it seems, consisted of " materials to form a garment of skins, 
suitable for travelling through a thorny wilderness ;'' intending 
to express, bj this symbol, the difficulties that lay in her path, 
and their desire that they might pass through them in safety. 

*' Ruscombe, 12th of 1st mo. 1719. 

•' Dear Friend : — Thine of the 7th 9br, I had, and take very kindly 
thy regards, and the sympathy of all those that truly lament mine and 
that country's loss, as deservedly due ; the consideration of which loss 
has brought with it a vast load of care, toil of mind, and sorrow upon 
me." ^ * * 

" For my own part, I expect a wilderness of care — of briers and thorns 
here, as transplanted from thence ; which, whether I shall be able to ex- 
plore my way through, even with the help of my friends, I have great 
reason to question, notwithstanding the Indians' present — which I now 
want to put on — having the woods and wilderness to travel through, in- 
deed ! However, I hitherto go on with comfort, and hoping that all will 
end at last to our joint satisfaction." 

The estates in England and Ireland, inherited by William 
Penn from his father, together with those brought by his first 
wife, produced an income of about .£1500 per annum. These 
were settled upon his eldest son, William, and were then con- 
sidered more valuable than his American possessions. By his 
will, the government of his province, and the territories annexed, 
was devised, in trust, to the Earl of Oxford, Earl Mortimer, and 
Earl Poulet, to dispose thereof to the queen, or any other per- 
son. This was written while he was negotiating for a surren- 
der to the crown. To his v>ife, Hannah, her father, Thomas 
Callowhill, and others, he devised, in trust, all his lands, rents, 
&c., in Pennsylvania and the territories ; first, to pay his debts ; 
secondly, to convey to the three children of his son William — 
Gulielma Maria, Springett, and William — each ten thousand 
acres of land, and a like quantity to his daughter, Letitia Au- 
brey ; thirdly, all the residue to be conveyed to the children 
of his present wife, in such proportions as she should think fit. 
All his personal estate, in Pennsylvania or elsewhere, he gave 
CO his wife, whom he named his sole executrix. His children 
by her were John, Thomas, Margaret, Richard, and Dennis, 
all minors. 



( 



WILLIAM PENN, JR. CLAIMS THE GOVERNMENT. 549 



William Penn, Jr., had been residing on the continent, leav- 
ing his wife and children dependent on his father ; after whose 
death he returned to England, and claimed the government of 
the province as the heir at law. The earls to whom it was de- 
vised in trust, being doubtful of their poAver to act under the 
will, a suit in chancery was instituted, which kept the case, for 
some years, in suspense. In the mean time, the claim set up 
by the eldest son, was resisted, and the government retained 
by Hannah Penn as executrix. 

About two years after his father's decease, William Penn, 
Jr., died, in France, of a consumption, and it is said, expressed 
on his death-bed his regret for " the wrongs he had done." 

His son Springett, and the other heirs, entered into a compro- 
mise, by which the will was established. 

Hannah Penn continued, during the minority of her children, 
to direct the proprietary affairs ; as appears by her correspond- 
ence with James Logan. In 1722, she had an attack of para- 
lysis, from which she partially recovered, and lived till about 
the year 1727. 

James Logan was employed in proprietary affairs during 
many years after the death of the founder ; he filled the highest 
judicial and executive stations in the province, and was fre- 
quently engaged in negotiating with the Indians, wlio had a 
great regard for him. 

In his old age he lived in dignified retirement at his seat, 
called Stenton, near Germantown, where he employed much 
of his time in literary and scientific pursuits. He died in 1751, 
aged seventy-seven years. 

By the establishment of William Penn's will, his sons by his 
second marriage, John, Thomas, and Richard, became proprie- 
taries of Pennsylvania, where their estates proved to be of 
immense value.* 

* In the year 1779, the legislature of Pennsylvania passed an act, vesting 
in the commonwealth the estate of the Penn family in the soil of the state. 
This act, however, secures to the descendants of William Penn all their private 
estates in Pennsylvania, including the manors and the " quitrents and ar- 
rearages of rents reserved out of the proprietary tenths or manors which had 
been sold." It also appropriates 180,000 pounds sterling, to be paid out of 



650 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XLI. 

The holy experiment — Its objects and results — State of society in Penn- 
sylvania during the life of the founder. 

No other founder of a colony, in ancient or modern times, 
has attempted so sublime an enterprise as that which William 
Penn has justly termed "the holy experiment." In order to 
estimate the importance of his labours, and the degree of suc- 
cess that attended them, we must take into view the objects he 
contemplated, and the difficulties he had to encounter. 

It was his purpose to found and govern a colony without 
arms or military defences : "to reduce the savage nations, by 
gentle and just measures, to the love of civil society and the 
Christian religion," and to lay the foundations of a " free colony 
for all mankind." Pennsylvania affords the only example of 
a state, where the executive power was upheld without military 
force, justice administered without the use of oaths, and reli- 
gion sustained without a priesthood or salaried ministry. 

We can readily conceive that such an experiment, if at- 
tempted on an island, previously uninhabited, not subject to 
foreign control, and colonized exclusively by men imbued with 
the principles of peace, would probably succeed in securing a 
degree of harmony and happiness not elsewhere to be found 
on earth. 

But in Pennsylvania the case was widely different. Owing 
allegiance to the British government, whose policy was warlike, 

the treasury of the state, to the representatives of Thomas Penn and Richard 
Penn, late proprietaries of Pennsylvania, as compensation for their rights. 
Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania, vol. i. 

The amount of money received by the state of Pennsylvania from the es- 
tate of the heirs of William Penn, from escheated lands, as appears by the 
comptroller-general's account, from 1781 to 1789, vs^as £824,094 Os. Id. 
The amount of the claim made by the heirs on the British government, for 
losses sustained by them, was £944,817 8s, 6 J, The committee on claims 
allowed £500,000, and left for the consideration of Parliament the remain- 
der. —Penn Papers in the possession of Geo. M. Justice. 



THE HOLY EXPERIMENT. 551 



and even aggressive, vehemently urged by the officers of the 
crown to join the other colonies in their hostilities against the 
French and Indians, having a British court of admiralty esta- 
blished in her midst, endeavouring to exact the use of oaths, 
and worst of all, having in her metropolis a band of adven- 
turers, attracted thither by her prosperity, abusing the liberty 
they enjoyed and fomenting discord, in order to weaken the 
proprietary government ; that with all these impediments, Wil- 
liam Penn should have succeeded in maintaining his authority, 
without a compromise of his principles, may be accounted truly 
wonderful. 

A government can be conducted on the principles of peace, 
by those only who are fully imbued with the lamblike spirit of 
Christ, and who, having an abiding faith in Divine protection, 
forbear to provide themselves with military defences. This 
position is sustained by reference to the history of the other 
American colonies. 

"In Maryland, as well as in New England," says Graham, in his Co- 
lonial History, " doubtless the pacific endeavours of the colonists were 
counteracted, not only by the natural ferocity of the Indians, but by the 
hostilities of other Europeans, by which that ferocity was, from time to 
time, enkindled and developed. Yet the Quakers of Pennsylvania, who 
were exposed to the same disadvantage, escaped its evil consequences, 
and were never attacked by the Indians. Relying implicitly and exclu- 
sively on the protection of Heaven, they renounced every act or indica- 
tion of self-defence that could awaken the contentiousness of human na- 
ture, or excite apprehensive jealousy, by ostentation of the power to 
injure. But the Puritan and Catholic colonists of New Englantl and 
Maryland, while they professed and exercised good-will to the Indians, 
adopted the hostile precaution of demonstrating their readiness and 
ability to repel violence. They displayed arms and erected forts, and 
thus provoked the suspicion they expressed, and invited tlw injury they 
anticipated." 

It would not be difficult to point out a dangerous fallacy in 
the maxim so generally believed, — that in time of peace nations 
should prepare for war. For as in the intercourse of individuals 
with each other, it is found that those who habitually carry arms 
are more liable than others to be involved in deadly affrays, — so 
in the intercourse of nations, the hostile attitude assumed by 



552 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. 



■their vast armaments, and the numerous officers employed, who 
are dependent for promotion and renown on actual hostilities, 
are rather incentives to war, than sureties for peace. 

But although it may be demonstrated to the understanding, 
that war is not only criminal in itself, but the most expensive 
and ruinous of all human follies ; yet the practice will not cease 
until the vital principles of Christianity shall more generally 
prevail in the hearts of mankind. Nothing can overcome the 
natural spirit that leads to hostility and revenge, but the heavenly 
spirit that breathes peace on earth and good-will to men. 

The enterprise of Penn and his associates in the colony of 
Pennsylvania, by demonstrating the feasibility of peaceable 
principles, has served to confirm the faith of the wavering, and 
to encourage the true-hearted disciples of Christ. As an 
example of Christian principles, applied to the government of 
a state, it stands without a parallel in the history of the world ; 
and will, doubtless, continue to be more admired and imitated 
as time advances, until that happy period shall arrive when 
"nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall 
they learn war any more." 

The constitution and laws of Pennsylvania, for which she is 
greatly indebted to the wisdom and liberality of her founder, 
will form a lasting monument to his praise. We who live in 
an age when the principles of free government and religious 
liberty are widely diffused and firmly established, can scarcely 
appreciate the debt of gratitude we owe to him, who, under 
Divine Providence, was made the instrument to plead for these 
principles in England with remarkable success ; and to plant 
them securely in the institutions of his province. 

In order. to obtain a correct view of the state of society and 
public morals in Pennsylvania during the life of its founder, it 
is requisite that we first take a glance at the disturbing in- 
fluences which impeded the measures of his administration. 

It has been seen, in the course of this narrative, that Penn, 
during his absence from the province, frequently received 
accounts of great disorders prevailing there, and of dissensions 
among those concerned in the government. Similar representa- 



THE HOLY EXPEUJMKNT. 5')3 



)ns were made to the Board of Trade, and to prominent Friends 
in London ; the proprietary himself being charged with remiss- 
ness in his duty, if not connivance at the abuses of his deputies. 

It has been shown that some of these reports were unfounded ; 
others greatly exaggerated, and that Penn was entirely clear of 
blame in relation to them all. But the inquiry naturally arises, 
how can we exculpate the proprietary from the censure implied 
in the complaints of the assembly, without throwing equal, or 
greater censure upon the colonists, and especially upon the 
Society of Friends, whose influence was then predominant ? It 
is not ^pretended that those worthy pioneers in the cause of reli- 
gious liberty were exempt from the frailties incident to hu- 
manity, but by attending to the facts and circumstances already 
related, the objection may, in a great measure, be removed. 

The dissensions and abuses complained of, may be considered 
under four heads. 

First. Those connected with the impeachment of Judge 
Moore in the year 1685. 

We have seen by the letters of Penn, that he was exceed- 
ingly grieved at the dissensions and animosities said to prevail 
among the colonists ; but in the following year he wrote to his 
steward, James Harrison, "[as] for the government; when I 
received thy letter, thy honest son's, A. Cook's, and especially 
T. Lloyd's, I see all is well, truth in authority in the govern- 
ment, and better than when I left the government, which makes 
me glad at heart."* 

From this we may conclude, that the reports which had 
reached him were exaggerated, if not unfounded. 

They probably originated in party zeal among the colonists, 
and were magnified by the enemies of Penn in England. 

Secondly. The dissensions between the representatives of the 
province, and those of the territories in 1691, which led to a 
separation of the three lower counties, now the State of Dela 
ware. 

This discord originated in the territories, and arose in a great 

* Peraberton MSS. 
2W 



554 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



measure from jealousy towards the province, which was rapidJy 
increasing in power. Although the separation was a source of 
grief to the proprietary, it exceeded his expectations in restoring 
harmony. The province and territories still remained under 
his government, w^ith two legislatures instead of one. 

Thirdly. The machinations of Colonel Quarry and his party, 
and the slanderous reports he sent to the Board of Trade in 
England. 

This officer, holding his commission as judge of the admi- 
ralty immediately from the crown, was placed beyond the con- 
trol of the proprietary and people, which exculpates them from 
all blame in relation to his conduct. He was a prominent 
member of the " church party" in the province, who were 
allowed entire liberty of conscience, but were not satisfied be- 
cause they did not enjoy exclusive privileges as in England.* 

Quarry succeeded in obtaining from the queen or her minis- 
ters an order in relation to oaths, that disabled Friends from 
serving as magistrates or jurors. 

This occasioned great perplexity, and the church party took 
advantage of the confusion to represent the proprietary govern- 
ment as inefficient, in order to effect its overthrow. At length, 
Penn succeeded in convincing the Board of Trade that Quarry's 
opposition proceeded from turbulence, whereupon they sent 
him a reprimand which silenced him. 

He afterwards professed to be friendly to the proprietary, 
and, in 1706, became the tenant of Pennsbury, which he took 
for seven years, at a rent of <£40 per annum, with a proviso, 
that on six months' notice he was to resign it to the proprietor, 
who always intended to return and make it his home. 

Fourthly. The factious opposition of David Lloyd and his 
adherents in the assembly, which commenced in 1704, and 
continued with some intermissions until 1710. 

It has been seen that they impeached Logan, but failed to 
prove their charges ; and that they calumniated Penn, to whom 
Lloyd was under personal obligations for past favours. 

^ See chap, xxiii. of this work. 



STATE OF SOCIETi' IN PENX's LIFETIME. 555 



The misconduct of Governor Evans afforded grounds for just 
complaint ; but the course of the assembly towards him was not 
free from blame. It has been shown that the spurious remon- 
strance of 1704, which has furnished Doctor Franklin and 
others with materials for accusation against Penn, icas not the 
act of the assembly^ but a tissue of misrepresentations concocted 
by Lloyd and his party in the name of that body, and signed 
by him as speaker, after it adjourned. 

The question arises, how could the people, and especially the 
Friends, re-elect Lloyd, and make him the speaker of the 
House, when he was the avowed adversary of Penn ? 

It must be borne in mind that, at the period when these pro- 
ceedings took place, there was in the province a large body of 
inhabitants who were not Friends : some of them were church- 
men, others were adherents of George Keith, who, for many 
years, retained the rancour which arose from religious dissen- 
sions, and with these was probably united a considerable number 
who, from motives of interest, were opposed to the collection 
of taxes and quitrents. These malcontents, when united, gene- 
rally carried the elections; they were called the "popular 
party;" David Lloyd was their leader; and by his insinuating 
manners and specious pretences, he succeeded in drawing into 
their ranks many well-meaning persons, who really believed 
that their liberties were in danger.* 

In a letter of Logan to Penn, dated " December 20th, 1706," 
he speaks of the effort then being made by the disaffected party 
in the assembly to throw censure upon the proprietary, and 
says — 

"It is the very leaven of George Keith left among the people at hi.s 
separation, and now fermenting up again ; and these proceedings are 
contrary to the mind of honest Friends, as appears by their letter of 1705." 

The same sentiment is expressed by Isaac Norris, in a letter 
to Joseph Pike, dated 18th 12th month, 1709. He says — 

"Most of these sticklers in assembly are either Keithians, or such as 
stand loose from Friends, who have other ends than what is penetrated 
into by some pretty honest, but not knowing men." 

* Logan MSS. 



556 LIFE OF WILLIAM TEXN. 



It must be considered, moreover, that many of the Friends, 
having no relish for political affairs, probably kept aloof from 
them, and did not attend the elections unless some important 
question was to be decided. When these were aroused, they 
united with the friends of the proprietary, and turned the scale 
in his favour. 

This result took place in two memorable instances : the first 
was in 1705, being the next year after the spurious remon- 
strance was issued ; the other in 1710, soon after the attempt 
to imprison Logan and to throw censure upon Penn. At this 
election not a single member of the last assembly was returned ; 
the friends of the proprietary were triumphant, and David 
Lloyd's party was, for a time, prostrated. In these instances, 
the assembly was composed almost entirely of Friends, and 
their labours were harmonious and efficient. This result was a 
noble vindication of Penn, and proves that the people of Penn- 
sylvania, when disabused of false impressions and aroused to 
action, were true to their principles. 

Before leaving this subject, it seems proper to remark that, 
although Lloyd pursued towards Penn and Logan an unjustifia- 
ble course, which appears to have been prompted by party zeal 
and personal ill-will, yet he sustained a fair character in all the 
relations of private life. 

After the death of Penn, he probably regretted the course 
into which his passions had led him, for he was one of the 
signers to a memorial from the Friends of Pennsylvania, which 
contains an affectionate tribute to the merits and services of 
the great founder. He also co-operated with Logan in ascer- 
taining the proprietary title to the lower counties. 

"It is soothing/* says the elegant annotator to the Logan correspond- 
ence, "to observe in the characters of men who, like these, hitherto have 
been swayed by prejudice or passions, that when the evening of life ad- 
vances!, the storms which have agitated them subside, and the soul, like 
the sun of the natural world, emerging from the clouds which have ob- 
scured it, illuminates the horizon with its parting beam, and the day 
closes with serenity and peace/' 

The political dissensions in the province which, at times, dis- 



STATE OF SOCIETY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 557 



turbed the harmony of its councils, and disquieted the mind 
of the proprietary, did not seriously affect the welfare of the 
people. 

Like the political contests which have since often been waged 
in our favoured republic, they were magnified by the excitement 
of passion, and regarded by some as portentous evils ; but they 
ruffled the surface only of society — they did not reach the depths 
below, where, secure from the billows of party rage, there ex- 
isted a state of serene tranquillity. 

Among all the North American provinces, there was no peo- 
ple more thoroughly democratic, or more jealous of their po- 
litical rights, than the colonists of Pennsylvania. 

It was remarked by William Penn that "colonies are the 
seeds of nations ;" they have within them the germs of those 
qualities and principles which expand with their growth and 
determine their future characters. When the Anglo-Saxons 
landed in Britain, they brought with them the indomitable spirit 
and love of freedom which still live in their descendants, and 
have thence been transplanted into many a distant land. But 
the population of Great Britain, after the Saxon invasion, re- 
ceived various accessions from other sources, which modified its 
character, and, together with a diversity of religious views, 
enabled her to send forth colonies to her American possessions 
widely different in their opinions and habits, yet each possessed 
of peculiar excellencies. 

In Virginia and the Carolinas, the leading men inherited the 
high, bold spirit of the Cavaliers, and were distinguished by 
their loyalty, their love of ease, and cultivated tastes; but 
they cherished in the wilds of America the aristocratic spirit 
of their ancestors, and left to men of low degree the labours 
of the plough, the anvil, and the loom. 

In New England the spirit of Puritanism was fully de- 
veloped. The Pilgrims were bold in enterprise, persevering 
in labour, ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, austere in their 
lives, zealous in their religion, but deficient in that divine 
charity which is the crowning grace of the Christian character. 

Among tlip' colonists of Pennsylvania there existed a tyne 
2W* 



558 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



of character totally different from either the Cavalier or the 
Puritan, and not less strongly marked. The first settlers, 
under Penn, were nearly all members of the Society of Friends, 
and mostly natives of England and Wales, with a few from 
Scotland, Ireland, and Germany. Among them were some 
who had sprung from the stock of the English Cavaliers ; 
many were of Puritan descent, and a very large proportion 
were from that middle rank in life which constitutes the bone 
and sinew of English society. The elder class had imbibed, 
from education, a diversity of religious opinions ; but, under 
the ministry of George Fox, their views had become assimi- 
lated, and the severe sufferings they endured in England for 
their religion, had bound them together in unity of feeling. 

The younger class had been educated in those habits of in- 
dustry, economy, and strict morality, so conspicuous among 
the primitive Friends. 

They held that all occupations which contribute to the wel- 
fare of society are alike honourable, and that the privileges 
of social equality should be accorded to all, in proportion to 
their virtue and intelligence. Husbandmen, mechanics, mer- 
chants, and physicians stood upon their individual merits, 
without regard to their callings, and some of each class were 
found in the legislative and judicial departments of the govern- 
ment. William Penn expressed a wish that his own children 
should be husbandmen and housewives, and one of his sons 
was placed to learn the business of a linen-draper in Bristol. 
Among the colonists generally the same views prevailed, and 
the most respectable citizens thought it no derogation from 
their standing to bring up their children to husbandry or me- 
chanical employments. 

This feature in society sprang out of their religious princi- 
ples ; and if not peculiar to Pennsylvania, was more fully de- 
veloped there, than in any other colony. It had a most happy 
influence in elevating the labouring classes, who were not con- 
sidered, as in Europe, che drudges in society, but as members 
of the body, entitled to the respect as well as the sympathies 
of all 



STATE OF SOCIETY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 559 



There was probably no other community on the continent 
where the rudiments of an English education were more gene- 
rally diffused, and there were among the inhabitants a number 
of highly improved minds, who exercised an important influ- 
ence on the colony. Thomas and David Lloyd, Daniel Pasto- 
rious, Thomas Makin, George Keith, Isaac Norris, James 
Logan, and others that might be named, were men of con- 
siderable classical attainments, and some of them were mathe- 
maticians. 

The next year after the landing of Penn, the governor and 
council engaged the services of Enoch Flower, to open a school 
in Philadelphia,'^ and a few years afterwards ''Friends' Public 
School" was established there. In this institution the ancient 
languages were taught, as well as mathematics, and the more 
useful branches of an English education. The poor were 
taught gratuitously, and its doors were open to all. By an 
act of assembly it was required that the laws should be read 
in the schools. 

It is no small indication of a literary taste, that a printing- 
press was in operation in Philadelphia within three years from 
the first landing of Penn, and while the primeval forests still 
covered the greater part of its area. One of its earliest pub- 
lications was an almanac, in the year 1685, edited by Samuel 
Atkins, of Philadelphia, and printed by William Bradford. It 
appears by a minute of the provincial council that '' in ye 
Chronologic of ye Almanack there was these words, (the be- 
ginning of government here of ye Lord Penn;) the council 
sent for William Bradford, ye printer, and gave him charge 
not to print any thing but what shall have lycence from ye 
council." This affords evidence that there was in the minds 
of the colonists a strong feeling against aristocracy, and that 
the views we now entertain concerning the freedom of the 
press had not then been developed. 

* Colonial Records, i. 36. — "fie embraced it on the following terms : to 
learne to read English, 4.^., by the quarter; to read and write, Ga., by ye 
v-juarter; to learne to read, write, and cast accounts, 8*., by ye quarter; 
for boarding a scholar, that is to say, dyet, washing and schooling, ten 
pounds, for one whole year." 



660 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 



The first newspaper published in Philadelphia was in 1719, 
at which time there was no other in the North American colo- 
nies, except in Boston. 

As early as 1683, being the next year after his landing, 
Penn issued an order for the establishment of a post-office, 
^' and granted to Henry Waldy authority to hold one, and to 
supply passengers with horses from Philadelphia to New Castle, 
or to the Falls."* In 1717, Jonathan Dickinson writes to his 
correspondent, " We have a settled post from Virginia and 
Maryland unto us, and goes through all our northern colonies, 
whereby advices from Boston unto Williamsburg, in Virginia, 
is completed in four weeks, from March to December, and in 
double that time in the other months of the year."f 

The roads in those days were scarcely passable for carriages, 
and most of the travelling was on horseback. It is mentioned 
in Watson's Annals, that " Mrs. Shippen, in 1702, came from 
Boston to Philadelphia on horseback, with a baby in her lap." 
The hardships and privations incident to a new settlement de- 
veloped in the colonists a capacity for enduring fatigue and 
exposure, a dauntless courage and boldness of enterprise, rarely 
to be found in older communities. 

They were unceremonious and hearty in their manners ; kind 
to their neighbours ; hospitable to strangers ; watchful in main- 
taining their civil rights, and zealous in adhering to their re- 
ligious principles. J 

There were many settlements of Indians in Bucks and Ches- 
ter counties, which remained long after the foundation of the 
colony. " Tradition relates§ that they were kind neighbours, 
supplying the white people with meat, and sometimes with 
beans and other vegetables, which they did in perfect charity, 

* Watson's Annals, ii. 391. — "The rates of postage were, for letters from 
the Falls to Philadelphia, Sd. ; to Chester, 5c^. ; to New Castle. 7d. ; to Mary- 
land, 9d. This post went once a week and was to be carefully pub.ished on 
the meeting-house door and other public places." 

t Ibid, 392. 

X MS. account of Buckingham and Solebury, by Doctor Jno. Watson, in 
the archives of Hist. Soc. Pa 

c Ibid. 



STATE OF SOCIETY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 561 



bringing presents to their houses, and refusing pay. " Their 
children were sociable and fond of play: a harmony arose 
out of their mutual intercourse and dependence, and native 
simplicity reigned to its greatest extent." 

The course pursued by Penn and the colonists of Pennsyl- 
vania towards the Indian tribes has already been related, — it 
forms the fairest page in the history of the American conti- 
nent. Nor were their efforts confined, as some have supposed, 
to endeavours to conciliate the Indians and promote their 
civilization; but extended to their instruction in spiritual 
knowledge and the practice of a Christian life. 

Even before the foundation of the colony, George Fox and 
other ministers had preached to them, and soon after the first 
settlement, the subject was taken up by the society, when re- 
ligious meetings were directed to be held for their improve- 
ment, and measures were adopted to prevent the sale of spiri- 
tuous liquors among them. Penn himself, while in his province, 
laboured earnestly, both as a legislator and minister of the 
gospel, to improve their condition and promote their spiritual 
advancement. 

These eff'orts were not without success, for although few of 
the natives embraced the Christian profession, there is abun- 
dant evidence that many among them evinced, by their de- 
portment, some of the noblest traits of the Christian character. 

There is an account of '' a portion of them, in the western 
part of Pennsylvania, who from a self-conviction of the injus- 
tice and irreligion of war, united themselves into a community, 
with a resolution to war no more ; and asserting as their rea- 
son that 'when God made men, he did not intend they should 
hurt or kill one another.' " This account is given by Anthony 
Benezet, and he attributes the Avonderful change in their de- 
portment to the immediate operation of the "Light of Christ 
in the soul."* 

The natives, on their part, did not fail to reciprocate the 
benevolence of the colonists. Though prompt to avenge an 
jnjury, they never forgot a kindness, and were not surpassed 

* Watson's Annals, v. 209. 



562 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



by anv other people in the virtues of gratitude, honesty, and 
veracity. During the whole time the influence of the Friends 
prevailed in the province, being a period of more than seventy 
years, the Indians of Pennsylvania seldom committed an in- 
jury, and never took the life of a white man. 

The motives which prompted the first settlers of Pennsyl- 
vania to seek an asylum in the new world, are set forth in a 
contemporary publication, called " The Planter's Speech." 

Among the inducements were, a desire to lead a peaceable 
life, and to worship God according to their own convictions 
of duty ; " that as trees are transplanted from one soil to 
another to render them more thriving and better bearers, so, 
under the bountiful protection of God, and in the lap of the 
least adulterated nature, every one might improve his talent 
and bring forth more plenteous fruits, to the glory of God and 
the public welfare of the whole creation." And lastly, that 
by " their holy doctrines and the practical teachings of their 
example, they might gain upon the thousands of poor dark 
souls scattered around them," and bring them " not only to a 
state of civility, but real piety." " Our business, therefore," 
he says, " is not so much to build houses, and establish facto- 
ries, and promote trade, to enrich ourselves, as to erect tem- 
ples of holiness and righteousness, which God may delight in , 
to lay such lasting foundations of temperance and virtue, as 
may support the structures of our future happiness both in 
this and the other world."''' 

These intentions of the first settlers of Pennsylvania, alike 
honourable to their character and conducive to their happiness, 
were carried into practice with eminent success. " Of all the 
colonies that ever existed," says Ebeling, "none was ever 
founded on so philanthropic a plan, none was so deeply im 
pressed with the character of its founder, none practised in a 
greater degree the principles of toleration, liberty, and peace, 
and none rose and flourished more rapidly than Pennsylvania. 
She was the youngest of the British colonies established before 
the eighteenth century, but it was not long before she sur 

^ Planter's Speech, Froud's Hist. Pa. i. 



STATE OF SOCIPrrV IX PEXX S LIFETIME. F>G^ 



passed most of her elder sisters in population, agriciilturo, and 
general prosperity.* This sentiment is corroborated hy the 
eloquent language of Duponceau : — " Let it not be imagined," 
he says, '' that the annals of Pennsylvania are not sufficiently 

cresting to call forth the talents of an eloquent historian. 

is true, that they exhibit none of those striking events, 
\vhich the vulgar mass of mankind consider as alone worthy 
of being transmitted to posterity. No ambitious rival warriors 
occupy the stage, nor are strong emotions excited by the fre- 
quent description of scenes of blood, murder, and devastation. 
But what country on earth ever presented such a spectacle as 
this fortunate commonwealth held out to view for the space 
of near one hundred years, realizing all that fable ever in- 
vented or poetry ever sang, of an imaginary golden age. 
Happy country I whose unparalleled innocence already com- 
municates to thy history the interest of romance ! Should 
Pennsylvanians hereafter degenerate, they will not need, like 
the Greeks, a fabulous Arcadia to relieve the mind from the 
prospect of their crimes and follies, and to redeem their own 
vices by the fancied virtues of their forefathers. Pennsylva- 
nia once realized what never existed before, except in fabled 
story. Not that her citizens were entirely free from the pas- 
sions of human nature, for they were men and not angels ; 
but it is certain, that no country on earth ever exhibited such 
a scene of happiness, innocence and peace, as was witnessed 
here during the first century of our social existence. "f 

« Hist, of Pa., by Professor Ebeling, of Hamburg. Hazard's Keg. i. 340 
f Duponceau's Discourse before Am. Philo. Soc, 1821. 



)64 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



CHAPTER XLII. 

Personal appearance and character. 

Although the moral and intellectual part of our nature is 
that alone which can, properly, be designated as the man, yet, 
from its connection with the body, it imparts to this perishable 
tenement an interest that survives the stroke of death, and in- 
duces us to treasure in our memories every lineament of those 
departed friends who have shared our affections. 

This feeling, so natural, and so soothing to the heart, is not 
confined to those whom we have personally known : it extends 
to all the wise, the good, and the great, whose pure sentiments, 
noble deeds, or patient sufferings have enlisted our sympathies. 
We love to picture to ourselves their features and manners, and 
when, by means of portraits or descriptions, we can form a clear 
idea of their persons, we seem to contract a nearer acquaintance, 
and to enter more fully into their views and feelings. 

William Penn was "tall in stature, and of an athletic make." 
When a young man he was handsome in his person, and grace- 
ful in his manners : later in life he was inclined to corpulency, 
but using much exercise, retained his activity. " His appear- 
ance, at this time, was that of a fine, portly man."* 

The only portrait of him, taken from the life, was drawn 
when he was twenty-two years of age, and has been described 
in the first chapter of this work. 

After his death, Sylvanus Bevan, a chemist of eminence in 
London, who had a talent for sculpture, took much pains to form 
a bust of him, which was considered by his acquaintance a good 
likeness. t A copy of this bust was sent to James Logan, and 
is now in the Loganian Library, Philadelphia. 

There is a statue of Penn at the Pennsylvania Hospital, 
Philadelphia, said to have been sent to this country by one of 
his descendants. 

* Clarkson. f Ibid. 



HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 565 



The second portrait in this work was copied from the full 
length portrait by Inman, executed for the Penn Society of 
Philadelphia. It is a beautiful painting, and may now be seen 
in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. 

" William Penn was very neat, though plain, in his dress. lie walked 
generally with a cane. This cane he was accustomed to take with him, 
in the latter part of his life, into his study, where, when he dictated to 
an amanuensis, as was frequently his practice, he would take it in his 
hand, and, walking up and down the room, would mark, by strikini^ 
it against the floor, the emphasis on points which he wished particularly 
to be noticed. 

" He was very neat also as to his person, and had a great aversion to 
the use of tobacco. However, when he was in America, he was often 
annoyed by it, but he bore it with good-humour."* 

Although he adhered to the plainness and simplicity of ad- 
dress peculiar to Friends, his manners were polished and cour- 
teous ; for, as he said in one of his letters — 

" I knoAV no religion which destroys courtesy, civility, and kindness, 
which, rightly understood, are great indications of true men, if not of 
good Chriatians."t 

It was this remarkable urbanity, joined with sweetness of 
temper, ready wit, profound knowledge, and great conversa- 
tional powers, that made him a welcome visiter in the saloons 
of the great and the palaces of kings ; yet such was the humility 
of his character, that he was no less agreeable among the yeo- 
manry of Great Britain and the farmers of Pennsylvania. As 
an evidence of his agreeable qualities, we may remember that 
Dr. Tillotson, in one of his letters, says — 

" I will seek the first opportunity to visit you at Charing Cross, and 
renew our acquaintance, in which I took great pleasure." 

And Dean Swift asserted that "Penn talked very agree- 
ably."t 

He was on terms of friendship with scientific and literary 
men, and doubtless enjoyed their society. It is related, that 
on one occasion, being in company with Newton, Locke, and 
some others, the conversation turned upon the comparative ex- 

* Clarkson. f Letter to Justice Fleming, 

t Noble's continuation of Granger, quoted by Clarkson. 
2X 



iG6 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



cellence of the new American governments, but particularly 
those of Carolina and Pennsylvania. 

" The matter was at length argued in the presence of the two legisla- 
tors, when Locke ingenuously yielded the palm to Penn."* 

One of the most remarkable traits in the character of Penn 
was his magnanimity. With a singular disregard for selfish or 
personal considerations, he devoted his life to the good of 
mankind. To plead the cause of suffering humanity — to advo- 
cate the doctrines of civil and religious liberty — to found a free 
colony for all mankind — to establish there the most liberal 
constitution and laws — to obtain, by justice and kindness, an 
unexampled influence over the Indian tribes — to recommend 
measures for improving the moral and social condition of the 
African race — to point out the means of avoiding the calamities 
of war, and to exemplify the benign principles of peace — these, 
and similar objects, engaged all the powers of his active and 
vigorous mind. To have aimed at such noble objects, entitles 
his character to our esteem — to have succeeded so remarkably, 
demands our gratitude. In confirmation of these views, the 
language of two eloquent and philosophical writers may be 
quoted. Edmund Burke, in his account of the European set- 
tlements in America, after speaking of William Penn's large 
expenditures for his colony, and his liberal policy, adds — 

" But what crowned all, was that noble charter of privileges, by which 
he made them as free as any people in the world, and which has since 
drawn such vast numbers of so many different persuasions and such 
various countries to put themselves under the protection of his laws. He 
made the most perfect freedom, both religious and civil, the basis of his 
establishment ; and this has done more towards the settling of the pro- 
vince, and towards the settling of it in a strong and permanent manner, 
than the wisest regulations could have done on any other plan." 

" This," says Bancroft, " is the praise of William Penn, that, in an age 
which had seen a popular revolution shipwreck popular liberty among 
selfish factions ; which had seen Hugh Peters and Henry Vane perish by 
the hangman's cord and the axe ; in an age when Sidney nourished the 
pride of patriotism rather than the sentiment of philanthropy, when 
Russel stood for the liberties of his order, and not for new enfranchise- 

* Clarkson, 338, note. 



HIS CHARACTER. 5G7 



ments, and Shaftsbury and Lucke thought government should rest on 
property— Penn did not despair of humanity, and, though all history 
and experience denied the sovereignty of the people, dared to cherish 
the noble idea of man's capacity for self-government." 

* ^ * " There is nothing in the history of the human race like the 
confidence which the simple virtues and institutions of William Penn in- 
spired." * * * 

" Penn never gave counsel at variance with popular rights." * * * 
" England to-day confesses his sagacity, and is doing honour to his genius. 
He came too soon for success, and he was aware of it. 

" After more than a century, the laws which he reproved, began gra- 
dually to be repealed; and the principle which he developed, sure of im- 
mortality, is slowly, but firmly, asserting its power over the legislation 
of Great Britain." * * * " P^ very charge of hypocrisy, of selfishness, 
of vanity, of dissimulation, of credulous confidence ; every form of re- 
proach, from virulent abuse to cold apology :* every ill name, from tory 
and Jesuit to blasphemer and infidel, has been used against Penn ; but 
the candour of his character always triumphed over calumny. 

" His name was safel}'- cherished as a household word in the cottages 
of Wales and Ireland, and among the peasantry of Germany ; and not a 
tenant of a wigwam, from the sea to the Susquehanna, doubted his in- 
tegrity. 

*' His fame is now wide as the world ; he is one of the few who have 
gained abiding glory. '"f 

When we consider the sacrifices he made for the good of 
others, we cannot but lament that the evening of his days 
shoiikl have been clouded by pecuniary embarrassments. Had 
he been careful to husband the revenues from his Irish estates, 
had he not generously declined the imposts offered to him by 
the first colonial assembly, had he been less liberal in dona- 
tions of land, less charitable to the poor, and less bountiful to 
the Indians, he might have lived in afHuence, escaped the ex- 
tortions of his steward, and been saved the humiliation of im- 
prisonment for debt. But would his character have been more 
dear to our hearts ? Should we not have lost some of the 
most instructive portions of his history ? As in prosperity he 
had not been vainly elated, so, in adversity, he was not unduly 
depressed, but evinced in all his vicissitudes a happy equani- 
mity. In the counsels of Infinite Wisdom, his afflictions were, 
ioubtless, made instrumental to some high purpose : perhaps 

* xMackintosh, Hist, of Rev. f Hist. U. S. ii. 381-400. 



568 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. 



to purify the immortal spirit for its blest abode, or to manifest 
to the world the power of religion to sustain the soul under all 
the trials of life. 

As a minister of the gospel, he was highly esteemed, and 
indefatigable in his religious duties : — 

" Though a learned man, he used, while preaching, language the most 
simple and easy to be understood, and he had a happy way of explaining 
himself by images the most familiar. He was of such humility, that he 
used generally to sit at the lowest end of the space allotted to ministers, 
always taking care to place above himself poor ministers and those who 
appeared to him to be peculiarly gifted. He was, also, no less remark- 
able for encouraging those who were young in the ministry.^' Thomas 
Story, among many others, witnessed this. " I had no courage," says 
he, "of my own to appear in public among them (the ministers.) I 
thought, however, (on seeing Aaron Atkinson's ministry acceptable,) 
that I might also probably go through the meetings without ofiPence, 
which was the full amount of my expectation or desire there ; and that 
which added much to my encouragement, was the fatherly care and be- 
haviour of the ministers in general, but especially of that great minister 
of the gf)spel, and faithful servant of Christ, William Penn, who abounded 
in wisdom, discretion, prudence, love, and tenderness of affection, with 
all sincerity, above most in this generation ; and, indeed, I never knew 
his equal."* 

As an author of religious works, he holds a high rank among 
the members of his own society, and some of his writings have 
been Avell received by the public at large. His style is vigor- 
ous, his illustrations apt, and often elegant, but, like most 
writers of that age, his sentences are sometimes too cumbrous to 
suit the taste of modern readers. As a specimen of pure old 
English, without the affectation of foreign words or idioms, his 
diction deserves to be studied by the young. 

He was methodical in the division and use of his time, which 
enabled him to accomplish a great amount of business without 
neglecting his religious duties. He wrote a paper called " Chris- 
tian Discipline," or good and wholesome orders for the well- 
governing of his family, which is supposed to have been posted 
in some conspicuous place in his house. From this it appears, 
that during that quarter of the year when the days are shortest, 

^ T. St)ry's Journal, and Clarkson. 



HIS CHARACTER. 669 



thej were to rise at seven in the morning, in the next quarter 

at six, in the next at five, and in the last at six again. Nine 
o'clock was the hour for breakfast, twelve for dinner, seven for 
supper, and ten to retire to bed. 

' The whole family were to assemble every morning for worship. 
They were to be called together at eleven again, that each might read in 
turn some portion of the Holy Scripture, or of Martyrology, or of Friends' 
books ; and, finally, they were to meet again for worship at six in the 
evening. On the days of public meeting, no one was to be absent except 
on the ploa of ill health or of unavoidable engagement. The servants 
were to be called up after supper, to render to their master and mistress 
an account of what they had done in the day, and to receive instructions 
for the next." 

" The same paper laid down rules for their guidance. They were to 
avoid loud discourse and troublesome noises ; they were not to absent 
themselves without leave ; they were not to go to any public-house but 
upon business : and they were not to loiter, or enter into unprofitable 
talk, while on an errand. It contained, also, exhortations to them, to be 
upright and faithful to their employers, and, though each had a parti- 
cular service, to be willing, all of them, to assist each other as it became 
brethren and fellow-servants. And lastly, it contained one general ex- 
hortation to all : every member of the family was instructed to keep a 
watch over his mind, to beware of lying, defrauding, talebearing, and 
other vicious practices there specified ; to abstain from words whicli 
would provoke lightness, and from giving each other bud names ; ami, 
in cases of difference, not to let the sun go down upon their wrath."* 

In attention to the poor he was equalled by few, and no man 
was more beloved in his own neighbourhood, where his name 
was long held in grateful remembrance. f It appears by his 
letters, that many poor but respectable persons were enabled, 
throuo-h his aid, to emigrate to the province, where they were 
further assisted by his bounty until they could earn a liveli- 
hood. J 

A few months after his decease, the General Meeting of 
Friends in Pennsylvania issued a testimony or memorial con- 
cerning him ; in which, after gratefully acknowledging his emi- 
nent services as the founder of the colony, and ''the blessings 
and ease they had enjoyed under his government," they speak 

* Clarkson. f ^bid- X J- F. Fisher, M. H. S. Pa., ili. part u. 

ov* 



570 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 



of him as a worthy elder and able minister of the gospel. 
^' His behaviour was sweet and engaging, and his condescen- 
Bion great even to the weakest and meanest ; affable and of 
easy access ; tender to every person and thing that had sim- 
plicity of truth or honesty for a foundation."* 

The most affecting and beautiful tribute to his memory is 
found in the obituary memorial issued by his friends and neigh- 
bours of his own Monthly Meeting. It is entitled, "A Testi- 
mony concerning William Penn, from the Monthly Meeting for 
Berkshire, England, held at Reading, 31st of the 1st month, 
1719." 

After speaking of his death and burial, the memorial con- 
tinues — 

" Being a member of our monthly meeting at the time of his decease, 
and for some years before, we can do no less, in giving the foregoing ac- 
count, than say something of the character of so worthy a man ; and not 
only refer to other meetings, where his residence was in former times, 
who are witnesses of the great self-denial he underwent in the prime of 
his youth, and the patience with which he bore many a heavy cross ; but 
think it our duty to cast in our mite, to set forth in part his deserved 
commendation. 

" He was a man of great abilities, of an excellent sweetness of disposi- 
tion ; quick of thought and of ready utterance ; full of the qualifications 
of true discipleship, even love without dissimulation ; as extensive in 
charity as comprehensive in knowledge, and to whom malice and ingra- 
titude were utter strangers — ready to forgive enemies, and the ungrate- 
ful were not excepted. 

" Had not the management of his temporal affairs been attended with 
some deficiencies, envy itself would be to seek for matter of accusation, 
and judging in charity, even that part of his conduct may be attributed 
to a peculiar sublimity of mind. 

" Notwithstanding which, he may without straining his character, be 
ranked among the learned — good — and great ; whose abilities are suffi- 
ciently manifested throughout his elaborate writings, which are so many 
lasting monuments of his admired qualifications, and are the esteem of 
learned and judicious men among all persuasions. 

"And although in old age, by reason of some shocks of a violent disease, 
his intellect was much impaired, yet his sweetness and loving disposition 
surmounted its utmost efforts, and remained when reason almost failed. 

* Friends' Library, v. 327. 



HIS CHARACTER. 571 



"In fine, he was learned without vanity; apt without forwardness; 
facetious in conversation, yet weiglity and serious — of an extraordinary 
greatness of mind, yet void of the stain of ambition ; as free from rigid 
gravity as he was clear of unseemly levity ; a man — a scholar — a friend; 
a minister surpassing in speculative endowments, whose memorial will 
be valued by the wise, am! blessed with thejupt." 



APPENDIX, 



LIST OF PASSENGERS WHO EMBAKKED ON BOARD TIIE SmP "WELCOME,* 
IN THE YE.Ul 1682. 

To historical readers it must be a subject of interest to know the namei 
of those colonists who embarked with William Penn on his first voyage 
to America. The following account is extracted from " An Address de- 
livered at Chester, before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, on the 
8th of November, 1851, by Edward Armstrong, Recording Secretary of 
the Society, in celebration of the one hundred and sixteenth anniversary 
of the landing of William Penn at that place." 

The author of the address states that the principal sources of proof 
in preparing this list, were — 1. The wills of Barber, Ileriott, Ingram, 
and Wade, made on board the " Welcome," and recorded in the register's 
office at Philadelphia. 2. A " Registry of Arrivals," in the recorder's 
office at Doylestown. 3. " Comly's History of Byberry," vol. ii. of 
*' Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 4. Friends' cer- 
tificates from England, recorded in Philadelphia, for the use of which the 
author informs us he is indebted to James S. Lippincott, of Philadelphia. 

For further particulars, the reader is referred to the address of Edward 
Armstrong, published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

John Barber, and Elizabeth his wife, eldest daughter of John Song- 
hurst, of Shipley, county of Sussex, England. 

William Bradford, (printer,) of Leicester, England. 

William Buckman, Mary his wife, and children Sarah and Mary, of 
the parish of Billinghurst, Sussex. 

John Carver, and Mary his wife, of Hertfordshire. 

Benjamin Chambers, of Rochester, Kent. 

Thomas Chroasdale, and Agnes his wife, and six children, of York* 
Bhire. 

Ellen Cowgill, and family. 

John Fisher, Margaret his wife, and son John. 

Thomas Fitzwater, and sons Thomas and Georgo, of Hamworth, Mid- 
dlesex. His wife Mary, and children Josiah and Mary, died on the 
passage. 



674 APPENDIX. 



Thomas Gillett. 

Cuthbert Hay hurst, his wife and family. 

Thomas Heriutfc, of Hurst-Pier-Point, Sussex. 

John Hey. 

Richard Ingelo. 

Isaac Ingram, of Gatton, Surry. 

Giles Knight, Mary his wife, and son Joseph, of Gloucestershire. 

William Lushington. 

Hannah Mogdridge. 

Joshua Morris. 

David Ogden, probably from London. 

Evan Oliver, with Jean his wife, and children David, Elizabeth, John 
Hannah, Mary, Evan, and Seaborn, of Radnorshire, Wales. 

Pearson, Thomas or probably Robert, of Cheshire. 

John Rowland, and Priscilla his wife, of Billinghurst, Sussex. 

Thomas Rowland, also of Billinghurst, Sussex. 

John Songhurst, from Chillington, Sussex. 

John Stackhouse, and Margery his wife, of Yorkshire. 

George Thompson. 

Richard ToAvnsend, wife Anne, and son James, born on "Welcome," 
m Delaware River, from London. 

William Wade, of parish of Hankton, Sussex. 

Thomas Walmesly, Elizabeth his wife, and six children, of Yorkshire. 

Nicholas Wain, of Yorkshire. 

Joseph Woodroofe. 

Thomas Wrightsworth, and wife, of Yorkshire. 

Thomas Wynne, chirurgeon, of Caerwys, Flintshire, North Wales. 

The author of the Address informs us, that since its delivery, he has, 
through the kindness of Joshua Francis Fisher, been placed in possession 
of a " Registry of Arrivals," in which the names of the following addi- 
tional persons are recorded as having sailed in the ** Welcome," making 
ninety-five of the one hundred who embarked ; viz. Bartholomew Green, 
Nathaniel Harrison, Thomas Jones, Jeane Mathews, William Smith, 
and Hannah, daughter of Richard Townsend. Dennis Rochford, of 
Emstorfey, county of Wexford, Ireland, and wife Mary, daughter of John 
lieriott — with their daughters Grace and Mary, who died at sea. 



APPENDIX. 575 



"GOSPEL TJIUTIIS," 

Referred to in p^if/c 409 of thin volume. 

" Sober reader, if thou Imdst rather we should be in the right than in 
the wrong; and if thou thinkest it but a reasonable thing that we should 
be heard before we are condemned, and that our belief ought to be taken 
from our own mouths, and not at th'Mrs that have prejudged our cause, 
then we entreat thee to read and weigh the following brief account of 
those things that are chiefly received and professed among us, the people 
called Quakers, according to the testimony of the Scriptures of Truth, 
and the illumination of the Holy Ghost, which are the double and agree- 
ing record of true religion. Published to inform the moderate inquirer, 
and reclaim the prejudiced to a better temper; Avhich Gud grant, to his 
glory and their peace. 

" I. It is our belief that God is, and that he is a rowarder of all them 
that fear him, with eternal rewards of happiness ; and that those that 
fear him not, shall be turned into bell. Hob. xi. 16; Kev. xxii. 12; 
Rom. ii. 5-8 ; Ps. ix. 17. 

"II. That there are three that bear record in heaven: the Father, the 
Word, and the Spirit ; and these three are really one. 1 John v. 7. 

"III. That theAVord was made flesh, and dwelt among men, and wa8 
and is the only begotten of the Father, full of grace and truth — his be- 
loved Son, in whom he is well pleased, and whom we are to hear in all 
things ; who tasted death for every man, and died for sin, that we might 
die to sin, and by his power and spirit be raised up to newness of life 
here, and to glory hereafter. John i. 14; Matt. iii. 17; Ileb. ii. 9. 

" IV. That as we are only justified from the guilt of sin by Christ, 
the propitiation, and not by works of righteousness that we have done, 
so there is an absolute necessity that we receive and obey, t<.» unfeigned 
repentance and amendment of life, the holy light and spirit of Jesu.s 
Christ, in order to obtain that remission and justification from sin; sinco 
no man can be justified by Christ who walks not after the spirit, btit 
after the flesh ; fv>r whom he sanctifies, them he also justifies. And if 
we walk in the light as he is light, his precious blood cleanseth us frf)m 
all sin, as well from the pollution as guilt of sin. llom, iii. 22-2t3 ; 
chap. viii. 1-4; 1 John v. 7. 

" V. That Christ is the great light of tln^ world, that lighteth every 
man that cometh into the world, and is full of grace and truth, and giveth 
to all light for light, and grace for grace ; and by his light and grace ho 
inwardly appears to man, and teaches such as will be taught by him, 
'that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, they should Jive eoberly, 
righteously, and godly in this present world.' John vii. 12; chap, i 
9, 14; Tit. ii. 11, 12. 



676 APPENDIX. 



"VI. That this principle of light .and grace, which is God's gift, 
through Christ to man, is that which shows us our sins, reproves us for 
them, and would lead all out of them that obey it, to serve God in fear 
and love all their days. And they that turn not at the reproofs thereof, 
and will not repent, and live and walk according to it, shall die in their 
sins ; and where Christ is gone, they shall never come; who is undefiled 
and separated from sinners. Eph, v. 13 ; John xvi. 7 ; Prov. i. 20-24 ; 
John viii. 24. 

"VII. This is that principle by which God prepares the heart to wor- 
ship him aright ; and all the duties of religion, as praying, praising, and 
preaching, ought to be performed through the sanctifying power and 
assistance of it; other worship being but formal and will-worship, with 
which we cannot in conscience join, nor can we maintain or uphold it. 
Kom. viii. 26 ; 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. 

"VIII. Worship in this gospel-day, is inward and spiritual; for God 
is a spirit, as Christ teacheth, and he will now be worshipped in spirit 
and in truth, being most suitable to his Divine nature. AV^herefore we 
wait in our assemblies to feel God's spirit to open and move upon our 
hearts, before we dare offer sacrifice to the Lord or preach to others the 
way of his kingdom ; that we may preach in power as well as words, 
and as God promised and Christ ordained, without money, and without 
price. John iv. 23, 24 ; 1 Thess. i. 5 ; Isa. Iv. 1 ; Rev. xxii. 17 ; Matt. x. 8. 

"IX. This also leads us to deny all the vain customs and fashions of 
the world, and to avoid excess in all things, that our moderation may be 
seen of all men ; because the Lord is at hand to see and judge us accord- 
ing to our deeds. Tit. ii. 12 ; Kom. xii. 2 ; Phil. iv. 5 ; Eccl. xii. 14 ; 
Matt. xvi. 27 ; Rom. ii. 6 ; Rev. xx. 12. 

"X. We believe the necessity of the one baptism of Christ, as well as 
of his one supper, which he promiseth to eat with those that open 
the door of their hearts to him, being the baptism and supper signified 
by the outward signs; which, though we disuse, we judge not those that 
conscientiously practise them. Matt. iii. 11 ; Eph. iv. 1 ; 1 Pet. iii. 21, 22; 
John vi.; Rev. iii. 20. 

"XI. We honour government, for we believe it is an ordinance of 
God ; and that we ought in all things to submit, by doing or suffering ; 
but esteem it a great blessing, where the administration is a terror to 
evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. Rom, xiii. 1-5. 

" This hath all along been the general stream and tendency, both of 
our ministry and writings, as our books will make appear, notwithstand* 
ing what ill-minded and prejudiced persons may have strained to mis- 
represent us and our Christian profession. 

" William Penx, Thomas Story, 
" Anthony Sharp, George Rook.* 

*' Dublin, 3d month, 1G98." 

* Pemi's Select Works, London ed. 1771. 



APPENDIX. 677 



VINDICATION OF WILLIAM PENN 



RECENT CHARGES OF T. BAlilNGTON MACAULAV. 

It is not unusual for the bonefnctors of numkind to receive durini^ 
their lives the most ungrateful requital for their toils and their sacrifices; 
but it is the peculiar distinction of the founder of Pennsylvania, that 
after the lapse of nearly a century and a half, when liis merit has been 
proclaimed by the greatest historians and acknowledged by the united 
judgment of the world, an attempt to tarnish his memory should be 
pertinaciously adhered to with scarcely a shadow of evidence to support 
it. The charges against William Penn contained in the first and second 
volumes of T. B. Macaulay's History of England having been, as tlie 
author believes, thoroughly refuted in the twenty-second chapter of tiiia 
work, as well as by other writers, it was reasonable to expect that they 
would be retracted ; but, unhappily for his credit as an historian and his 
character as a man, he retains those calumnies in the last issues of his 
work, and in his third and fourth volumes has brought forward others, 
equally unfounded. The former charges related to transactions which 
took place in the reign of James II.; those which I now propose to 
examine relate to Penn's alleged participation in i»lots to restore the 
exiled king during the reign of William and Mary. 

Before I enter upon the examination of these charges, it seems proper 
to inquire what were the feelings entertained by Penn towards King 
AVilliam, and what motives he could have had to engage in plots against 
the government. It appears that, so far from having any antipathy 
towards William, Prince of Orange, his mind was early prepossessed 
in his favor. Nine years before the accession of William to the British 
throne, Penn addressed him a petition on behalf of some of the inhab- 
itants of Crevalt, a town upon the Rhine, who had been banished by 
the drost or governor on account of their religion. In this p-.-tifion he 
commends the great clemency of the ancestors of the Prince of Orange, 
and after stating the hardships of the poor exiles and the advantages of 
toleration in matters of religion, he adds: — 

«»Nor does the variety of opinion hinder arts, or ruin traffic, of which 
thecoiuitries ujider thy (jovernvient are a demonstration against tijo clauMrs 
of superstition. Thus, Csesar giving God his due, if the people shall 
refuse to Ciesar that which belongs to Ciesar, to wit, tribute and cicU 
obedience^ let the law b(^ executed with so much the more severity, by 
how much their pretences to goodness exceed those of other men."* 

* Junney's Life of Peun, p. 1^9. 

2Y 37 



578 APPENDIX. 



This principle of obedience to the existing government "William Penn 
invariably observed. 

As the Prince of Orange was one of the very few rulers, who, in that 
age, carried into practice the doctrine of religious toleration, Penn, in 
one of his Tracts, refers to the prosperity of Holland as a striking evi- 
dence of the benefits arising from so liberal a government. He also 
visited that prince in Holland, at the request of King James, to gain 
his concurrence in a general toleration of religious faith and a removal 
of the tests by which Dissenters in England were excluded from office. 

William then expressed himself in favor of toleration, so far as re- 
garded faith and worship, but he objected to the removal of the tests. 
This objection he afterwards withdrew, for we find that when, in the 
first year of the reign of William and Mary, the toleration act was 
passed by Parliament, a bill abolishing the test was, in conformity with 
the king's wishes, passed by the House of Commons ; but it was rejected 
by the peers.* 

In the following passage from a letter of Penn's to Lord Shrewsbury, 
written in 1689, he alludes to the partiality he had always felt for the 
Prince of Orange : — 

" I do profess solemnly in the presence of God, I have no hand or 
share in any conspiracy against the king or government, nor do 1 know 
any that have; and this I can affirm without directing my attention 
equivocally. And though I have the unhappiness of being very much 
misunderstood in my principles and inclinations by some people, I 
thought I had some reason to hope this king would not easily take me for 
a plotter, to whom the last government always thought me too partial.'^^ 

Let us now consider what motive William Penn could have had to 
plot against the government, or to promote the restoration of King James. 
Had he not for a long period entertained the most favorable sentiments 
towards William, Prince of Orange ? Had not that prince, after he be- 
came King of England, espoused the very doctrine for which Penn had 
ber-n zealously contending during twenty years ? Could any reasonable 
man suppose that James, if restored, would have it in his power to pro- 
mote the cause of religious liberty, as King William had done ? 

Tt is true, that Penn felt and always acknowledged a friendship for the 
exiled king, founded on gratitude for former kindness in protecting him 
from persecution, and granting relief to the oppressed at his solicitation ; 
but can we suppose that this motive would induce the great philan- 
thropist to ens^age in treasonable plots, or that he would desire to over- 
throw a government whose policy he approved ? He could gain nothing 
by the restoration of the Stuarts, and he was too thorough a Protestant 
to desire the return of the Jesuits to Whitehall. 

The motives which actuated the Jacobites who were plotting for the 
restoration of James, could have had no influence with Penn. They 

* Smollett's Cont. of Hnme, chap. i. § vii. 
t Menu Kist. Soc. Pa., vol. i. pt. i. p. 190. 



APPENDIX. 



were mostly venal politicians who expected to be rewarded with posts 
of honor or places of profit. Some of them were fanatical Papist<» who 
desired to overthrow the Protestant religion, Penn, on the contrary, 
while enjoying the sunshine of royal favor in the reign of James, had 
neither accepted nor desired any place or emolument ; his business at 
court was to advise the king to measures of justice and mercy, and ha 
endeavored to counteract the pernicious counsels of tiie Jesuits.* Can 
it be possible that he wished to see the priests restored to power? 

The conduct of Penn, when examined before the council in 1688, wan 
wise, candid, and manly. He admitted his friendly feelings towards 
the exiled king, who had been his own and his father's fritmd, but ho 
declared that he loved his country and the Protestant religion above 
his life, and never acted against either. His subsequent appearance 
before the king and council in 1690 is thus related by Macaulay : — 

"Among the letters which the government had intercepted was one 
from James to Penn. That letter, indeiid, was not legal evidence to 
prove that the person to whom it Wivs addressed had been guilty of high 
treason ; but it raised suspicions which are now known to have been 
well founded. Penn was brought before the privy council and interro- 
gated. He sa-d very truly that he could not ])reveiit people from writing 
to him, and that he was not accountable for what they might write lo 
him. He acknowledged that he was bound to the late king by ties of 
gratitude and affection which no change of fortune could dissolve. * I 
should be glad to do him any service in his private affairs ; but I owe a 
sacred dutv to my country; and therefore I was never so wicked as even 
to think of endeavoring to bring hirn back.' This was a falsehood, anil 
■William probably was aware that it was so."f 

The authority he cites for this passage is Gerard Croese, whose account 
does not furnish the slightest ground for the malicious charge founded 
upon it. One important part of Penn's defence, as stated by Croese, is 
suppressed by Macaulay. " He could not join with him [James] in 
what concerned the stat<? of the kingdom. "J 

There is abundant evidence to show that Penn did not approve of tho 
policy pursued by James, and that he remonstrated on several occasions 
with a boldness that few subjects would venture to assume. The nu'- 
moir of Lawton in the twenty-first chapter of this work shows that Penn 
not only remonstrated against the arbitrary measures of the king, but 
that he read to him anonymous letters written by Lawton, in which hU 
unpopular acts were severely censured. In confirmation of this stal*?- 
ment, I call attention to the following authorities, for which I am in- 
debted to the researches of W. H. Dixon: Van Citter wrote:— 

"Penn has had a long interview with the king, and has, he think% 
shown to the king that parliament will never consent to a revocation of 

* Tan Citter's Letter and Clarendon's Diary, 
•f- Macaulay, Uist. Eng., iii. ch. xv. Butler's edit., p. 181. 

+ Clarkson. This passage is rendered by W. H. Dixon as followi : *' H« l.i*d ueyel 
been able to agree with him fn State affairs." 



580 - APPENDIX. 



the test act and penal laws, and that he will never get a parliament to 
his mind so long as he rejects moderate counsels and refuses to drive 
away from his presence (or at least until he refuses to listen to) the 
immoderate Jesuits and other Papists who surround him daily." 

Clarendon says in his Diary that Penn " labored to thwart the Jesuitical 
influence that predominated." Johnstone says expressly that Penn was 
against the order comm.anding the Declaration to be read in the churches. 
Penn advised the king to release the bishops; and he pleaded for a 
general amnesty to the exiles. He counselled James to submit to the 
will of his people and be content with a toleration of his religion. Most 
of all, he advised the king against relying on the Catholic king of France, 
in preference to the good sense and high spirit of his own countrymen. 
As Van Citter says : — 

" He has advised the king, so long as his affairs at home are so change- 
able, and remain so uncertain, above all things to be cautious in his 
connection with France, lest the country should be discontented." 

To a dispassionate mind it must appear unaccountable that, in the face 
of all this evidence, Penn's declaration, which King William accepted as 
satisfactor}'^, should now be pronounced a falsehood. 

The other passages, in which T. B. Macaulay charges William Penn 
with being engaged in plots and treasonable correspondence, will be 
found on examination utterly unworthy of credit ; not being supported 
fey anj' reliable testimony. 

In his fifteenth chapter, after speaking of the treachery of Clarendon 
and others, about the time that King William embarked for Ireland, 
he saj's : — 

" The conduct of Penn was scarcely less scandalous. He was a zealous 
and busy Jacobite ; and his new way of life was even more unfavorable 
than his late way of life had been to moral purity. It was hardly pos- 
sible to be at once a consistent Quaker and a courtier ; but it was utterly 
impossible to be at once a consistent Quaker and a conspirator. It is 
melancholy to relate that Penn, while professing to consider even defen- 
sive war as sinful, did everj'-thing in his power to bring a foreign army 
into the heart of his own country. He wrote to inform James that the 
adherents of the Prince of Orange dreaded nothing so much as an ap- 
peal to the sword, and that, if England were now invaded from France 
or from Ireland, the number of Royalists would appear to be greater than 
ever. Avaux thought this letter so important that he sent a translation 
of it to Louis. A good effect, the shrewd ambassador wrote, had been 
produced, by this and similar communications, on the mind of King 
James. His majesty was at last convinced that he could recover his 
dominions only sword in hand. It is a curious fact that it should have 
been reserved for the great preacher of peace to produce this conviction 
in the mind of the old tyrant." 

' The authority cited for this grave accusation is a letter from Avaux, 
the French ambassador at the court of James II., who was then in Ire- 
land. The moral character of Avaux, as drawn by Macaulay himself, is 
10 dark as to throw a deep shade of suspicion on any evidence that hia 



APPENDIX. 5'-l 



writings may afford. After describing him as an admit courtier, he 
Hdds:— 

But it is not too much too say that of th.> ditference between rii^ht 
hnd wrong, Avaux had no more notion than a brute. On.' sentinu-nt 
was to him in the pUicn of religion and morality, a superstitious and 
intolerant devotion to the crown which he served." 

This sentiment p«'r.vades all his dispatches and gives a color to all his 
tlioughts and words.* No stronger proof of his bigotry and depravity 
can be required than the proposition he submitted to James while in 
Ireland to repeat there the bloody scenes of St. Bartholomew's, bv a 
geii.'ral massacre of the Irish Protestants. f 

But vile as is the witness in this case, his testimony falls far short of 
the accusation founded upon it. Avaux, in his letter to Louis XIV. 
does not say that " Penn wrote to inform James," but that he had si!en 
a letter from Penn. 

Even on the doubtful supposition that the letter was written by Penn, 
we have no right to conclude that it was addressed to King Jauu-s, or 
intended for his use. 

Penn had large estates in Ireland and many friends there. A letter 
of his to one of his friends may have been intercepted by the adherents 
of James, who had possession of a large part of Ireland. 

But was there anything treasonable or even improper in the informa- 
tion supposed to be derived from Penn's letter? 

"Important news," says Avaux, "has come from England and Soot- 
land. I have the honor to send your majesty a statement of it, such as 
I received it from the King of Great Britain. The beginning of the 
news dated from England is the copy of a letter of Mr."PeMn,\vhich I 
have seen in the original." 

The dispatch of Avaux begins with the following sentences, which, 
says Macaulay, " mitst have been part of Penn^s letter.''^ 

" The Prince of Orange begins to be much disgusted with the humor 
of the English, and the aspect of things changes rapidly, as is natural 
to these islanders, and his health is very bad." 

The remainder of the paragraph evidently relates to the news fr<>m 
Scotland, viz; : — 

•' There is a cloud b(\ginning io form in the north of the two kingdom^, 
wliere the king has many friends, which gives much uneasiness to the 
principal friends of the Prince of Orange, who, bt'ing rich, bogin to be 
persuaded that their fate will be decided by the sword, wliich they liavo 
so much endeavored to avoid. They apprehend an invasion \'T^-*\n Ire- 
land and France, in which case the king will have more friends than 
ever. The good eftVct, sir, which these letters from Scotland and Eng- 
bind have produced is, that they have already persuaded the Kins: of 
England that he can only recover his estates sword in hand, and it is wa 
small matter to have convinced him of it. "J 

* Macaulay, iii. 50. f Ibid., xiv. 

i Translated from the extract given by Macaulay from Araiix. V.,1. iii. c\ xr. 

2Y* 



ii^-1 APPENDIX. 

It is manifest that the only sentence in the dispatch that could possi- 
bly have been derived from Penn's letter was the short one relating to 
the disgust of King William with the conduct of many of the English, 
and his delicate state of health, which were facts well known to the 
})ublic, and might have been inserted without impropriety in a letter 
from any Englishman to a friend in Ireland. As William Penn solemnly 
declared that he *' held no correspondence abroad" with the enemies of 
the government,* we have no right to doubt his word without positive 
evidence to the contrary, and from reliable witnesses. f 

The next accusation against Penn is contained in the following pas- 
sage : — 

" The old traitors again mustered at the old haunts, exchanged sig- 
nificant looks and eager whispers, and drew from their pockets libels 
on the court of Kensington, and letters in milk and lemon-juice from 
the court of St. Germains. Preston, Dartmouth, Clarendon, and Penn 
were among the most busy."| 

The insertion of Penn's name among this band of conspirators is a gra- 
tuitous assumption, for in the paragraphs immediately ensuing, most of 
the writers of the intercepted letters are named, and Penn is not among 
them. Lord Preston, John Ashton, and a man named Elliott, undertook 
to convey to King James at St. Germains, the letters of the conspirators, 
together with a document containing their resolutions and suggestions. 
They were captured on the Thames, their papers were seized, and they 
were brought back to London. A description of these papers is given by 
Macaulay. Among them were a list of the English fleet furnished by 
Dartmouth, and several letters from persons of note in the Jacobite party. 
The writers of these letters were Clarendon, Catherine Sedley, and Bishop 
Turner, the latter of whom sent two "dispatches." But among the 
papers there was none from Penn^ and nothing that could implicate him. 

Ashton and Preston were brought to trial and sentenced to death ; the 
former, not being willing to make any disclosures, was executed ; but 
the latter was long kept in suspense, in order to terrify him into a con- 
fession. His conduct, as represented by Macaulay, was vacillating and 
pusillanimous. 

'' He listened to his brother Jacobites and his courage rose, he listened 
to the agents of the government and his heart sank within him." 
. . . . " Daring some time he regularly wrote a confession every 
forenoon when lie was sober, and burned it every night when he was 
merry." .... " At length the fatal hour drew near and the forti- 

* Letter of Wllliiim Penn. Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., vol. iv. pt. i. p. 198. 

f W. H. Dixon, who appears to haye examint'd the correspoudeuce of Avaux with Louis 
XIV., assert.s that "Avaux never says tlmt Penn did his best to bring a foreign enemy 
■ uto the heart of tlie country, he never suggests an}' such idea." . . . "Mr. Macaulay 
says Avaux thought Ptnn's letter so important that he sent a translation of it to Louis, 
Avaux sent no translation to Louis. At most, he only embraced a few lines in a budget 
of news from England and Scotland." 

X Vtl. iii. p. 218. 



APPENDIX. 583 



tude of Propton crave way. He confessed liis ecuilt, and named Clarendon, 
Diiriniouth, tlie IJishop of Ely, and Williuni I'enn as his accomplices, 
lie added h Ion;:; list of persons against wIkjih he could not himself tjivo , 
evidence, but who, if he could trust to Pcnns assurances, were friendly 
to Kins^ James. Anioncc these jiersons were D.'vonsliirt' and Dorset." 
. . . "There is not the slii^htest reuson," siiys Maeaulay, "to be- 
lieve tliat either of tiiese i^rt-at noldenjen ever had any dealini^s, direct 
(u- indirect, with St. Germains. It is not, however, lU'cssary to afcu.st; 
Penn of deliberate falsehood, lie was credulous and garrulous."* 

Preston was not executed, he was suffered to retire into privacy with 
"blighted fame and broken heart." lie complained of the scorn and 
contempt evinced towards him, and said that "many who had never 
been tried by temptation like his, had very cheaply earned a reputation 
for courage by sneering at his poltroonery, and by bidding detiance at 
a di.->tance to horrors which, when brought near, subdue even a constant 
spirit "f Such is the witness brought forward to destroy the character 
(>f a man whose exalted virtues and noble deeds have gained the love 
and admiration of mankind. 

Can it be po.<sible thiit any unprejudiced mind will give credit to the 
t<'stimony of such a witness, wrung from him by the fear of an ignomi- 
nious death ? 

Let us now consider Penn's defence, which appears to have been satis- 
factory to King William. In a lettiT written in 1G91 to Lord Komney, 
one of the king's ministers, he says: — 

" Let me be believed, and I am ready to appear, but when I remember 
bow they began to use me in Ireland U[)on corrupt evidence before this 
business* and what some ill people have threatened liere, besides those 
under temptation, and the providences that have successively appeared 
for my preservation under this retirement, I cannot, without an unjusti- 
tiable presumption, put myself into the power of my enemies. Let it be 
enough, I say, and that truly, I know of no invasions, or insurrections, 
men, money, or arms for them, or any juncto or consult for advice or 
correspondency iii order to it — nor have I ever met with those named as 
the members of this conspiracy, or prepared any measures with them, or 

any else for the Lord to*^carry with liim as our sense or judgment, 

noV did I know of his being sent up for any such voyage. If I saw him, 
a few days befi)re by his great importunity as some .^ay, 1 am able to 
defend (myself) from the i'mputaiions cast upon me, and that with great 
truth and sincerity, though in rigor, perhaps, it may incur the censure 
of a misdemeanor, and therefore I have no reason to own it without an 
assurance that no hurt should ensue to me."]: 

The blank in this letter has been supposed to be intended for the name 
of Lord Sunderland, but this is evidently a mistake, for Sunderland tied 
from England in 1688, returned from the continent in 1G90, made his 
])eace with the government and lived in seclusion until the spring of 
1691, when he again appeared at court. He was not concerned in the 
Jacobite plots after the revolution. The blank was evidently intendec 

* Vol. iv. ch. xvii. p. 6. t Ibid., p. 10. 

J Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., vol-, iv. pt. i p. 194. 



084 APPENDIX. 



for the name of Lord Preston, who had been Secretary of State undei 
James II. 

That Penn, induced by his importunity, should have allowed him the 
privilege of an interview, was an act of imprudence, but not an evidence 
of guilt. 

In a letter of Penn's to Thomas Lloyd and othrrs, written 11th of 10th 
month, 1693, he states the grounds on which he was acquitted by the 
king. He says : — 

"It hath pleased God to work my enlargement by tlirce Lords repre- 
senting my case, as not only hard, but oppressive; that there was no- 
thing against me but what impostors, or those that have fled, or that have, 
since their pardon, refused to verify (and asked me pardon for saying 
what they did), alleged against me; that they had long known me, some 
of them thirty years, and had never known me to do an ill thing, but 
many good ofBces ; and that for not being thought to go abroad in defi- 
ance to the government, I might and would have done it, two years ago ; 
and that I was, therefore, willing to wait to go about my affairs, as be- 
fore, with leave; that I might be the better respected, in the liberty I 
took to follow it. 

" King William answered : ' That I was his old acquaintance, as well as 
theirs, and that I might follow my business as freely as ever; and that 
he had nothing to say to me.' Upon which they pressed him to com- 
mand one of them to declare the same to the Secretary of State, Sir 
John Trenchard, that if I came to him, or otherwise, he might signify 
the same to me ; which he also did. The Lords were Rochester, Rane- 
lagh, and Sidney ; and the last, as my greatest acquaintance, was to tell 
the secretary; accordingly he did; and the secretary, after speaking 
himself and liaving it from King William's own mouth, appointed me a 
time to meet him at home; and did, with the Marquis of Winchester, 
and told me, I was as free as ever; and as he doubted not my prudence 
about my quiet living, so he assured me, I should not be molested, or 
injured in any of my affairs, at least while he held that post."* 

Here are mentioned three classes of accusers: 1st, impostors; 2d, 
those who had fled ; 3d, those who, since their pardon, refused to verify, 
and had asked Penn\^ forgiveness for what they had testified. The last 
class undoubtedly included Preston, who we may conclude repented of 
his false testimony after he was set at liberty. The first class included 
Fuller, who was declared by the parliament to be a cheat and a noto- 
rious impostor. That Fuller was one of these accusers may be seen by 
the following extract from a letter of Penn's, published in the Memoirs 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania: — • 

" Before the date of this business which is laid to my charge, I was 
indicted for high treason in Ireland before the grand jury of Dublin and 
a bill found upon the oaths of three scandalous men, Fuller, one Fisher, 
and an Irishman whom I know not, and the last has not been in England 
since the Revolution, nor I in Ireland these twenty years, nor do I so 
much as know him by name, and all their evidence upon hearsay, too. 
It may be, it is the most extraordinary case that has been known ; for 
that law, by which Englishmen are tryable, absent, here or there, is 

* Proud's Hist. Pa., p. 401. 



APPENDIX. 5^ 



bocnuse a subjoct of those dominions nmy commit treason abroad, whero 
lie cannoi be tried. But that an Enu:lishmaii in Kn;,rlji,,d, wulUini; about 
the streets, should have a bill of hi«;h treason found ai^ainst him in 
Ireland for a fact pretended to be committed in Ent,Hand, when a man 
cannot legally be tried in one county in Km^land for a crime committed 
in another: and the others are at ease that were accused for the same 
fault, and that Fuller is nationally stag«-d and censured for an impostor 
— that was the chief of my accusers — my estate in Ireland is, notwith- 
standing, lately put up among the estates\)f outlaws, to be leased for the 
crown, and the collector of the hundred where it lies, ordered to seizt? 
my rents and lease it in the name of the government, and yet though I 
am not convicted or outlawed."* 

In another of his letters addressed to Lord Rochester,! he speaks of 
"Fuller's evidence," on which the prosecutit)n in Ireland was fomided, 
and that prosecution having been commenced before the dale of Pres- 
ton's trial, shows that both these infamous men had appeared as wit- 
nesses against him ; and yet, Macaulay in a note (vol. iv. p. 9) asserts 
that " Fuller was not the informer on whose oath the warrant against 
Penn was issued." If ho was not the informer, he was at least one of 
the informers. All the testimony adduced b}' Macaulay in support of 
this charge was before King William and the members of his council. 
The noblemen who appeared on behalf of Penn expressed their belief of 
his innocence, and the king declared himself satisfied; shall we now, 
after the lapse of a century and a half, give credit to a calumniator who 
rakes up old exploded charges in order to tarnish the memory of the 
illustrious dead ? 

There is a clause in Penn's letter to T. Lloyd and others, to which I 
wish to call attention, as it has a bearing upon ani>ther of Macaulay's 
charges. The three noblemen stated to the king that but for the appre- 
hension of "being thought to ^o abroad in defiance of the government, 
Penn might and would have done it two years before, and that he wa>, 
therefore, willing to wait to go about his attairs as before, loith le<ive, that 
he might be the better respected in the liberty he took to follow it." 

In a letter to Lord Rochester, who had interceded for him, Penn 
allude? to his intention of going to Pennsylvania, which had been frus- 
tratcid by the accusations against him, and adds: — 

"The like T purpose now with God's help — but as I am not to trifle 
with the government that can so easily see whether I do or not, I desire 
it understood that I will not receive my liberty to go, ns a condiiion to 
go, and be there or here looked upon as an articled exife."X 

Tlu^se passages corroborate the accounts given by Penn's earliest bio- 
graphers, that after having been three times acquitted and again accused, 
and a warrant issued against him, he did not leave England, but secluded 
himself from the public eye and took private lodgings in London during 
nearly three years. His place of retreat must have been known to Ro- 

* Mem. Hist. Soo. I'eiin., vol. I. pt. iv. p. 199. t Il>'<^•, P- '■^'V, 

X Ibid., p. la:. 



586 APPENDIX. 



c-liester and Sidney, to whom he wrote letters during this period, and 
doubtless other members of the government knew that he was in Lon- 
don, but his sanotuar}- was not invaded, probably because the king did 
not wii-h him ari-ested. Yet he is accused by Macaulay with having 
n>;ule his escape to France. The passage is as follows : — 

" He lay liid in London during some months, and then stole down to 
the coast of Sussex and made his escape to France. After about three 
yvars of wandering and lurking, he, by the mediation of some eminent 
men, who overlooked his faults for the sake of his good qualities, made 
bis peace with the government, and again ventured to resume his minis- 
trations." 

The authority cited for this account, is the Diarj' of Narcissus Luttrel, 
who, in this case, recorded the idle gossip of the day without much in- 
quiry as to its foundation. 

There is no difficulty in disproving this charge, for letters and other 
writings of Penn are yet extant, showing that he resided in Londor. 
during the time of his seclusion, until his acquittal by the king. 

The most extravagant of all Macaulay's charges against Penn is con- 
tained in the following passage, viz : — 

"The return which he made for the lenity with which he had been 
treated, does not much raise his character. Scarcely had he again be- 
gun to harangue in public about the unlawfulness of war, when he sent 
a message earnestly exhorting James to make an immediate descent 
on England with thirty thousand men." 

To sustain this assertion, the following foot-note is referred to, viz : — 

" On December, 18-28 (1693) was drawn up at Saint Germains, under 
Melfort's direction, a paper containing a passage, of which the following 
i> a translation : ' Mr. Penn says that your majesty has had several oc- 
casions, but never any so favorable as the present ; and he hopes that 
your majesty will be earnest with the most Cliristian king not to neglect 
it; that a descent with thirty thousand men will not only re-establish 
your majesty, but, according to all appearance, break the league.' "* 

It will be observed that no mention is made here of the means by 
which this information was conveyed to Saint Germains. We know that 
Penn had not been there. If he had written, we may presume the let- 
ter would have been mentioned ; if he sent a verbal message, the mes- 
senger's name should have been given. As it is, we have no authority 
but Melfort. Let us inquire what is the value of his authority. His 
character is thus described by Macaulay: — 

" Of all the retinue [of King James] none was so odious to the people 
of Great Britain as Melfort. He was an apostate ; he was believed by 
many to be an insincere apostate, and the insolent, arbitrary, and 
menacing language of his State papers disgusted even the Jacobites.* 

. . . "He was a renegade; he was a mortal enemy to the liber- 
ties of his country ; he was of a bad and tyrannical nature ; and yet he 
was in some sense a patriot. The consequence was that he was more 
universally detested than any man of his time." 

* Vol. iv. p. 10. Butler's edit. 



APPENDIX* 587 



Speaking of intercepted loiters, he says : — 

"Sonio of them proved to be from Melfort and woro wortliy of him. 
Every line indicated those qualities which had made him tin; ai)liorr('ncG 
of his country and the favorite of his master. He announced with de- 
li2:ht the near approach of the day of vini^eiincre and rajiine; of tlie day 
wht-n tlit^ estates of the seditious would be divided amoni; the l<»y)«l, anil 
when many, who had been threat and prosperous, wouUl be exiles and 
beggars." .... " Even the Jacohitcs were disgu.-ted by learning 
that a restoration would be immediately followed by a confiscation and 
a proscrijjiion. Some of them tlid not hesitate to say that Mrlfort was u 
villain; that he hated Dundee and Balcarras ; that he wished to ruin 
them, and that to that end he had written these odious dispatches, and 
had employed a messenger who had very adroitly managed to be 
caught."* 

Such was the man on whose sole authority a grave charge agair.st 
"William Penn is founded; a charge so absurd, that it would be read 
with a smile were it not for the malevolence by which it was evidently 
prompted. 

The court of St. Germains was at that time the resort of needy re- 
fugees from Great Britain and Ireland, many of whom were, like Mel- 
fort, notoriously depraved. Having staked everything they held dear 
on the fortunes of the exiled king, they could hoj)e for no advancement, 
nor even for the needful comforts of life, without his restoration to the 
throne. It was, therefore, their policy to urge upon James the necessity 
of an invasion of England, which could only be effected by the aid of 
the King of France. The flattering promises of the English Jacobites 
bad proved illusive, no considerable insurrection had taken place in 
Great Britain, and Louis was becoming incresisingly cautious. What 
would be so likely to effect the purpose of these unprincipled men as 
to employ the name of William Penn, in whose veracity and integrity 
James had implicit confidence? But who, except T. B. Macaulay, can 
be so credulous as to believe, on such evideno<% that William Penn, who 
in early life sacrificed everything for his religious jirinciples, who carried 
out those principles by planting a colony without arms or military 
defence, in the midst of warlike savages; and who had emjiloyed his 
whole life in deeds of disinterested benevolence, could engage in a con- 
spiracy against a king whose policy he approved, or that he would advise 
the invasion of England with thirty thousand foreigners in order to 
enable the bigoted James to execute his threats of vengeance, rapine, 
«nd proscription ? Is it possible that any feelings of personal friend>hip 
♦.owards James could induce Penn to pursue a course so contrary to his 
religious principles, so injurious to his own interest*, and so disastrous 
to his country ?t 

* MHc-auliiy, iii. pp. 49, ol, 97. 

t In reliitiou to this ch;irfjo, W. 11. Dixon say." of Macaulay : " He cites a paper 'drawn 
up at St. Germains nnler Mel fort's directions.' 'Tbe paper is anonynions ; is neither 
signed nor aJ<Iros.:c<l,' says Miif-plicrson. But with it is a momorial l-y Williamson, an 



588 APPENDIX. 



There remains but one more accusation to notice, which is contained 
in the following paragraph, viz : — 

"A short time after his disappearance, Sidney received from him a 
strange communication. Penn begged for an interview, but insisted on 
a promise that ho should be suflered to return unmolested to his hiding- 
])lace. Sidney obtained the royal permission to make an appointment 
on these terms. Penn came to the rendezvous, and spoke at length in 
liis own defence. 

" He declared that he was a faithful subject of King William and 
Queen Mary, and that if he knew of an}' design against them, he would 
discover it. Departing from his yea and nay, he protested, as in the 
})resence of God, that he knew of no ph^t, and that he did not believe 
that there was any plot, unless the ambitious jirojects of the French 
govern nu'nt might be called plots. Sidney, amazed probably by hearing 
a person who had such an abhorrence of lies that he would not use the 
common forms of civility, and such an abhorrence of oaths that he would 
not kiss the book in a court of justice, tell something very like a lie, and 
confirm it by something very like an oath, asked how, if there were really 
no plot, the letters and minutes which had been found on Ashton were 
to be explained. This question Penn evaded. ' If,' he said, ' I could only 
see the king, I would confess everything to him freely. 1 would tell hiir. 
much that it would be important for him to know. It is only in that way 
that I can be of service to him. A witness for the crown I cannot be : 
for my conscience will not sufier me to be sworn.' He assured Sidney 
that the most formidable enemies of the government were the discon- 
tented whigs." 

The authority referred to in this case is Sidney's letter to King Wil- 
liam, in Dalrymple's appendix, part ii., book vi.* The part which relates 
to the interview with Penn is here subjoined. There is no signature to 
it; but in the margin are the words "In King William's cabinet," 
meaning, as he explains in the preface, that he found the letter in King 
William's private cabinet at Kensington : — 

''February the 21th, 169». 
" Sir : About ten daj^s ago, ^Mr. Penn sent his brother-in-law, Mr. Low- 
ther, to me, to let me know that he would be very glad to see me, if I 
would give him leave, and promise him to let him return without being 
molested. I sent him word that 1 would, if the Queen would permit it. 
He then desired me not to mention it to anybody but the Queen. I said 
1 would not. On Monday he sent to me to know what time I would ap- 
point I named Wednesday, in the evening; and, accordingly, I went 
to the place at the time, where I found him just as he used to be, not at 
all disguised, but in the same clothes and the same humor I have for- 
m<'rly seen him in. It would be too long for your Majesty to read a full 
account of all our discourse; but, in short, it was this: that he wa> a 
true and a faithful servant of King William and Queen Mary, and if he 

obscure spy, iu which occurs the passage used by Mr. Macaulay. Williamson was one of 
the wretfhccJ spies who sold intelligence to the court of St. Germains; a fellow who wag 
a Ijungler even in his scandalous trade, for he lacked the wit to give his communicationa 
an air of truth. lie could not invent even a plausible lie." 

* See Dalrymple's Memoirs, last appendix, page 183, which may be found in the Asto* 
Library, New York. 



APPENDIX. 589 



know anything that was projudicial to them or their govrrnnvnt, he 
would readily discover it; he protested, in the pre-<'nce of (>»d, that he 
knew of no plot, nor did he believe there was any one in Europe but 
what Kinjj: Lewis hath laid, and he was of opinion that King Jjinies knew 
the bottom of this plot as little as other people; he saith he knows your 
Majesty hath a great many enemies ; and some that came over with you, 
and some that joined you soon after your arrival, he was sure, wer*. more 
inveterate against you, and more dangerous tlian the Jacobit«'s ; for he 
saith there is n«n one man amongst them that hath common understand- 
ing. To the letters that were found with my Lord Preston, and the paper 
of the conference, he would not give any positive an-^wer ; but sjiid if he 
could have the; honor to see the King, and that he would >)e i)leased to 
believe the sinceritv of what he saith, and pardon the ingenuity of what 
he confessed, he would freely tell everything he knew of himself, and 
other things that would be much for his Majesty's service and intere>t 
to know ; but if he cannot obtain this favor, he must be obliged to quit 
the kingdoiTi, which hi; is very unwilling to do. He saith he might have 
gone away twenty times, if he had pleased; but he is so confident of 
giving your Majesty satisfaction, if you would hear him, that he was 
resolved' to expect your return before he took any sort of mojisures. 
What he intends to do, is all he can do for your service ; for he can't be 
a witness if he would, it being, as he saith, against his conscience and 
his principles to take an oath. This is the sum of our conference, and I 
am sure your Majesty will judge, as you ought to do, of it, without any 
of my reflections." 

it will be perceived that, in this instance, as in most others where Penn 
is concerned, Macaulay has taken the most unwarrantable liberties with 
his authorities, in order to extract an accusation against a character ho 
has determined to destroy. Sidney gives no intimation of his being 
" amazed" at Penn's declarations. Why should he be amazed ? There 
is every reason to suppose he gave entire credence to the assertions of a 
friend whose innocence he afterwards maintained in the presence of the 
king. He does not intimate that he thought Penn was telling "something 
very like a lie;" he does not say that "he asked how the letters and 
minutes which had been found on Ashton were to be explained." He 
doe^ not name the "discontented whigs," but attributes to Penn the 
assertion that some who came over with the king, and some that joined 
him soon after his arrival, were more dangerous than the Jacobites. 
This opinion was probably well founded, if there is any reliance to be 
placed upon the charges brought by Macaulay against the Duke of Marl- 
borough and others concerned in the revolution. This letter furnishes 
evidence that Penn was innocent of the treason imputed to him. Is it 
possible that a criminal against the government, conversing with one of 
its members, would venture to say, that unless he could obtain the favor 
of seeing the king and being believed on his word, " he must be obliged 
to quit the kingdom, which he was vry unwilling to do"? 

If Penn " protested in the presence of God," the expression was not 
re-arded bv himself, or others, as an oath. The Apostle Paul writes to 
the Komans : "God is my witness," and to the Galatians he says : " Be- 
hold, before God I lie not." Similar expressions are found occasionally 
2Z 



590 APPENDIX, 



in Tenn's letters, and none bat a captious objector would have noticed 
them. 

Perhaps the query may arise in many minds, " Why should T. B. Ma- 
caulay entertain hostile feelings towards Penn, who, he acknowledges, 
had many good qualities?" There is reason to believe that his hostility 
is to the Society of Friends, and that his attacks upon Penn's moral cha- 
racter are intended to wound the society through one of its most honored 
members. The distorted account he gives of George Fox and the early 
Friends, is another evidence of this unfriendly feeling. When he repre- 
sents George Fox as being in a state of mind " too much disordered for 
liberty, and not sufficiently disordered for Bedlam:" when he tells U8 
that by " looking at his own actings and writings we shall see no reason 
for placing him, morally or intellectually, above Lodowick Muggleton 
or Joanna Southcote," we must conclude that some inveterate prejudice 
or hostile feeling has disturbed the balance of his judgment. 

An American author who in elegance of style fully equals the British 
essayist, and whose authority as an historian is far superior, has ex- 
pressed his judgment of George Fox and William Penn in the following 
emphatic language :* — 

" The strong mind of George Fox had already risen above the preju- 
dices of sects." .... " The mind of George Fox had the highest 
systematic sagacity ; and his doctrine, developed and rendered illustrious 
by Barclay and Penn, was distinguished by its simplicity and nicety." 
. . . "Intellectual freedom, the supremacy of mind, universal 
enfranchisement — these three points include the whole of Quakerism, 
as far as it belongs to civil history." .... "Penn never gave 
counsel at variance with popular rights." .... "The political 
connections of William Penn have involved him in the obloquy which 
followed the overthrow of the Stuarts; and the friends to the tests, com- 
prising nearly all the members of both the political parties into which 
England was soon divided, have generally been unfriendly to his good 
name. But their malice has been without permanent effect." . . . 
" Every charge of hypocrisy, of selfishness, of vanity, of dissimulation, 
of credulous confidence ; every form of reproach, from virulent abuse to 
cold apology ; every ill name, from Tory and Jesuit to blasphemer and 
infidel, has been used against Penn, but the candor of his character 
always triumphed over calumny." 

Such testimony as this from a philosophical historian, who appears to 
have examined attentively the writings of Fox, Penn, and Barclay, and 
who informs us that he has verified every "fact relating to Penn by 
documents and original sources,'"! must have great weight wi'n un- 
prejudiced minds. 

But, it may be asked. Why should T. B. Macaulay entertain hostile 
feelings or strong prejudices against the Society of Friends? The fol- 
lowing passage, from the Westminster Review (Oct. 1850), suggests an 
answer to the question : — 

j^ * Bancroft's Hist. U. S., ii. pp. 332, 337, 399. f Ibid., p. 385, uote. 



APPKNDIX. 591 



" Tt is scarcely witliin our province to trace the circunistanoos of the 
rjirly association of the Macaulays — father and son — with the S«K-iety 
of Friends; to enter into the details of a contested election for Iviinhiirj^h, 
in which tlie said 'Friends' took an unusually active part; in whiih 
Thomas Bahington Macaulay sutl'ered an ignominious defcjit, as it wa-* 
said, mainly in consequence of the exertions of the said ' F-iends ;' still 
less shall we attempt to trace any connection hetween this» lefeat and 
the curiously elaborate and most painfully caustic attack wL.ch Thomas 
Babington Macaulay now makes on the Society of Friends, througl> </no 
of their members, whose memory has ever been cherished by that So- 
ciety with the fondest marks of approbation and esteem." 

Whether this suggestion be well founded or otherwise, I shall not 
attempt to decide; but independently of any such bias in the mind <^f 
T. B. ^[acaulay, he is deficient in some of the most important qualifica- 
tions of an historian. With an intellect highly developed, and n memory 
richly furnished, he appears to lack that sympathy with moral grandeur, 
which is an attribute of exalted genius, when brought under the refining 
intluonce of heaven ly truth. He has evidently no faith in disinterested 
goodness. He cannot conceive how any one from a sense of duty, or the 
luxury of doing good, should be induced to breathe the tainted atmo- 
sphere of a court where the venal, the profligate, and the gaj-S congre- 
gated to seek their own soltish ends. And yet the intercourse of William 
Penn with the court of James II., for the benevolent purposes he had in 
view, no more detracts from purity of character, than the visits of John 
Howard or Elizabeth Fry to the polluted abodes of misery and crime. 

AVhatever may have been the motives which prompted this gratuitous 
and unwarrantable attack upon the character of William Penn, there 
can be no doubt that the blow will recoil upon its author, and that the 
ultimate effect will be to place the Founder of Pennsylvania more pro- 
minently before the world as one of the purest and noblest of men. 



INDEX. 



Address to Protestants, 142. 
Amsterdam, meeting of Friends, 126, 133. 
Aubrey, William, son-in-law of Penn, 4S9. 
Autobiography of Penn, (JO, 03, 109, 261. 

Baltimore, Lord, 10.3, 160, 222, 228, 249, 276. 

Bancroft on the " Rise of Friends," 45, 

Barclay, Robert, 125; Governor of New Jersey, 162. 

Baxter, Richard, 116. 

Berkeley, Lord, 118, 

Bevans, bust of Penn, 564. 

Bishops, Penn against their imprisonment, 307, 336, 

Blackwell, Captain John, Governor of Pennsylvania, 351. 

Bownas, Samuel, imprisoned on Long Island, 478. 

Boundary question, 222, 228, 249, 276. 

Bradford, William, 478 ; prints an almanac, 559. 

Bristol, England, sufferings of Friends, 181. 

Burlington founded, 122. 

Calvert, Sir George, toleration, 105. 
Carteret, Sir George, 118, 

Charles II., declaration of indulgence, 97, 109; death, 263. 
Chester, assembly held there, 220. 

Charter of Pennsylvania, 166 ; new charter, 227 ; Logan's views, 493. 
Chigwell school, 22. 
Church of Christ, 42-48. 
Conventicle act, 65. 
Code of laws in Pennsylvania, 221. 
Counterfeiting trial, 230. 

Cornbury, Lord, Governor of New Jersey, 468. 
Colonists of Pennsylvania, character, 558. 
Clay pole, James, 176, ISO, 259. 
Chrisheim, Friends' meeting, 130. 
Crisp, Stephen, letter to Penn, 258 
Croese, Gerard, history, 270. 
Character of Penn, 565-571. 
692 



INDEX. 593 



Declaration of indulgence by Charles II., 97 ; revoked, 107. 
Declaration of indulgeuce by James II., 294, 336. 
Dixon's " Life of Penn," 193, 439. 
Duponceau, on early history of Pennsylvania, 563. 

Elizabeth, Princess Palatine, 127, 128, 137. 
Ebeling's " History of Pennsylvania," 562. 
Evans, J., Governor of Pennsylvania, misconduct, 480, 503, 509. 

Feuwick, John, llS, 119. 

Fiction found out. Penn's vindication, 272. 

Viewer, Enoch, first teacher in Philadelphia, 559. 

Vord, Philip, Penn's unfaithful steward, 514. 

^ox, George, 38: religious exercises, 40; imprisonment, 44; releaaed and 

ministry, 45 : advice to Penn, 51 ; death, 361 ; his character by Penn, 398 ; 

his land n^ Pennsylvania, 462. 
Friends, called Quakers, 23 ; rise, 38 ; principles, 46 ; meetings in New Jersey, 

124; in Pennsylvania, 234- their regard for Penn in England, 332. 
Vree Gociety of Traders, 194. 

Cordon's "History of Pennsylvania," his strictures answered, 289, 375. 
Gospel truths, 575. 

Harrison, James, 259, 260. 

Hicks, Thomas, controversy with Friends, 99. 

Historical review, unfair, 290. 

Hill, Richard, 506. 

Holmes, Thomas, surveyor, 196. 

Holy Experiment, 550-563. 

Indian trade monopoly refused by Penn, 176. 

Indians in New Jersey sell land, 122 ; speech about rum, 123 ; in Pennsylvania 
feed the colonists, 235; Penn's description of^ 238; Penn's intercourse 
with, 257 ; false alarm, 350 ; feasted by Penn, 430 ; cantico, 432 ; treaty for 
laud, 442; council, 446 ; visit to Penn, 449; visit William Penn, Jr., 474 ; 
act to prevent importation of Indian slaves, 501 ; religious labors of Fox 
and Penn among them, 561. 

Ireland, Penn's estate in, 23. 

James, Duke of York, 110; conveys territory to Penn, 196. 

James II. succeeds to the throne, 263; liberates Dissenters, 281; declare* 

liberty of conscience, 295, 336. 
Jesuits favored by James II., 265. 
Jennings, Governor of New Jersey, 432. 
Journey of Penn to Holland, 125. 

Keith, George, 100, 125; teacher in Philadelphia, 358; disowned, 374; church 

missionary, 478. 
Kiffin, William, 316. 

Labadie, John De, 133. 

Lawton's memoir concerning Penn, 299. 

Latey, Gilbert, 335. 



594 INDEX. 



Letters of Penn, to his father, 26, 28, 66, 81, 82 ; to Earl of Orrery, 32 ; to 
Arlington on toleration, 58 ; to G. Fox, 100, 111 ; to Lord Baltimore about 
oaths, 105; to Friends in Maryland, 106; to J. Fenwick, 118, 119; to 
Prince of Orange, 148; to A. Sidney, 154, 155, 192 ; to Friends in Pennsyl- 
vania, 168, 172, 255, 353, 379, 413, 522; to J. H. on "The Holy Experi- 
ment," 175 ; to the Indians, 179, 195, 196; to Robert Vickers, 183 ; to wife 
and children, 197 ; to S. Crisp, 204; to Lords of Plantations, 222; to a 
Friend, 223, 224 ; to Lord Culpepper, 225 ; to Lord Hyde, 226 ; to H. 
Sidney, 231 ; to Free Society of Traders, 238; to Duke of York, 253; to 
T. Lloyd and others, 259, 263, 287 ; to J. Harrison, 260, 284-287, 298 ; to 
Dr. Tillotson, 273 ; to W. Popple, 341 ; to his commissioners in Pennsyl- 
vania, 292, 452; to Lord Shrewsbury, 353; to Provincial Council, 356, 
357, 471; to T. Lloyd, 369; to R. Turner, 375, 389; epistle general to 
Friends vindicating himself, 362 ; to yearly meeting of London, 367 ; to 
Lord Romney, 368 ; to Lord Rochester, 380; to Czar of Muscovy, 407; to 
James Logan, 453, 455, 457, 458, 461, 462, 464, 468, 469, 470, 471, 474, 476, 
478, 481, 482, 485, 490, 499, 502, 512, 514, 522, 538 ; to R. Mompesson, 491 ; 
to Governor Evans, reproof, 510; to S. Carpenter and others, 519, 537 ; to 
colonists (expostulation), 529. 

Letters of Logan, 460, 468, 470, 476, 477, 480, 483, 484, 485, 493, 501, 503. 

Letters of Hannah Penn to Logan, 540, 541, 545, 546. 

Liberty of conscience, declaration of James II., 295, 336 ; established in 
Pennsylvania, 221. 

Lloyd, Thomas, President of Council, 259; resignation, 351; death and 
character, 394. 

Lloyd, David, a distui-ber, 421 ; enmity to Penn, 484, 486, 519; dispute with 
Governor Evans, 507 ; with Logan, 508 ; tribute to Penn, 556. 

Locke, John, 270. 

Loe, Thomas, at Oxford, 23 ; his death, 63. 

Logan, James, 420; secretary of Penn, 420; agent of Penn, 452; charges by 
assembly, 508 ; charges refuted, 509 ; goes to England and is acquitted, 
527-8; corresponds with Hannah Penn, 540-546; life at Stenton, 
death, 549. 

Logan, Deborah, annotation on Penn's character, 494. 

Mason and Dixon's line, 277. 

Magdelin College, 317. 

Macaulay's charges refuted, 308-327, 577. 

Mead, William, trial of Penn and Mead, 67; Mead, 110. 

Meetings for worship and discipline in New Jersey, 124 ; in Pennsylvania, 234. 

Memorial of Berkshire Monthly ^Meeting, England, 570. 

Moore, Dr. Henry, 102. 

^loore, Nicholas, imi)eached, 278. 

]\[onniouth's insui-rection, 268, 269. 

Newgate prison described, 93. 

New Jersey, west part sold to Fenwick, 118; his colony, 11 J; Penn one of the 

trustees, 120; constitution, 120; colonization, 121. 
New Jersey, East, transferred to twelve trustees, 162, 
New York visited by Penn, 210. 



INDEX. 595 



Norris, Isaac, letters relating to Penn's iuiprisouuient, 520, 521. 

Oaths required iu Marylaud, 105 ; Peun's treatise on oaths, 112. 
Oxford College, 23; Penu expelled for uou-uonformity, 24. 

Passengers in ship " Welcome " with Penn, 573. 

Penn, Admiral, 21, 23, 24; sickness and death, «3, 84. 

Penn, William, birth, 22; education, 23; expelled from home, 24; sent to 
France, 25; returns and studies law, 26; at sea, 2«j ; yent to Ireland, 27 ; 
joins the army, 28; aspires to a captaincy, 29; his p»rtrait, 3U; hears T. 
Loe and is convinced, 31 ; religious experience, 31 ; in prison at Cork, 32; 
released, 34; returns home and is expelled, 30; joins the Society of 
Friends, 38; becomes a minister, 51 ; writes " Sandy Foundation Shaken," 
54; imprisoned in the Tower, 55; writes "No Cross, No Crowu," 50; 
writes " Innocency, with her Open Face," 59 ; is relea.sed, 60 ; autobiog- 
raphy, CO; goes to Ireland, 63; arrested iu London, 66; his trial, 67; iu 
Newgate, 81; released, S3; writes against Popery, 87; imprisoned iu 
Tower, 88; trial before Sir J. Robiuson, 88; committed to Newgate, 92; 
writes " The Great Cause of Liberty of Conscience," 94 ; his marriage, W ; 
controversy with Thomas Hicks, 99 ; treatise on oaths, 112 ; on civil liberty, 
113-116; controversy with Baxter, 116; arbitrates between Fenwick and 
Byllinge, 118; trustee for New Jersey, 120; journey to Holland, 125; 
speech to a committee of Parliament, 138, 139; address to Protestant^;, 
142; letter to Prince of Orange, 148; advocates the election of A. Sidney, 
153; remonstrance of New Jersey trustees against taxation, 160; petitions 
Charles II. for land, 163; charter granted, 165; Markham Deputy Gov- 
ernor, 169; instructions, 174, 177 ; Penn embarks for Pennsylvania, 203; 
arrival, 205 ; great treaty, 211 ; visit to Maryland, 222 ; meets the council 
in Philadelphia, 227; embarks for England, 259; arrival, 260; favored by- 
James II., 265 ; charged with being a Jesuit, 272 ; on liberty of conscience, 
280; visit to Holland and mission to Prince of Orange, 2^2; aids the 
Scotch fugitives, 283; address to James II., 296; interest at court, 337; 
exposed to obloquy, 353 ; cleared in open court, 354 ; again arresU-d, 359; 
is discharged, 360; attends G. Fox's funeral, 361 ; ag:iin accused, 361 ; 
lives in seclusion, 362; vindication to his friends, 3()2 ; is deprived of his 
government, 377; his wife's decline, 377: writes "Just Mea.sures on 
Church Discipline," 382 ; writes "A Key to Quakerism," 3>4; an essay 
towards the peace of Europe, 384; writes " Retiectiousand Maxims," 385; 
acquitted by the king, 386 ; death of his wife, 387 ; memorial <.f her, 38.^ ; 
religious labors, 398 ; preface to G. Fox's journal, 398 ; second marriage, 
400; death and memorial of his son Springett, 401; writes "Primitive 
Christianity Revived," 405; waits on Peter, Czar of Muscovy, 4U7 ; 
removes to Bristol and visits Ireland, 408; controversy with Plympton, 
409 ; writes " Gospel Truths," 409 ; interview with a bishop, 411 : farewell 
sermon in London, 415 ; embarks for Pennsylvania, 415 ; certificates from 
Friends in England, 416 ; landing at Chester, 418 ; arrival in Philadelphia, 
418; reception, 422; birth of his son John, 423; visits the meetings of 
Friends, 431 ; his barge, 431 ; his dislike of tobacco, 432 ; meets Governor 
Nicholson in New York, 434; visit to Maryland, 434; to Indians at 



596 INDEX. 



Conestoga, 435; liberates his slaves, 438; necessity for his return to 
England, 445 ; meets the assembly, 446 ; gi*ants a new charter, 451 ; takes 
leave and embarks, 452 ; arrival in England, 455 ; his son William 
dissipated, 456; more fruits of solitude, 462; servants, 464; kindness to an 
enemy (Governor Hamilton), 466; remonstrance to the council, 467; 
proposes to sell his government, 487 ; answer to complaints of assembly, 
495 ; his heavy expenditures, 499, 500 ; admonition to Governor Evans, 
510; P. Ford's exorbitant claim, 514; suit in chancery, 517; goes to prison 
for debt, 520; released, 523; his expostulatory letter to colonists, 529 ; 
travels as a minister, 535; his health declines, 535 ; preface to J. Bank's 
journal, 536 ; negotiates for the sale of his government to the crown, 537 ; 
paralysis, 539 ; T. Story's account of Penn, 544 ; William Penn's death 
and funeral, 547 ; estate of William Penn, 548, 549 ; the " Holy Experi- 
ment," 550; character of Penn, 564. 

Penn, Hannah, her energetic government, 542; letters to Logan, 543-545; 
appoints Sir W. Keith Deputy Governor, 546; present from Indians and 
condolence, 547 ; her death, 549. 

Penn, William, Jr., 456; misconduct, 480; dissipation, 542 ; death, 549. 

Pennsbury Manor, 428 ; domestic arrangements, 430. 

Pennsylvania named by the king, 165; the charter, 166; Markham Deputy 
Governor, 169 ; price of land, 171 ; constitution and laws, 184 ; preface to 
constitution, 186; laws, 189; mild penal code, 191; arrival of Penn, 
205-208 ; code of laws, 221 ; council and assembly, 227 ; immigration, 233; 
prosperity of colony, 349 ; Blackwell Governor, 351 ; resigns, 355 ; T. Lloyd 
President of Council, 356; secession of territories, 372 ; government taken 
from Penn, 377 ; Colonel Fletcher's administration, 390; requisition for 
men and money, 391 ; government restored to Penn, 393 ; Markham 
Deputy Governor, 394; amendment of constitution, 395; Goodson and 
Carpenter assistants, 396 ; prosperity of colony, 397 ; speech of Penn to 
council, 424; charter relinquished, 427; D. Lloyd suspended, 427; 
assembly at New Castle, 440 ; requisition of king for money, 443 ; 
dilemma of assembly, 444; new charter, 451; A. Hamilton, Governor, 
452; his death, 465; Evans Governor, 473; spurious remonstrance of 
assembly, 486 ; scarcity of money, 498 ; new assembly friends of Penn, 
501; good laws passed, 501; D. Lloyd again in power, 508; charges 
against Governor Evans, 509 ; Gov'?rnor Gookin arrives, 525 ; the 
assembly grant money to the queen, 526 ; charges of assembly against 
Logan, 527 ; he embarks for Engl md, 527 ; is acquitted, 528 ; new 
assembly Penn's friends, 528 ; harmony restored, 534 ; act to prevent the 
importation of negroes, 524 ; Penn's paralysis, 539 ; government of 
Hannah Penn, 542 ; state of society in Pennsylvania, the " Holy Experi- 
ment," 550-563. 

Philadelphia, site of, 195; streets, 209; river bank, 210, 258; council and 
assembly meet, 227 ; Friends' public school, 358 ; yelloAV fever, 419 ; 
arrival of Penn, 419; act of incorporation, 452; population, 459; church- 
men's claims, 460; false alarm, 503. 

Peace principles illustrated, 551 ; among Indians, 561. 

Planter's speech, 562. 

Post office, 560. 



iNDi:x. 697 

Powder money exacted at New Castle, 505. 
Pusey, Caleb, visit to Indiaus, 350, 

Quit rents, 291, 292. 

Quarry, Colonel Ptobcrt, opponent of Penn, 421, 460, 4G8. 

Queen Anne, Friends' address to her, 457. 

Pcudyard, Thomas, De])uty Governor of East New Jersey, 162. 

Sandy foundation shaken, 54. 
baleui, New Jersey, founded, 119. 
Saumur, Penn studies there, 25. 
Scotch fugitives aided by Penn, 283. 
Sewell. William, historian, 2S4. 
Simcock, J., 259. 

Slaves to be free in fourteen years, 194 ; importation prohibited, 524. 
Slavery in Pennsylvania, 436; labors of Friends to remove it, 437. 
Story, Thomas, testimony to Penn's character, 410 ; goes to Pennsylvania, 412 ; 
interview with Penn, 418 ; takes office in Pennsylvania, 434. 

Talbott, Colonel George, 250. 
Taylor, Christopher, 259. 

Territories united to province, 221 ; dissatisfaction, 440 ; secede, 465. 
Tillotson, Dr., correspondence with Penn, 273, 276. 
Tithes, testimony against, 49. 

Toleration, letter of Penn to Arlington, 58 ; in Maryland, 105; act of Parlia- 
ment, 354. 
Townsend, Richard, narrative, 236. 
Treaty with Indians, 211; for land, 229. 
Treaty tree, 217. 
Trial of Penn and Mead, 67 ; trials in Pennsylvania, 230. 

Vincent, controversy with Penn, 53. 

Vindication of Penn from Macaulay's charges, 308, 577. 

Walk to measure land, 229. 
Whitehead, George, 60, 100, 335. 
Whigs and tories, 151. 
Wilkinson and Story, secession, 181. 
Witchcraft, trial for, 230. 

William and Mary crowned, 348; act of toleration approved, 354; death and 
character of King William, 456. 



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